....... 


^^ 


j  " 

HIST0BY 


OF     THE 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION 

IN  WESTERN  PENNSYLVANIA, 


COMMONLY    CALLED    THE 


WHISKEY  INSURRECTION. 


1794. 


BY 


H.  M.  BRACKENRIDGE, 

V 

AUTHOR    OF    THE    "HISTORY    OF    THE    LATE    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND,"    "VIEWS    OF 
LOUISIANA,"    "VOYAGE    TO    SOUTH    AMERICA,"    AC. 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 

PITTSBURGH: 
PRINTED   BY   W.    S.    HAVEN, 

CORNER  OF  SECOND  AND  MARKET  AND  THIRD  AND  WOOD  STREETS 

4  1859. 


E& 
Press 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1859,  by 
H.  M/BRACKENRIDGE, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Western 
.     ...  District  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 
Letter  to  Alexander  Brackenridge,  Esq.,         ......      Page  5 

CHAPTER    I.- 

Western  Pennsylvania  —  Population  —  Excise  Law — Public  Meetings — Acts  of 
Violence,  .  .  v  .1.  . .;:.;•  -.  ; /..  '  ,'j.  ...  .  15 

CHAPTER    II. 

Popular  Outbreak' — Attack  on  the  Marshal — Destruction  of  Neville's  House — 
Alarm  in  Pittsburgh  —  Escape  of  the  Marshal  and  Inspector,  .  .  39 

CHAPTER    III. 

The  Mingo  Creek  Meeting — Violence  of  Bradford — Speech  of  Brackenridge  — 
Causes  of  the  Outbreak  —  Case  of  Miller,  .  1  .  ...  .  57 

CHAPTER    IV. 

The  Robbery  of  the  Mail  —  The  self-appointed  Convention,  and  Circular  to  the 
Militia  Officers,  directing  a  Rendezvous  at  Braddock's  Field  —  The  Town  Meeting 
at  Pittsburgh, 79 

CHAPTER    V. 

The  Assemblage  at  Braddock's  Field — Difficulty  of  Saving  the  Town,          .         99 

CHAPTER    VI. 

Acts  of  Violence  following  the  Assemblage  at  Braddock's  Field  —  Tom  the  Tinker 
—  Delegates  to  Parkinson's  Ferry,  .......  127 

CHAPTER    VII. 

The  Meeting  of  the  Delegates  at  Parkinson's  Ferry  —  The  Resolutions  adopted 
there  —  Appointment  of  a  Committee  of  Conference,  .  .  .  152 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

The  Measures  of  the  Government  —  Arrival  of  the  Commissioners  —  The  Confer 
ence,  .  .  .  .  .  190 


102111 


iv  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference  laid  before  the  Standing  Committee  —  Dif 
ficulties  encountered — ^ote  by  Ballot — Majority  for  Peace,  but  not  satisfactory 
to  the  Commissioners,  ...  .*.  ..  .  •  «  " .  •  218 

CHAPTER    X. 

Reluctance  of  the  People  to  sign  the  Submission  —  Meeting  of  the  Congress  of 
Delegates,  and  a  general  Submission,  :  .-  .  .  .  .  .  246 

CHAPTE  R    XI. 

Calling  out  the  Military  to  suppress  the  Insurrection  —  The  Delegation  to  the  Pres 
ident  from  the  West,  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ....  263 

CHAPTER    XII. 

The  Army  enters  the  West  —  Its  ferocious  temper  —  The  Attempt  to  Assassi 
nate  Mr.  Brackenridge  —  The  Military  Inquests  —  Examination  of  Mr.  Brack- 
enridge,  and  Acquittal,  .........  288 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

The  Military  Arrests,  and  atrocious  Treatment  of  the  People  —  The  Dreadful 
Night  —  Withdrawal  of  the  Army  —  The  End  of  the  Insurrection,  .  312 


TO  ALEXANDER  BRACKENRIDGE,  ESQ. 


MANY  years  ago,  we  conversed  together  on  the  subject  of  republishing 
our  father's  work,  entitled  "Incidents  of  the  Western  Insurrection." 
which  had  been  long  out  of  print — although  remarkable  for  the  truthful 
and  graphic  account  it  gave  of  one  of  the  most  important  occurrences  of 
American  history.  But,  after  reflecting  on  the  subject,  we  concluded, 
that  however  interesting  as  a  piece  of  contemporary  history,  and  however 
much  it  might  conduce  to  his  fame,  there  were  considerations  of  delicacy 
and  feeling  which  stood  in  the  way  of  such  republication.  These  were 
principally,  the  strictures  on  the  acts  of  persons  who  had  passed  from  the 
stage  of  life,  but  whose  descendants  might  be  pained  by  the  exhibition 
of  their  forefathers  in  an  unfavorable  light.  Instead  of  pursuing  the 
course  which  at  first  suggested  itself,  I  adopted  the  plan  of  writing  a 
biographical  notice,  giving  a  brief  outline  of  the  incidents  of  the  Insur 
rection,  saying  enough  to  do  justice  to  our  father,  but  carefully  avoiding 
everything  that  could  possibly  wound  the  sensibility  of  any  survivor,  or 
descendant,  of  those  with  whom  he  came  in  conflict  during  those  trying 
times.  This  was  published  in  the  "  Southern  Messenger/'  Richmond, 
Virginia,  and  afterward  as  an  introduction  to  "  Modern  Chivalry." 

This  delicacy  was  not  met  in  a  corresponding  spirit.  A  work,  under 
the  title  of  "  History  of  Pittsburgh/'  was  published  by  Neville  B.  Craig, 
the  representative  of  the  " Neville  connection,"  in  which  there  is  a  most 
perverted  and  false  representation  of  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  West 
ern  Pennsylvania,  and  of  the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
the  grossest  misrepresentation  of  the  actions  and  motives  of  individuals 
who  were  most  active  in  restraining  the  excesses  of  the  people,  who  con 
sidered  themselves  aggrieved  by  the  excise  laws.  Our  father,  especially, 
who  had  been  at  variance  with  some  of  the  Neville  connection  previous 
to  the  insurrection,  in  consequence  of  professional  acts,  which  he  thought 
honorable — was  the  object  of  the  most  indecent  abuse  by  the  scurrilous 


VI  INTRODUCTION. 

writer  just  mentioned.  Charges  and  insinuations,  which  had  been  met 
and  annihilated  sixty  years  before,  were  revived,  and  where  proof  was 
wanting  to  sustain  them,  their  place  supplied  by  mere  vulgar  billingsgate 
epithets.  It  was  not  in  my  power  to  be  silent;  a  newspaper  controversy 
ensued,  and  the  detractor  was  treated  by  me  with  unavoidable  severity, 
as  well  as  others  whom  I  would  willingly  have  spared.  But  I  found  that 
in  the  narrow  bounds  of  a  newspaper  it  was  impossible  to  da_justice  to 
the  subject;  I,  therefore,  set  about  a  more  full  and  complete  narrative, 
of  historical  acts,  with  the  details  of  a  connected  memoir.  This  was  due 
to  my  countrymen  of  Western  Pennsylvania,  and  to  my  townsmen  of  Pitts 
burgh,  so  scandalously  libeled  by  Neville  B.  Craig,  in  his  pretended 
"  History  of  Pittsburgh." 

Our  father  was  first  drawn  into  the  vortex  of  the  popular  movement,  at 
the  earnest  solicitation  of  Col.  Neville,  the  son  of  the  collector  of  the 
excise,  with  the  avowed  object  of  preventing  the  excesses  of  the  disaf 
fected.  Although  opposed  to  the  oppressive  excise  laws,  as  was  every 
man  west  of  the  mountains,  with  the  exception  of  those  engaged  in  the 
collection  of  the  revenue,  he  never  for  a  moment  encouraged  any  illegal 
opposition.  Col.  Neville  was  a  gentleman  of  education,  and  the  only  one  of 
the  "  connection"  on  friendly  terms  with  him,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that 
he  failed  to  fulfill  the  engagement  to  which  he  was  bound  in  honor,  and 
which  will  be  more  fully  explained  in  this  narrative.  Our  father,  thus 
-placed  between  the  people  and  the  government,  as  negotiator  and  peace 
maker,  was  peculiarly  exposed  to  the  dangers  of  misconception.  In  telling 
the  truth  to  the  people  in  the  hearing  of  the  government,  and  to  the 
government  in  the  hearing  of  the  people ;  he  suffered  a  temporary  loss  of 
popularity  with  the  one,  and  incurred  the  suspicion  of  the  ether.  This 
was  only  rectified  by  time  and  events,  after  exposing  him  to  imminent 
danger  from  both  parties.  His  efforts  were  directed  to  two  objects  :  the 
first,  to  arrest  the  progress  of  opposition  to  the  government;  the  second,  to 
obtain  an  amnesty,  or  act  of  oblivion,  for  the  imprudent  acts  of  violeuce 
which  had  been  rashly  committed ;  in  other  words,  to  prevent  riots  from  as 
suming  the  formidable  front  of  insurrection.  In  this  he  succeeded,  and  for 
which,  instead  of  being  rewarded  by  the  civic  crown,  he  was  exposed  to 
the  danger  of  assassination,  of  government  prosecution,  and  popular 
obloquy.  Those  who  had  the  government  ear,  succeeded  in  producing  the 
impression  that  he  was  behind  the  screen,  the  instigator  of  every  illegal 
movement ;  while  the  very  same  persons,  with  the  usual  disregard  of  con 
sistency  attendant  on  falsehood,  insinuated  to  the  people  that  he  had  sold 
them  to  the  government  for  a  consideration  !  The  narrative  now  present- 


INTRODUCTION.  Vll 

ed  to  the  public,  will  exhibit  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  cases  on 
record,  of  great  services  remaining  not  merely  unrewarded  and  unac 
knowledged,  but  of  the  grossest  injustice  long  continued,  and  not  entirely 
corrected  to  this  day;  for  we  still  occasionally  hear  of  ^  the  insurgent 
Brackenridge."  In  appealing  to  the  unbiassed  and  impartial  judgment 
of  the  American  people,  and  especially  of  those  of  Western  Pennsylvania, 
I  will  boldly  put  in  issue  the  assertion,  that  he  saved  the  western  country 
from  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  the  town  of  Pittsburgh  from  destruction, 
and  the  Federal  Union  from  the  greatest  danger  it  has  ever  encountered. 

Such  was  the  sinister  influence  of  these  misrepresentations,  by  persons 
who  had  joined  the  army  on  its  march  to  put  down  an  insuprection  which 
never  existed,  and  even  after  mob  violence  had  ceased,  that  even  Alexan 
der  Hamilton,  who  was  the  head  and  front  of  the  expedition,  appears  to 
have  conceived  the  most  unfounded  prejudice  against  the  people,  and 
against  individuals.  A  letter  written  by  him  from  Bedford,  which  has  been 
preserved,  and  very  improperly  published  in  his  posthumous  works,  by 
those  who  did  not  know  what  they  were  about,  contains  the  following  lan 
guage  :  "  It  appears  that  Brackenridge  did  not  subscribe  [the  amnesty] 
until  after  the  day,  and  it  is  proved  that  he  is  the  worst  of  all  scoundrels/' 
Thus  the  author  of  the  amnesty  was  to  be  denied  its  benefits,  because 
being  engaged  through  the  day  in  riding  through  the  rural  districts,  per 
suading  the  people  to  sign,  he  did  not  reach  home  until  after  midnight. 
And  yet,  nine  days  after,  when  Hamilton  was  enabled  to  judge  for  him 
self  on  the  spot,  and  after  hearing  the  "  chief  insurgent,"  and  receiving 
the  statements  of  reliable  persons,  he  expresses  himself  as  follows:  "Mr. 
Brackenridge,  my  impressions  were  unfavorable  to  you ;  you  may  have 
observed  it ;  I  now  think  it  my  duty  to  inform  you  that  not  a  single  one 
remains ;  had  we  listened  to  some  people,  I  know  not  what  we  might  have 
done ;  your  conduct  has  been  horribly  misrepresented,  owing  to  miscon 
ception  ;  I  will  announce  you  in  this  point  of  you  to  Gen.  Lee,  who 
represents  the  Executive  j  you  are  in  no  personal  danger,  and  will  not  be 
troubled  even  with  a  simple  inquisition  by  the  judge — what  may  be  due 
to  yourself  with  the  public,  is  another  question. " 

On  this  hint  our  father  prepared  his  account  of  the  insurrection,  pub 
lished  a  year  afterward,  and  containing  the  above  passage,  which  was 
never  contradicted,  although  Hamilton  lived  many  years  after  the  publi 
cation.  Craig  admits  the  fact  of  the ."  acquittal,"  as  he  calls  it,  but  ques 
tions  the  language  ascribed  to  Hamilton.  On  what  grounds  ?  On  the 
principles  of  historical  evidence?  No — on  the  narrow  technical  rules  of  a 
court  of  justice.  But  when  asked  by  me,  was  not  this  published  at  the 


Vlll  INTRODUCTION, 

time,  and  as  it  were  in  the  presence  of  the  Neville  connection,  who  were 
implicated,  and  could  they  not  have  appealed  to  Hamilton  ?  his  only 
reply  is  an  absurd  equivocation,  very  little  complimentary  to  the  high 
aristocratic  association  or  cabal,  of  which  he  is  the  representative :  "Presley 
Neville  was  too  indolent  to  undertake  the  task,  and  the  others  had  not  the 
ability."  Alas  !  poor  Yorick  ! 

The  suggestion  of  Hamilton  was  adopted,  and  produced  a  rare  example 
of  the  value  of  contemporary  history.  There  is  not  only  the  conscien 
tious  evidence  of  an  honest  witness,  but  also  under  the  restraints  of 
the  thousand  other  witnesses,  ready  to  challenge  any  material  devia 
tion  from  truth.  No  man  having  a  regard  for  his  reputation,  would, 
under  such  circumstances,  run  the  risk  of  contradiction.  There  is 
scarcely  an  instance  in  which  the  author  relies  on  his  own  naked  asser 
tions,  without  reference  to  persons  who  were  present,  and  who  had  it  in 
their  power  to  confute  or  confirm.  Besides  this,  a  case  was  regularly  made 
before  the  great  tribunal  of  public  opinion,  and  a  challenge  formally 
given  to  all  to  appear  before  it,  if  they  chose  to  call  the  author's  veracity 
in  question.  They  were  silent,  and  this  silence  must  be  taken  for  an 
admission  of  the  truth  of  his  statements.  It  is,  besides,  in  almost  every 
material  point,  sustained  by  statements  of  unimpeachable  witnesses,  many 
of  them  under  the  solemnity  of  an  oath.  Among  these  statements  are 
those  of  the  most  distinguished  public  men  then  in  Western  Pennsyl 
vania.  Short  extracts  were  made  from  some  of  these,  and  added  to  the 
biography  published  in  the  "  Literary  Messenger."  Neville  Craig  objects 
to  these  extracts,  because  they  do  not  contain  the  whole,  and  falsely  insin 
uates  that,  if  the  whole  of  the  papers  were  published,  there  would  appear 
certain  qualifications  which  would  change  their  character;  secondly,  that 
the  persons  who  gave  their  testimony  in  his  favor  were  actuated  by  charita 
ble  motives  in  disguising  the  truth.  To  meet  the  first  objection,  the  docu 
ments  are  now  published  in  full ;  as  to  the  second,  the  only  answer  is 
silence — anything  else  would  be  an  insult  to  the  reader. 

These  few  extracts,  considering  the  standing  and  distinguished  charac 
ter  of  the  persons  from  whom  they  were  drawn,  are  sufficient,  without 
any  thing  further,  to  satisfy  any  man  of  decent  understanding — any  man 
of  candor — any  man  who  pretends  to  have  the  feelings  of  a  gentleman. 
James  Ross  was  the  Senator  in  Congress,  and  one  of  the  Commissioners 
appointed  by  the  government  to  treat  with  the  supposed  insurgents,  and 
with  whom  our  father  was  almost  in  daily  conference  during  that  period  ; 
his  statement  covers  every  ground  which  could  possibly  be  occupied. 
General  John  Wilkins,  who  also  acted  with  him — Judge  Addison — John 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 

Hoge,  State  Senator — Henry  Purviance,  Prosecuting  Attorney — would 
alone  carry  with  them  an  irresistible  weight  of  authority.* 

The  "  History  of  the  Western  Insurrection,"  by  William  Findley,  was 
published  the  year  after  the  "  Incidents."  These  two  contemporary  publi 
cations  are  the  sources  whence  the  work  now  offered  to  the  public  was 
mainly  drawn.  I  was  but  a  boy  at  the  time  of  the  events  related,  yet 
from  precocious  training,  and  being  constantly  in  the  society  of  my  father, 
I  was  accustomed  to  take  an  interest  in  public  affairs  far  beyond  my 
years ;  I  heard  all  the  circumstances  related  by  eye  witnesses,  and  heard 
it  universally  admitted,  that  by  his  address  and  activity,  the  town  was 
saved  from  destruction  by  the  mob  which  marched  in  from  Braddock's 
Field. 

In  the  face  of  the  testimony  of  persons  of  the  highest  standing  in  the 
West,  Neville  Craig,  in  his  book,  insinuates  that  our  father  was  the  secret 
instigator  of  every  unlawful  act  done  by  the  mob  !  He  also  declares  that 
his  only  motive  was  an  insane  ambition  to  be  elected  to  Congress,  for 
which  he  was  then  a  candidate,  without  regarding  the  fact,  that  in  the 
course  pursued  by  him,  he  had  entirely  sacrificed  his  popularity  !  He 
tells  us,  also,  that  he  was  bought  by  the  government ;  and  again,  that  he 
only  saved  his  life  by  agreeing  to  turn  " State's  evidence"  against  his 
instruments,  affording  a  curious  instance  of  a  principal  saving  himself  by 
denouncing  his  obscure  accomplices.  When  these  false  and  absurd  asser 
tions  were  nailed  to  the  counter  in  our  newspaper  controversy,  he  endeav- 

*  In  a  recent  publication  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society,  a  letter  by  John  Wilkins,  Esq.,  Sr.,  is  given  in  mistake  as  from  Gen. 
Wilkins,  his  son.  The  meagre  memoirs  of  James  Gallatin  is  scarcely  deserving  of 
notice.  The  extracts  above  referred  to  are  as  follows  : 

"I  saw  many  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  the  country,  and  for  the  establishment  of  the  government;  I 
thought  none  of  them  more  sincerely  so  than  yourself."  JAMES  Ross. 

"  My  opinion  of  your  conduct  throughout  the  whole  of  the  insurrection  in  this  country,  I  will  give 
without  reserve.  It  appears  to  have  two  objects,  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  present  violence,  and  to 
procure  an  amnesty  for  that  already  committed,  and  thus  prevent  the  flame  from  spreading  beyond  the 
country  in  which  it  had  originated."  HENRY  PURVIANCE. 

"  I  had  daily  opportunity  of  observing  your  conduct,  and  conversing  with  you ;  I  never  had  a  doubt 
but  that  you  were  actuated  by  the  purest  motives,  and  anxious  for  the  restoration  of  the  laws." 

JOHN  WILKINS. 

"  I  know  you  have  enemies,  and  believe  they  are  my  friends ;  I  respect  them  and  regard  you ;  the 
belief  that  you  directly  or  indirectly  was  concerned  in  the  late  insurrection,  can  only  be  entertained  by 
those  who,  from  their  distance  from  the  scene  of  action,  have  been  imposed  upon  by  misrepresentation, 
and  have,  therefore,  formed  conclusions  upon  illfounded  premises,  or  by  your  enemies,  have  prevented 
inquiry."  JOHN  HOGE. 

"  It  is  impossible  for  me,  without  erasing  all  my  impressions  of  your  character  and  conduct,  to  suppose 
you  ever  advised  any  illegal  opposition  to  the  excise  laws."  ALEXANDER  ADDISON. 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

ored  to  shelter  himself  behind  Hildreth,  from  whose  History  of  the 
United  States  he  had  extracted  some  of  the  offensive  passages  which  he  had 
adopted  as  his  own.  The  character  of  Hildreth,  as  a  mere  partisan  bigot, 
is  well  known  :  the  disparaging  manner  in  which  he  has  spoken  of  Jeffer 
son  and  Madison,  and  his  idolatry  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  had 
doubtless  great  qualities,  but  was  not  a  god,  have  fixed  a  low  estimate  on 
his  political  works.  It  was  reserved  for  Neville  Craig  to  use  such  expres 
sions  as  these — " Brackenridge  was  a  cold-blooded,  calculating  villain" — 
he  was  the  "worst  of  scoundrels" — which  could  not  fail  to  rouse  and 
justify  the  most  indignant  feelings  on  the  part  of  his  descendants  and 
relatives.  If  Craig  has  been  handled  with  severity,  it  is  only  the  conse 
quence  of  his  own  malignity. 

There  is  one  passage  in  his  book  which  I  cannot  refrain  from  quoting, 
as  a  curiosity.  It  is  a  striking  instance  of  that  perverted  view  of  per 
sons  and  things,  which  characterizes  his  peculiar  mind.  Here  it  is  : 
"  Of  the  leading  actors  in  this  insurrection,  Brackenridge,  Gallatin^  Find- 
ley,  Smiley,  all  foreigners  by  birth,  all  subsequently  partook  largely  of 
popular  favor ;  and  Bradford  alone,  a  native  born,  the  bravest  and  best 
among  them,  fled  to  Louisiana,  then  a  Spanish  province/'  Can  any  one 
point  out  the  meaning  of  this  stupid  paragraph  ?  What  inference  is  to  be 
drawn  from  the  fact,  of  the  four  being  foreigners  by  birth ;  although  in 
America  long  before  the  Revolutionary  war,  having  fought  through  it,  and 
in  the  case  of  our  father,  having  come  in  childhood  ?  Before  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  all  were  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  all  then 
living,  according  to  this,  must  be  regarded  as  foreigners  !  But  the  most 
singular  part  of  this  curious  intellectual  obliquity,  is  the  saying,  that 
Bradford,  "the  bravest  and  best  among  them,  fled  to  Louisiana,- then  a 
Spanish  territory."  Is  this  the  evidence  of  his  being  the  "  best  and  the 
bravest "  among  those  who  defeated  his  wicked  and  foolish  attempt  to 
excite  an  insurrection  and  civil  war  ?  It  would  be  an  idle  waste  of  words 
to  pursue  such  nonsense  any  further — such  perverted  notions  of  patriot 
ism  and  moral  worth,  are  deserving  only  of  a  verdict  of  lunacy. 

But  is  there  not  a  key  to  this  strange  laudation  of  the  traitor  Brad 
ford,  "  the  bravest  and  the  best,of  them  all  ?"  We  shall  see. 

Neville  Craig  declared  in  his  controversy  with  me,  that  from  his  earliest 
childhood  he  had  conceived  a  deadly  hatred  to  "  the  insurgent  Bracken 
ridge,"  and  a  firm  conviction  of  his  criminality — and  of  course  imbibed 
from  his  elders  of  the  "  Neville  connection."  I  will  always  except  Col. 
Presley  Neville,  who  might  have  cherished  different  feelings,  under  dif 
ferent  circumstances.  This  deadly  hatred  is  easily  explained  by  the  cir- 


INTRODUCTION.  XI 

ciiinstance  of  "  the  insurgent  Brackenridge  "  having  on  a  certain  occasion 
compelled  one  of  the  connection  to  bring  back,  and  restore  to  freedom,  a 
free  colored  woman,  who  had  been  run  off  to  Kentucky.  This  led  to  a 
deadly  feud,  and  fierce  personal  rencontre,  and  suits  were  depending  in 
court  at  the  time  of  the  breaking  out  of  the  insurrection.  Besides  this, 
the  lawyer,  although  no  abolition  fanatic,  (as  Neville  Craig  is  at  present,) 
was  yet  friendly  to  the  scheme  of  gradual  extinction  of  slavery,  while  the 
"  connection,"  originally  from  Virginia,  and  holding  lands  under  Virginia 
grants,  were  the  only  large  slaveholders  in  the  country. 

A  few  days  after  the  destruction  of  the  house  of  the  elder  Neville  by 
the  rioters,  a  numerous  meeting  was  convened  at  the  Mingo  creek  meet 
ing-house,  a  large  majority  of  which  was  composed  of  persons  who  had 
been  engaged  in  the  outrage.  At  the  solicitation  of  Neville  the  younger, 
(Presley  Neville,)  the  " insurgent  Brackenridge"  attended.  Bradford 
appeared,  and  in  an  inflammatory  speech  insisted  on  a  vote  to  "sustain  the 
brave  fellows  who  had  been  engaged  in  burning  Neville's  house."  This 
was  defeated  by  the  "  insurgent  Brackenridge/'  and  which  caused  the 
meeting  to  break  up.  Is  this  a  key  to  the  subsequent  conduct  of  Major 
Craig  ?  Surely,  that  gentleman  could  not  approve,  or  ever  after  consim- 
ilate  with  the  man  who  could  applaud  the  treason  and  the  destruction  of 
his  father-in-law's  property?  This  is  not  to  be  supposed.  When  Brad 
ford,  a  few  days  after  this,  employed  a  half-witted  desperado  to  stop  the 
post  rider,  and  steal  the  mail,  and  deliver  it  to  him — this,  certainly,  did  not 
meet  the  approbation  of  the  Neville  connection  !  When,  again,  the  same 
individual,  a  few  days  later,  of  his  own  authority,  issued  circulars  to  the 
commanders  of  militia  regiments,  to  assemble  at  the  places  of  annual 
rendezvous,  where  important  secrets  were  to  be  revealed  to  them,  deeply 
affecting  their  interests  and  their  safety — this,  certainly,  is  no  proof  that 
Bradford  was  the  "  bravest  and  the  best."  When  at  that  meeting  the  in 
tercepted  letters  of  the  Neville  connection  were  produced,  and  read  by 
Bradford,  and  the  intention  was  avowed  to  march  into  town,  destroy  the 
houses  of  the  so-called  public  enemies — this  project  was  again  defeated  by 
the  address  and  management  of  the  "insurgent  Brackenridge."  A  pre 
tended  banishment  of  the  obnoxious  persons,  by  the  town,  had  been  en 
acted — a  mere  tub  to  the  whale — the  only  thing  which  could  have  saved 
the  lives  and  property  of  the  proscribed  persons,  and  consequently  the 
town  itself  from  destruction.  Now,  is  there  anything  in  this  to  approve 
in  the  conduct  of  Bradford  ?  No,  certainly.  When,  afterward,  at  the 
Parkinson's  Ferry  meeting  of  the  delegates,  Bradford  brought  forward  his 
treasonable  plans  for  levying  war  against  the  government,  in  which  he  was 


Xll  INTRODUCTION. 

again  baffled  by  the  odious  "  insurgent  Brackenridge,"  I  would  ask, 
whether  such  attempt  was  approved  by  the  "  connection,"  or  their  repre 
sentative,  Neville  Craig?  Surely  no.  Yet,  according  to  this  historian, 
Bradford  was  the  "  bravest  and  the  best."  When,  after  the  conference  of 
the  commiteee  of  twelve  with  the  United  States  Commissioners,  they  had 
agreed  to  submit  to  the  government,  on  the  condition  of  amnesty,  and 
the  "insurgent Brackenridge"  repaired,  with  the  report  he  had  drawn  up, 
to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  standing  committee  of  sixty,  at  Brownsville, 
Bradford  was  the  only  one  of  the  twelve  who  opposed  its  adoption,  and 
again  brought  forward  his  treasonable  propositions,  in  which  he  was  again 
defeated  by  the  insurgent,  who,  in  the  boldest  and  most  unqualified  terms, 
denounced  the  conduct  of  the  rioters,  insurgents  and  traitors,  or  whatever 
else  they  may  be  called, — at  the  same  time  offering  up  the  last  shred  of 
his  popularity  on  the  altar  of  patriotism.  What  says  the  representative 
of  the  "  Neville  connection  "  on  this  head  ?  Bradford  was  the  "  bravest 
and  the  best,"  and  "  Brackenridge,  a  cold-blooded,  calculating  villain" — 
u  a  deceitful,  unprincipled  demagogue." 

When  the  army  and  the  government  officials  reached  the  scene  of  the 
recent  outrages,  their  minds  had  been  poisoned  by  the  so-called  exiles,  and 
those  who  returned  with  the  army;  their  rage  was  directed  against  those 
who  had  exerted  themselves  in  the  most  meritorious  manner  on  the  side  of 
the  government,  during  the  continuance  of  the  disturbance,  and  against 
none  of  them  more  relentlessly  than  against  the  "  insurgent  Bracken 
ridge."  An  inquisition  was  instituted,  and  evidence  against  him  sought 
from  every  quarter,  the  Nevilles  acting  as  prosecutors  on  this  star-cham 
ber  tribunal.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before  Hamilton  and  his  associates 
began  to  open  their  eyes,  and  to  see  into  the  true  motives  and  the  falsity 
of  the  pretended  accusation.  A  trivial  circumstance  served  to  cause  the 
ungenerous  persecution  to  explode  like  a  rotten  egg.  A  fragment  of  a 
letter  had  been  picked  up,  addressed  to  Bradford,  with  the  signature  of 
H.  H.  Brackenridge  appended.  It  alluded  in  a  mysterious  manner  to 
some  papers  that  were  wanting  before  proceeding  in  the  matter.  Accord 
ing  to  the  conjecture  of  the  author  of  the  "  Incidents,"  this  was  done  by 
Major  Craig,  in  his  capacity  of  notary  public — for  this  was  one  of  his 
offices — but  he  gives  it  only  as  conjecture,  which  he  never  substitutes  for 
fact.  When  the  investigation  was  nearly  brought  to  a  close,  this  ominous 
paper  was  produced  by  Hamilton,  and  turning  to  James  Ross,  he  observed : 
"  Mr.  Ross,  you  have  pledged  yourself  that  there  was  no  correspondence 
between  Brackenridge  and  Bradford — what  do  you  say  to  this — is  not  this 
the  handwriting  of  Brackenridge  ?  "  "  It  is  his  handwriting,"  said  Ross, 


INTHODUCTION.  Xlll 

"  but  there  is  only  this  small  difference  in  the  case — this  letter  is  ad 
dressed  to  William  Bradford,  (Attorney  General,  and  one  of  the  Commis 
sioners,)  and  not  to  David  Bradford/'  A  profound  silence  ensued,  as  if 
a  rock  had  fallen — that  silence  was  first  broken  by  Hamilton.  "  Gentle 
men,"  said  he,  "we  are  going  too  fast — we  must  stop  here."  It  was  but 
a  day  or  two  after  this  that  the  personal  conference  took  place  between 
him  and  the  intended  victim  of  the  "  connection." 

Now,  if  the  mere  circumstance  of  addressing  a  letter  to  Bradford  by 
the  "  insurgent  Brackenridge,"  was  a  ground  of  suspicion,  what  shall  we 
say  of  the  friendly  letter  addressed  to  that  person  by  Major  Craig,  shortly 
before  Bradford's  flight,  as  a  self-convicted  traitor,  with  all  the  wrongs 
done  or  intended  to  the  "  Neville  connection  "  on  his  head  ?  Could  any 
one  of  the  connection  correspond  with  such  a  man,  under  any  circum 
stances,  without  a  disregard  of  all  delicacy  or  propriety?  There  can  be 
no  excuse  or  apology  for  such  an  act ;  the  only  clue  to  it  is  the  deep  and 
deadly  feeling  of  hatred  to  the  "  insurgent  Brackenridge."  The  ostensible 
motive  for  this  revolting  act,  was  to  learn  from  Bradford  whether  the 
"  insurgent  Brackeuridge "  had  manifested  hostile  feelings  to  Craig, 
personally,  especially  at  Braddock's  Field,  in  the  committee  of  officers, 
and  had  spoken  of  him  in  a  disrespectful  manner.  Was  there  no 
other  person  but  the  traitor  Bradford  to  whom  such  inquiry  could  be  ad 
dressed  ?  The  truth  is  too  palpable — and  sustains  the  conjecture  of  the 
"  Incidents" — that  the  real  design  was  to  make  a  witness  of  Bradford 
against  the  supposed  insurgent;  and  knowing  his  reckless  disregard  of 
truth,  it  was  supposed  he  would  say  anything  to  save  himself,  through  the 
powerful  influence  of  the  "  Neville  connection."  In  this  they  were  dis 
appointed  ;  for,  although  Bradford,  in  his  reply  to  Craig,  said  enough  to 
gratify  hate,  yet  the  main  and  real  object,  if  the  conjecture  be  correct, 
was  not  attained.  Bradford  dared  not  venture  on  the  monstrous  and  self- 
evident  falsehood,  of  implicating  the  hated  enemy  of  the  Nevilles,  either 
as  principal  or  accessory,  in  his  treasonable  designs  !  Besides,  he  began 
to  fear  that  his  case  was  so  peculiar  in  its  atrocity,  that  he  could  not  count 
with  certainty,  even  with  the  aid  of  the  most  powerful  influence,  on  being 
included  in  the  amnesty,  which  he  had  opposed,  and  then  signed  "  on  the 
day."  His  case  was  beyond  the  power  of  "  mandragon  or  hellebore." 
He,  therefore,  "fled  to  Louisiana,  then  a  Spanish  province,"  where  he 
"  shared  largely"  of  royal  favor,  in  grants  of  land  !  I  hope  I  have  now 
done  forever  with  the  "Neville  connection"  and  their  representative. 

Our  father  was  ever  morbidly  sensitive  to  any  imputation  on  his  in 
tegrity  or  honor ;  knowing  this,  it  becomes  especially  incumbent  on  us  to 


XIV  INTRODUCTION. 

suffer  no  stain  to  rest  on  his  memory.  He  was  ever  doing  benevolent  acts, 
and  repenting  of  them  when  he  felt  the  sting  of  ingratitude — and  yet  re 
peating  them  whenever  an  appeal  was  made  to  his  philanthropy.  Smart 
ing  under  a  sense  of  this  injustice,  on  some  occasion  during  the  insur 
rection,  he  uses  this  language  :  "I  acted  on  the  law  of  Solon — the  wise 
&ndjust  being  obliged  to  take  some  side,  as  well  as  the  envious  and  wicked, 
matters  were  more  easily  accommodated.  But  if  I  were  to  go  through 
these  scenes  again,  I  would  not  follow  the  law  of  Solon,  but  leave  the 
government  and  the  insurgents  to  settle  their  difficulties  as  best  they 
could."  It  is  very  questionable  whether  he  would  have  been  able  to  re 
sist  his  natural  propensity,  and  remain  selfishly  neutral,  and  join — 

Aquel  cattivo  coro 
Degli  angeli,  que  non  furon  rebelli, 
Ne  fur  fideli  a  dio,  ma  por  se  furon. — 

That  caitiff  crowd 

Of  the  angels,  which  neither  rebelled, 
Nor  faithful  stood — from  love  of  self  alone. — 


Your  affectionate  brother, 

H.  M.  BRACKENRIDGE. 


WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 


CHAPTER  -1;; 

WESTERN  PENNSYLVANIA POPULATION —  EXCISE   LAW  —  PUBLIC    MEETINGS  — 

ACTS    OF    VIOLENCE. 

THE  western  part  of  Pennsylvania,  lying  around  the  head  of  the  Ohio, 
in  a  radius  of  more  than  a  hundred  miles,  and  separated  on  the  east  by 
the  Allegheny  mountains,  and  extending  to  Lake  Erie  on  the  north,  is 
one  of  the  most  beautiful  portions  of  America — perhaps  of  the  whole 
world.  Eighty  years  ago,  its  finely  wooded  hills,  fertile  to  their  sum 
mits — its  rich  and  delightful  valleys,  clothed  with  primeval  forests, 
formed  a  hunter's  paradise.  At  this  day,  instead  of  being  an  uninhabited 
wilderness,  enlivened  by  the  howl  of  the  wolf  or  the  gleam  of  the 
Indian  tomahawk,  it  teems  with  an  industrious,  intelligent  and  Christian 
population,  whose  cattle  feed  on  a  thousand  hills,  and  whose  well  watered, 
cultivated  fields,  gladden  the  eye ;  while  cheerful  dwellings  on  every  slope 
are  seen  glistening  in  the  warm  light  of  its  azure  skies.  It  is  now  filled 
with  cities,  towns  and  villages,  and  is  not  surpassed  by  any  portion  of 
equal  extent  in  the  Union  for  its  mineral,  manufacturing  and  agricultu 
ral  wealth.  It  is  as  lovely  a  land  as  ever  opened  its  bosom  to  the  genial 
sun.  In  its  picturesque  beauties,  the  lover  of  nature,  the  painter,  and 
the  poet,  might  revel  in  unsated  delight. 

Before  the  ^Revolutionary  war,  the  possession  of  this  country  was  often 
the  subject  of  bloody  contest  between  England  and  France — a  struggle  of 
incalculable  importance,  as  it  decided  the  ownership  of  the  vast  and 
majestic  regions  of  the  West.  It  was  here  the  fame  of  Washington  first 
dawned  upon  his  country.  *  But  it  was  not  until  the  final  expulsion  of 
the  French,  about  the  year  1758-9,  that  any  settlement  could  be  attempt- 

*" History  of  Braddock's  Expedition,"  by  Winthrop  Sargent. 


16  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

ed ;  and  not  until  1766,  after  the  peace,  or  rather  truce,  made  with  the 
Indians,  by  Col.  Boquet,  that  any  white  man  ventured  to  make  it  his 
place  of  permanent  abode.  The  first  settlement  was  on  Redstone  creek, 
which  empties  into  the  Monongahela,  forty  miles  above  Pittsburgh ;  but 
under  the  too  well  grounded  fear  of  the  Indian  tomahawk  and  scalping 
knife,  which  continued  almost  to  the  very  period  of  the  Insurrection, 
while  war  was  still  raging  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio.  There  was  a  diffi 
culty  in  their  way,  on  account  of  the  disputed  boundary  between  Virginia 
and  Petiiisylvania*;  the  former  claiming  the  country  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Monongahela,  which  rendered  the  title  to  land  uncertain,  although 
it  had  baea  liGiial  far 'both,  governments,  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging 
settlements  on  the  frontier,  the  outposts  of  civilization,  to  recognize 
preemption  rights  in  favor  of  the  settlers,  previous  to  issuing  warrants, 
the  first  step  toward  legal  title. 

In  the  year  1768,  the  Proprietory  (the  Penn  family,)  had  purchased 
the  country  from  the  Indians  as  far  west  as  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  rivers. 
The  country  north  of  the  latter  river  was,  and  long  continued  to  be 
known  as'  the  "Indian  country,"  while  the  portion  adjacent  to  the  Mo 
nongahela  continued  to  be  the  subject  of  contention  between  the  two 
provinces,  until  finally  settled  after  the  Revolution,  by  a  friendly  commis 
sion.  The  office  of  the  Proprietory  for  the  sale  of  lands  was  opened  in 
April,  1769,  although  the  settlements  had  already  commenced.  The  set 
tiers  (of  Scottish  descent,)  were  chiefly  from  the  Pennsylvania  counties,  on 
the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  who  by  degrees  extended  the  frontier, 
exposed  to  the  same  savage  warfare  which  they  and  their  fathers,  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  Alleghenies,  had  already  experienced,  and  perhaps 
too  often  provoked.  Every  man  was  accustomed  to  the  use  of  the  rifle, 
and  seldom  went  abroad  without  that  formidable  weapon.  They  were,  in 
fact,  a  warlike  race ;  besides  their  Indian  wars,  they  had  sent  two  regi 
ments  to  aid  in  the  cause  of  independence.  The  facility  for  obtaining 
land,  was  no  doubt  a  great  inducement ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  nucleus 
of  these  settlements  was  composed  of  an  enterprising  and  intelligent  pop 
ulation,  and  who,  far  from  being  a  lawless  people,  as  we  have  seen  it  the 
case  in  some  of  our  new  territories,  held  the  law  and  constituted  author 
ities  in  respect  with  an  almost  religious  feeling. 

The  number  of  very  superior  men  brought  on  the  stage  by  the  Western 
Insurrection,  cannot  fail  to  excite  surprise.  The  rapid  increase  of  pop 
ulation,  toward  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  somewhat  alloyed  the 
original  character,  by  the  accession  of  numbers,  among  whom  there  was  a 
proportion  of  desperate  characters ;  and  although  the  farmers  were  orderly 


POPULATION.  I? 

and  respectable,  many  of  them  possessing  considerable  landed  wealth,  jet 
there  were  others,  little  better  than  mere  squatters,  ready  to  engage  in 
lawless  enterprises  at  the  instigation  of  a  popular  leader.  The  four  west 
ern  counties,  at  the  time  of  the  Western  Insurrection,  or  riots,  (Westmore 
land,  Fayette,  Washington  and  Allegheny,)  contained  about  seventy  thou 
sand  inhabitants,  scattered  over  an  extent  of  country  nearly  as  great  as  that 
of  Scotland  or  Ireland.  Except  Pittsburgh,  which  contained  about  twelve 
hundred  souls,  there  were  no  towns  except  the  few  places  appointed  for  hold 
ing  the  courts  of  justice  in  each  county.  There  were  scarcely  any  roads, 
the  population  had  to  find  their  way  as  they  could  through  paths  or 
woods,  while  the  mountains  formed  a  barrier  which  could  only  be  passed 
on  foot  or  on  horseback.  The  only  trade  with  the  East,  was  by  pack- 
horses  ;  while  the  navigation  of  the  Ohio  was  closed  by  Indian  wars,  even 
if  a  market  could  have  been  found  by  descending  its  current. 

The  farmers,  having  no  market  for  their  produce,  were  from  necessity 
compelled  to  reduce  its  bulk  by  converting  their  grain  into  whiskey ;  a 
horse  could  carry  two  kegs  of  eight  gallons  each,  worth  about  fifty  cents 
per  gallon  on  this,  and  one  dollar  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  while 
he  returned  with  a  little  iron  and  salt,  worth  at  Pittsburgh,  the  former 
fifteen  to  twenty  cents  per  pound,  the  latter  five  dollars  per  bushel.  The 
still  was  therefore  the  necessary  appendage  of  every  farm,*  where  the  far 
mer  was  able  to  procure  it ;  if  not,  he  was  compelled  to  carry  his  grain  to 
the  more  wealthy  to  be  distilled.  In  fact,  some  of  these  distilleries  on  a 
large  scale,  were  friendly  to  the  excise  Jaws,  as  it  rendered  the  poorer 
farmers  dependent  on  them. 

Such  excise  laws  had  always  been  unpopular  among  the  small  farmers 
in  Great  Britain ;  they  excited  hatred,  which  they  brought  with  them  to 
this  country,  and  which  may  be  regarded  as  hereditary.  Scarcely  any  of 
the  causes  of  complaint  which  led  to  the  revolution,  had  so  strong  a  hold 
on  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  as  the  stamp  act,  an  excise  regarded  as  an 
oppressive  tax  on  colonial  industry.  Every  attempt  of  the  Colony,  or 
State,  to  enforce  the  excise  on  home  distilled  spirits  had  failed ;  and  so 
fully  were  the  authorities  convinced  that  they  could  not  be  enforced,  that 
the  last  law  on  the  subject,  after  remaining  a  dead  letter  on  the  statute 
book,  was  repealed  just  before  the  attempt  to  introduce  it  under  the  Federal 

*  "  For  these  reasons  we  have  found  it  absolutely  necessary  to  introduce  a  number 
of  small  distilleries  into  our  settlements,  and  in  every  circle  of  twenty  or  thirty 
neighbors  one  of  these  are  generally  erected,  merely  for  the  accommodation  of 
such  neighborhood,  and  without  any  commercial  views  whatever." — Petition  of  in 
habitants  of  Westmoreland  county,  1790.  Pa.  Arch.,  XI.  671. 


18  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

financial  system,  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Alexander  Hamilton. 
The  inequality  of  the  duty  between  the  farmers  on  the  west  and  on  the 
east  side  of  the  mountains,  could  not  fail  to  strike  the  most  common  mind; 
for  the  rate  per  gallon  on  both  sides  was  the  same,  yet  the  article  on  the 
west  was  worth  but  half  of  that  on  the  other  side.  There  were,  more 
over,  circumstances  necessarily  attending  the  collection  of  the  tax  revolt 
ing  to  the  minds  of  a  free  people.  Instead  of  a  general  assessment,  a 
license  system  confined  to  a  few  dealers  on  a  large  scale,  or  an  indirect  tax 
on  foreign  imports,  while  in  the  hands  of  the  importers  or  retailers ;  this 
tax  created  a  numerous  host  of  petty  officers,  scattered  over  the  country 
as  spies  on  the  industry  of  the  people,  and  practically  authorized  at  almost 
any  moment  toi  nfiict  domiciliary  visits  on  them,  to  make  arbitrary  seizures, 
and  commit  other  vexatious  acts ;  the  tax  was  thus  brought  to  bear  on  al 
most  each  individual  cultivator  of  the  soil.  Laws  which  cannot  be  enforced 
but  by  such  means,  no  matter  what  may  be  their  object  or  moral  nature, 
will  always  be  revolting  to  the  spirit  of  our  people,  and  be  executed  with 
difficulty,  or  often  evaded,  laying  the  foundation  of  distrust  in  the  govern 
ment,  and  want  of  mutual  confidence  between  it  and  the  people,  which  no 
fancied  or  real  good  can  ever  compensate.  Nothing  but  the  stern  mandate 
of  constitutional  obligation  can  reconcile  them  to  such  laws.  In  this  case, 
it  is  an  act  of  duty ;  in  the  others,  merely  an  experiment  of  expediency, 
which  ought  to  be  abandoned,  when  found  to  be  in  opposition  to  the  wishes 
and  feelings  of  the  country — or  even  of  a  large  portion  of  its  citizens,  no 
matter  how  plausible  the  reasons  which  sustain  them.  It. is  not  the  in 
tention  of  the  writer  to  discuss  the  intrinsic  merits  of  the  excise  laws, 
nor  to  weigh  the  justice  of  all  the  complaints  made  by  the  people  of  the 
West  against  them.  Secretary  Hamilton,  in  his  Treasury  lleport  of  1792, 
has  said  everything  in  their  favor  necessary  to  form  a  sound  judgment; 
and  while  much  of  his  reasoning  is  satisfactory,  there  is  also  much,  es 
pecially  in  what  relates  to  the  western  counties,  which  is  far  from  being  so. 
The  first  Pennsylvania  excise  law  was  passed  in  1756,*  then  under  the 
province  or  government  of  the  Penns.  A  second  act  was  passed  in  1772  ; 
the  object  of  these  was  to  redeem  certain  bills  for  debts  incurred  by  the 
government.  An  exception  was  made  in  favor  of  spirits  distilled  from  the 
products  of  the  province,  for  the  use  of  the  owner.  During  the  revolu 
tion,  1777,  the  law  was  extended,  and  some  new  provisions  made  to  render 
the  collection  more  effectual.  Collectors  were  appointed  for  the  western 
counties,  but  no  attempt  was  made  to  collect  the  duties.  It  was  regarded 

*  There  is  mention  of  excise  long  before  this  date,  but  it  appears  to  mean  license 
or  tax.  on  sale;  except,  perhaps,  that  in  Colonial  Records,  "vol.  111-12:  248-9-60. 


EXCISE    LAW.  19 

as  an  ignominious  service,  chiefly  owing  to  the  traditionary  prejudices  of 
the  Scotch-Irish,  as  already  mentioned,  who  formed  the  great  body  of 
the  population.  The  domiciliary  visits,  the  arbitrary  seizures,  and  other 
despotic  acts,  practically  authorized,*  as  already  observed,  rendered  them 
practically  odious.  The  violation  of  the  domicil  was  regarded  by  the  com 
mon  people  with  horror ;  they  were  always  ready  to  treat  with  contempt, 
if  not  to  assail  with  actual  violence,  those  who,  for  the  sake  of  a  little 
money,  would  accept  such  disreputable  employment.  About  the  year 
1783,  the  Council  of  State  became  satisfied,  from  the  prevailing  odium  in 
the  western  country,  that  no  person  could  be  got  to  accept  the  office,  or  if 
appointed,  would  offend  their  neighbors  by  an  inquiry  on  the  subject  of 
the  duties,  or  by  searching  their  premises  for  that  purpose.  A  certain 
vQra.ha.in,  a  man  of  broken  fortune,  who  had  kept  a  public  house  in  Phila 
delphia,  was  found  willing  to  accept  the  appointment  of  Collector  General 
for  the  West ;  but  when  he  undertook  to  exercise  his  office  he  was  treated 
with  every  possible  contumely.  Being  unable  to  execute  the  law,  he  oc 
casionally  compounded  for  small  sums,  which  he  appropriated  to  his  own . 
use.  The  people  occasionally  amused  themselves  at  his  expense,  by  sing 
ing  his  wig,  or  putting  coals  into  his  boots. 

In  the  year  1784,  at  the  court  in  Westmoreland,  he  was  besieged  in  his 
room,  and  kept  there  all  night,  alarmed  by  uncouth  noises  and  terrible 
threats.  He  endeavored  to  prosecute  those  who  had  been  outside  of  the 
house ;  but  on  the  trial,  the  persons  sworn  to  by  him,  proved  an  alibi,  and 
the  prosecution  failed.  In  the  same  year  an  advertisement  was  posted  up, 
offering  a  reward  for  his  scalp  !  These  vulgar  pranks  were  disapproved  by 
the  respectable  part  of  the  people,  but  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  prevent 
them.  He  was  obliged  to  fly  to  Washington  county,  but  was  openly  at 
tacked,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cross  creek,  by  a  number  of  persons  in 
disguise.  After  shaving  his  head,  they  put  him  over  the  Monongahela, 
into  Westmoreland  county,  and  threatened  him  with  death  if  he  returned. 
Twelve  of  those  concerned  in  the  outrage  were  indicted,  convicted  and 
fined.  A  justice  of  the  peace,  of  the  name  of  Craig,  accepted  the  office 
after  this,  and  attempted  to  execute  it,  with  no  result,  however,  but  that 
of  becoming  infamous  with  the  populace.  It  does  not  appear  that  the 
law  was  executed  in  a  single  instance.  Another  attempt  was  made  by  a 
person  of  the  name  of  Hunter,  who  made  seizures  in  Pittsburgh  in  1790, 
and  instituted  seventy  suits  against  delinquent  distillers ;  in  these  cases, 
the  suits  were  set  aside  for  irregularity.  Hunter  soon  after  left  the  country 
and  resigned  his  commission. 

*  Blackstone  says  these  powers  are  necessary  ! 


20  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  public  mind  when  the  United  States  excise 
law  was  enacted  in  March,  1791.  While  the  bill  was  before  Congress, 
the  subject  was  taken  up  by  the  State  Legislature,  then  in  session,  and 
resolutions  were  passed  in  strong  terms  against  the  law,  and  requesting 
,-'  the  senators  and  representatives,  by  a  majority  of  thirty-six  to  eleven,  to 
oppose  its  passage ;  the  minority  voting  on  the  principle  that  it  was  im 
proper  to  interfere  with  the  actions  of  the  Federal  government,  and  not 
from  approval  of  the  law.  They  objected,  also,  to  the  inconsistency  of 
approving  a  United  States  excise  law  while  the  State  law  was  still  unre- 
pealed.  This  had  become  absolute,  but  when  attention  was  called  to  it, 
it  was  at  once  expunged  from  the  statute  book.* 

Findley,  of  Westmoreland,  and  Smiley,  of  Fayette,  being  elected  to 
Congress,  took  an  active  part  against  the  law,  and  rendered  themselves 
very  odious  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  was  the  father  of  it,  as 
a  part  of  his  favorite  financial  system.  The  individuals  before  named,  on 
their  return  to  their  constituents,  contributed  to  increase,  if  anything 
could  increase,  the  popular  antipathy  (not  to  use  a  stronger  term,)  to  the 
law.  "  But/'  observes  Mr.  Brackenridge  in  his  "  Incidents/' — "  if  these 
persons  had  been  quiescent,  the  prejudice  among  the  people  was  of  itself 
irresistible.  Had  they  attempted  to  reconcile  them  to  the  law,  they  would 
have  instantly  lost  their  popularity.  In  fact,  that  popularity  depended  on 
their  being  with  the  people,  and  consulting  their  prejudices.  The  mo 
ment  they  opposed  the  prevailing  feelings  of  the  multitude,  they  would 

*  The  following  are  the  resolutions  passed  the  State  Legislature : 

"  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  June  22d,  1791. 

"  The  Legislature  of  this  commonwealth,  ever  attentive  to  the  rights  of  their  con 
stituents,  and  conceiving  it  a  duty  incumbent  on  them  to  express  their  sentiments 
on  such  matters  of  a  public  nature  as  in  their  opinion  have  a  tendency  to  destroy 
their  rights,  have  agreed  to  the  following  resolutions  : 

*'  Resolved,  That  any  proceeding  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  tending  to  the 
collection  of  revenue  by  means  of  excise,  established  on  principles  subversive  of 
peace,  liberty  and  the  rights  of  the  citizens,  ought  to  attract  the  attention  of  this 
house. 

"  Resolved,  That  no  public  urgency,  within  the  knowledge  or  contemplation  of 
this  house,  can,  in  their  opinion,  warrant  the  adoption  of  any  species  of  taxation 
which"  shall  violate  those  rights  which  are  the  basis  of  our  government,  and  which 
would  exhibit  the  singular  spectacle  of  a  nation  resolutely  oppressing  the  oppressed 
of  others  in  order  to  enslave  itself. 

"Resolved,  That  these  sentiments  be  communicated  to  the  senators  representing 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  with  a  hope  that  they 
will  oppose  every  part  of  the  excise  bill  now  before  the  Congress,  which  thall  mil 
itate  against  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people." 


GENERAL   NEVILLE.  21 

be  politically  dead.  And  it  was  not  enough  for  them  to  remain  silent; 
they  were  charged  in  the  newspaper  with  the  unpardonable  neglect  of 
suffering,  while  members  of  the  State  Legislature,  an  excise  law  to  remain 
unrepealed  on  the  statute  book !  To  atone  for  it,  they  were  obliged  to  re 
double  their  diligence  against  all  excise  laws." 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  Gen.  Neville  accepted  the  office  of 
Inspector  under  the  Federal  government,  for  the  survey  comprehending 
the  four  counties  west  of  the  mountains,  with  Bedford  on  the  east.  This 
gentleman  had  been  popular,  perhaps  in  part,  from  falling  in  with  the 
common  opinions  and  prejudices  as  respects  the  excise  laws;  certainly 
not  on  account  of  sustaining  them.  He  was  in  the  State  Legislature 
when  the  law  was  passed.  The  claim  for  disinterested  patriotism,  in 
taking  the  office  under  the  circumstances,  was  not  universally  admitted  ; 
on  the  contrary,  some  said  that  in  accepting,  he  was  influenced  by  its 
emoluments,  which  would  not  have  been  the  case  if  he  had  pursued  the 
course  of  declining,  and  then  recommending  some  one  of  equal  respectability 
and  capacity,  and  at  the  same  time  exerting  his  influence  as  a  citizen  to 
aidhim  in  the  execution  of  its  duties.  As  it  was,  the  course  pursued 
by  him  tended  greatly  to  increase  the  unpopularity  of  the  excise.  The 
people  were  indignant  at  the  idea  of  his  having  sought  their  favors,  and 
then  deserting  them  for  the  sake,  as  they  believed,  of  the  emolument  of 
an  office,  under  the  law  which  they  detested  !  In  fact,  this  is  mentioned 
by  Governor  Mifflin  as  one  of  the  causes  of  the  insurrection. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  tracing  these  causes,  laid  great  stress 
on  the  meetings  held,  and  resolutions  adopted  by  the  people,  against  the 
law,  but  avoiding  a  reference  to  those  passed  by  the  State  Legislature. 
Unfortunately  he  made  no  discrimination  between  the  peaceful  remon 
strance  and  the  passage  of  certain  resolutions  which  he  styled  "  intem 
perate."  To  his  mind,  they  appeared  equally  factious,  and  even  treason 
able.  According  to  this  view,  all  right  of  remonstrance,  or  petition,  or 
legal  resistance  to  oppression,  would  be  taken  from  the  people.  It  was  as 
suming  the  right  to  think  for  them,  whether  they  were  oppressed  or  not ; 
as  if  those  who  feel  the  oppression  are  not  the  best  judges  of  its  extent 
and  severity  !  Much  of  this,  on  the  part  of  the  Secretary,  is  to  be  ascri 
bed  to  the  imperfect  ideas  of  the  rights  of  the  citizens  at  that  day,  com 
pared  with  the  more  enlightened  and  liberal  views  which  now  prevail ; 
among  which  is  the  unquestioned  right  freely  to  censure  the  conduct  of 
government  agents.  It  will  be  proper  in  this  place  to  pass  briefly  in  re 
view  the  public  meetings  and  the  resolutions  passed,  so  highly  censured, 
in  order  that  the  reader  may  be  enabled  to  judge  for  himself  as  to  the 

3 


22  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

soundness  of  the  Secretary's  report,  drawn  as  it  is,  with  great  ability,  and 
therefore  requiring  the  more  careful  scrutiny.  The  writer  does  not  ap 
prove  of  " violent  and  intemperate"  resolutions,  although  they  be  but 
words. 

The  first  meeting  was  at  Redstone  Old  Fort,  (Brownsville,)  on  the  27th 
July,  1791,  at  which  Findley,  Smiley,  Marshall,  and  a  number  of  the  in 
habitants  were  present.  Col.  Cook  was  chairman,  and  Albert  Gallatin, 
secretary.  It  was  resolved  at  this  meeting,  that  it  be  recommended  to 
the  several  counties  to  appoint  delegates,  at  least  three  for  each  elective 
district,  to  meet  at  the  seat  of  justice,  and  having  collected  the  sense  of 
the  people  in  each  county,  from  each  of  these  delegates  choose  three  to 
form  a  committee.  These  were  to  meet  at  Pittsburgh,  on  the  first  Tuesday 
of  September,  and  there  draw  up  and  pass  resolutions  expressing  the 
sense  of  their  constituents  respecting  the  excise  law.* 

The  meeting  at  Redstone,  it  will  be  perceived,  was  only  preliminary  to 
that  to  convene  at  Pittsburgh.  No  resolutions  were  passed  relative  to  the 
excise  law,  and  according  to  Findley,  many  who  attended  it  were  desirous 
of  reconciling  the  people  to  submission.  He  expresses  his  surprise  that 
the  Secretary  should  refer  to  it  as  one  of  the  causes  of  the  insurrection. 

At  the  preparatory  meeting  for  the  county  of  Washington,  some  resolu 
tions  of  a  violent  character  were  adopted  by  way  of  instructions  for  the 
delegates  who  were  to  attend  at  Pittsburgh.  They  were  modeled  after 
those  passed  before  the  Revolutionary  war  in  relation  to  the  stamp  act  and 
other  excises.  The  language  in  which  they  were  couched  must  be  ascri 
bed  to  the  individuals  who  composed  the  meetings ;  it  would  be  unfair  to 
consider  them  as  emanating  from  the  majority  of  the  people,  who  were  but 
partially  represented.  At  the  meeting  convened  at  Pittsburgh  soon  after, 
it  was  resolved  to  petition  for  a  repeal  of  the  Jaw,  but  no  resolution  was 
passed  which  could  be  considered  reprehensible,  yet  that  meeting  was  par 
ticularly  charged  with  having  occasioned  all  the  excesses  which  followed. 
Mr.  Gallatin  was  not  present,  being  at  that  time  in  Philadelphia. 

A  second  meeting  was  held  in  Pittsburgh  eleven  months  after  the  first, 
and  may  be  noted  as  the  last  of  these  meetings  which  preceded  the  riots, 
which  took  place  two  years  after,  on  the  occasion  of  the  service  of  process 
on  delinquent  distillers,  compelling  them  to  appear  in  Philadelphia.  The 
meeting  of  1792  was  composed  of  delegates  from  Washington,  Fayette 
and  Allegheny  counties,  but  was  very  far  from  being  a  full  and  complete 

*  See  note  to  the  resolutions  passed  at  this  meeting ;  also  the  exceptionable 
Washington  resolutions. 


RESOLUTIONS.  23 

representation ;  they  prepared  and  published  a  petition  for  the  repeal  of 
the  excise  laws,  and  also  adopted  resolutions  similar  to  those  of  Washing 
ton  county  the  year  before.  Such  language  is  highly  censurable ;  it  is 
undoubtedly  an  abuse  of  the  right  of  remonstrance,  even  if  attended  with 
no  practical  effect,  as  was  the  case  on  the  present  occasion,  that  is,  excit 
ing  to  no  act  corresponding  to  the  spirit  of  the  resolutions.  It  could  not 
create  public  opinion — it  was  the  extravagant  expression  of  the  excited 
state  of  feeling  already  existing,  and  cannot  be  fairly  enumerated  among  the 
causes  of  the  insurrection  arising  out  of  that  state  of  feeling.  Col.  Neville, 
the  son  of  the  Inspector,  when  examined  as  a  witness  on  the  trials,  being 
asked  whether  the  enmity  to  the  excise  law  was  increased  by  those  resolu 
tions  passed  at  Pittsburgh,  answered  :  '*  I  do  not  know  that  the  opposition 
was  more  general  afterward  than  before,  but  immediately  after  that  meet 
ing,  revenue  officers  were  treated  with  disrespect  j  before  that  time  some 
had  been  disrespectfully  and  injuriously  treated;  my  father  before  was 
always  treated  with  respect."  Perhaps  the  word  "  disrespect "  would 
have  required  explanation.  It  is  more  rational  so  refer  any  diinunition  of 
respect  for  the  Inspector,  among  the  people,  to  his  loss  of  popularity  con 
sequent  on  his  acceptance  of  the  office. 

The  reader  will  probably  conclude  with  the  writer,  that  the  meetings 
on  the  subject  of  the  excise  laws,  and  the  resolutions  passed  in  them,  were 
not  among  the  primary  causes  which  led  to  the  insurrection,  as  set  forth 
by  Secretary  Hamilton,  but  the  effect  of  the  unpopular  excise  laws.  The 
resolutions  were  nothing  more  than  the  strong  expression  of  the  popular 
sentiment,  instead  of  the  discontent  being  the  work  of  "  demagogues  by 
speeches  and  public  meetings."  There  is  a  reluctance  in  the  rulers  or 
public  agent  to  admit  that  the  discontent  rises  spontaneously  among  the 
people,  instead  of  being  manufactured  for  them — because  the  eontrary 
would  naturally,  raise  a  presumption  against  the  former.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  Mr.  Gallatin  took  an  active  part  in  some  of  the  meetings  con 
vened  to  remonstrate  against  the  excise  laws,  and  to  petition  for  their  re 
peal,  and  that  he  thereby  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  Federal  party.  But  he  had  a  right  to  do  what  he  did  in 
the  exercise  of  his  privilege  as  a  citizen,  without  incurring  the  responsi 
bility  of  actual  violation  of  law  afterward  committed  by  others.  Who 
would  dare  to  remonstrate  against  an  odious  law,  if  the  remonstrance 
might  possibly  be  followed  by  unlawful  acts  of  others,  who  should  trans 
cend  the  bounds  of  that  remonstrance  ?  In  this  case,  there  would  be 
nothing  left  to  the  people  but  silent  submission  and  passive  obedience ! 
Instead  of  being  masters  of  the  government,  the  government  would  be 


24  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

their  master.  It  is  only  a  matter  of  astonishment  to  the  writer,  that  he 
finds  himself  compelled  to  assert  this  unquestionable  right,  in  opposition 
to  the  manifest  tendency  of  the  doctrine  put  forth  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  and  the  Federal  party  of  that  day.  Findley's  remarks  on  this 
subject  may  be  quoted  with  propriety  :  "  On  the  ground  of  discretion," 
says  he,  "  these  resolutions  were  censurable,  and  were  in  fact  heartily  dis 
approved  by  many  who  disliked  the  excise  laws.  That  they  were  not  con 
trary  to  law,  is  acknowledged  by  the  Secretary  himself,  who  informs  us  of 
procuring  testimony,  in  order  to  prosecute  the  persons  who  composed  the 
committees,  but  he  adds,  that  the  Attorney  General  did  not  think  it  action 
able  !  There  is  no  doubt  that  it  is  morally  wrong  in  many  cases,  to  refuse 
charity  or  assistance  to  any  of  our  fellow-men,  when  their  necessities  re 
quire  it;  but  these  duties  being  of  imperfect  obligation,  we  are  only  res 
ponsible  to  our  own  conscience  for  the  proper  discharge  of  them.  There 
are  no  doubt  persons  in  society,  whose  manners  are  so  disagreeable  as  to 
justify  us  in  refusing  all  fellowship  with  them ;  and  where  the  excise  law 
is  almost  universally  believed  to  be  unjust  and  oppressive,  men  of  this 
description  will  be  found  pretty  readily  among  the  excise  officers.  Indeed, 
this  observation  need  not  be  restricted  to  persons  so  situated;  it  corresponds 
with  the  sentiments  of  the  people  generally,  where  excises  have  been  long 
established.  Their  resolutions  were,  however,  censurable  on  the  ground  of 
policy.  They  disgusted  those  members  of  Congress  that  would  otherwise 
have  been  disposed  to  have  eased,  if  not  fully  relieved  them,  .from  their 
grounds  of  complaint ;  and  they  offended  the  citizens  at  large,  who  had 
sympathized  with  them.  In  short,  they  undoubtedly  caused  less  respect 
to  be  paid  to  their  petitions."  We  may  also  record  in  this  place,  the  ob 
servations  of  Mr.  Gallatin  in  his  speech  on  the  Western  Insurrection  :  "  For 
by  attempting  to  render  office  contemptible,  they  tended  to  diminish  that 
respect  for  the  execution  of  the  laws  which  is  essential  to  the  maintain- 
ance  of  a  free  government ;  but  whilst  I  feel  regret  at  the  remembrance, 
though  no  hesitation  in  the  open  confession  of  that  my  only  political  sin, 
[sustaining  the  resolutions  of  the  Pittsburgh  meeting  of  1792,]  let  me  add 
that  the  blame  ought  to  fall  where  it  is  deserved." 

On  the  other  hand,  the  unqualified  censure  on  the  part  of  the  Secretary 
cannot  be  sustained.  "  These  meetings/'  says  he,  "  composed  of  very 
influential  persons,  and  conducted  without  moderation  or  prudence,  are 
justly  chargeable  with  the  excesses  which  have  from  time  to  time  been 
committed,  serving  to  give  consistency  to  an  opposition  which  has  at 
length  matured  to  a  point  that  threatens  the  foundation  of  the  government 
.  and  the  Union,  unless  speedily  and  effectually  subdued."  The  tendency 


RIGHT   OF   REMONSTRANCE.  25 

of  the  Secretary's  doctrine,  we  repeat,  is  to  prohibit  all  remonstrance  of 
any  kind  against  any  law  or  public  measure,  under  the  penalty  of  being 
regarded  as  responsible  for  every  partial  act  of  violence  that  may  be  com 
mitted  by  individuals  smarting  under  a  sense  of  oppression,  while  the  real 
cause  may  be  found  in  the  unwise  and  unjust  acts  of  the  government 
itself.  To  condemn  the  remonstrance  because  made  without  "  prudence 
and  moderation/'  is  to  set  up  a  right  on  the  part  of  the  public  agents  to 
judge  of  that  prudence  and  moderation ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  re 
monstrance  of  any  kind  would  be  regarded  by  them  as  wanting  in  these 
desirable  qualities  !  The  holding  responsible  the  "  influential  men  "  who 
attended  the  meetings,  goes  on  the  idea  that  the  masses  take  no  part  in 
them,  but  as  they  are  acted  upon  by  a  few  individuals ;  a  very  great  mis 
take,  but  very  natural  in  those  who  hold  the  people  in  a  low  estimate,  and 
doubt  their  capacity  for  self-government.  This  was  the  great  error,  or 
rather  "  political  sin/'  of  the  Federal  party.  Whatever  may  be  the  fact 
in  other  countries,  we  are  not  willing  to  admit  our  incapacity  for  self- 
government.  But  we  must  allow  for  political  progress;  had  Secretary- 
Hamilton  lived  to  this  day,  he  would  not  have  maintained  such  doctrines. 
The  legitimate  effect  of  these  remonstrances  and  petitions,  notwith- 
standing  the  condemnation  of  the  Secretary,  was  to  produce  various 
salutary  amendments  of  the  excise  laios,  and  which  were  recommended  to 
Congress  by  the  Secretary  himself;  an  admission  that  the  complaints,  if 
intemperate,  were  not  groundless.  The  last  of  the  public  meetings,  as 
already  seen,  was  in  August,  1792,  and  from  that  time  until  the  riots  of 
1794,  there  was  a  discontinuance  of  them,  while  in  fact  the  law,  notwith 
standing  occasional  acts  of  violence,  appeared  to  be  gaining  ground  in  the 
favor  of  the  people.  The  larger  distillers,  as  we  have  stated,  were  dis 
posed  to  favor  it,  as  it  gave  them  a  kind  of  monopoly  of  the  business, 
compelling  the  smaller  distillers — the  farmers — to  bring  their  grain  to  the 
larger  distilleries.  There  was  another  reason  why  the  more  reflecting  and 
influential  citizens  were  disposed  to  discourage  such  meetings  ;  this  was  in 
consequence  of  the  wild  revolutionary  spirit  which  began  to  show  itself 
in  a  certain  class,  who  began  to  entertain  a  thousand  visionary  and  im 
practicable  expectations.  Not  content  with  redress  of  real  grievances, 
they  thought  of  wild  reforms  tending  to  anarchy,  such  as  rendered  the 
Republicans  of  France  unfit  for  any  government  but  that  of  despotism. 
These  visionaries  inveighed  against  courts  of  justice,  salaries,  and  in  fact, 
were  at  war  with  all  restraints  of  government  whatever.  These  follies  are 
the  subject  of  the  keen,  yet  philosophical  satire,  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  in 
his  work  styled  "  Modern  Chivalry,"  published  about  this  period.  A  sort 


26  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

of  society,  or  club,  had  been  established  a  year  or  two  before  the  insur 
rection,  which  met  at  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting-house,  where  political 
subjects  were  discussed,  and  these  disorganizing  doctrines  asserted  by 
some.  Although  the  excise  laws  were  not  directly  assailed  in  the  club, 
yet  it  had  the  bad  effect  of  lessening  the  respect  for  the  government 
and  the  laws  generally.  A  Democratic  club  had  been  established  in  the 
town  of  Washington  a  few  months  before  the  insurrection,  but  it  had  no 
effect  in  producing  that  event,  notwithstanding  the  assertion  of  Hildreth, 
whose  prejudices,  and  bigoted  relation  of  these  occurences,  should  be 
utterly  disregarded.* 

Notwithstanding  the  cessation,  during  the  two  years,  of  those  meetings 
deemed  treasonable  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  it  is  to  be  lamented 
that  there  were  five  or  six  unconnected  riots,  or  assaults  on  collectors,  in 
different  parts  of  the  western  country,  on  account  of  the  excise.  Although 
of  little  importance  separately,  yet  when  brought  together,  and  spread  on 
the  same  page  by  the  Secretary,  they  assume  a  formidable  appearance ; 
and  this  is  ingeniously  done  to  aggravate  the  case  of  the  insurgents.  The 
object  is  to  prove  a  connected  and  concerted  action,  and  a  combination  of 
the  whole  people  to  resist,  and  even  overturn  the  government,  thus  doing 
them  great  injustice.  So  far  from  these  outbreaks  being  ascribable  to 
the  previous  meetings,  those  meetings  had  the  tendency  of  repressing  all 
violent  and  irregular  acts  of  opposition,  by  resorting  to  the  legal  modes  of 
redress  by  remonstrance  and  petition.  It  is  the  opinion  of  Findley,  and 
we  incline  to  the  same  way  of  thinking,  but  without  attaching  any  blame 
to  the  Federal  administration — "  that  if  the  government  had  shown  a  very 
small  portion  of  that  power  and  energy  which  afterward  became  neces 
sary,  the  law  could  have  been  enforced  by  the  judiciary,  sustained  by  the 
influential  citizens,  and  the  majority  of  the  people  would  have  acquiesced/'  • 
A  circuit  court  of  the  United  States  should  have  gone  into  the  country, 
on  the  first  resistance  to  any  officer  of  the  revenue  ;  or  power  should  have 
been  given  to  the  State  courts,  which  the  people  would  have  respected, 
although  from  fixed  prejudice  and  habit  disposed  to  hate  the  officers  of 
the  excise.  The  force  of  the  State,  or  of  the  Union,  should  have  been 
called  out  to  repress  in  its  infancy  the  spirit  of  illegal  resistance.  But 
above  all,  the  real  and  most  crying  grievance  should  have  been  avoided — 
that  of  carrying  persons  from  their  districts  or  counties,  to  be  taken  across 


*Hildreth  says  that  a  similar  society,  of  which  Mr.  Brackcnridge  was  a  member, 
was  also  established  in  Pittsburgh !  No  such  society  was  established  there,  and 
Mr.  Brackenridge  never  was  a  member  of  such  a  society  anywhere. 


TAKING  PERSONS   OUT   OF  THEIR  DISTRICTS.  27 

the  mountains,  to  answer  suits  or  prosecutions  for  disregard  of  the  excise 
law  in  not  entering  these  stills,  or  not  paying  the  excise  duties,  suits 
necessarily  followed  by  ruin  on  account  of  the  expense.  A  law,  such  as 
we  have  indicated,  had  been  enacted,  to  go  into  operation  in  the  month 
of  June,  1794,  only  one  month  before  the  outbreak ;  but  while  this  law 
was  under  discussion,  and  only  a  few  days  before  it  was  signed,  process  as 
usual  was  issued  returnable  to  Philadelphia ;  and  it  will  appear  that  the 
service  of  this  process  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  riots,  which,  to  use 
the  words  of  the  Secretary,  "  threatened  the  foundations  of  the  govern 
ment  and  the  Union. "* 

Findley  ventures  the  assertion,  that  it  was  by  design  on  the  part  of 
Secretary  Hamilton  that  the  disaffection  of  the  western  people  was  per 
mitted  to  ripen  into  open  rebellion,  in  order  that  he  might  have  an  oppor 
tunity  of  practicing  on  his  favorite  maxim,  that  the  Federal  government 
could  not  be  considered  as  finally  established  until  it  proves  that  it  could 
maintain  itself  by  physical  force  !  That  he  should  avail  himself  of  the 
unfortunate  occurrence  for  that  purpose,  is  very  probable,  but  the  idea  of 
his  creating  it  with  that  view  is  incredible.  The  assertion  simply  betrays 
the  feelings  of  Findley  toward  Hamilton.  This  great  man  was  the  leader 
of  the  high-toned  section  of  the  Federal  party,  in  opposition  to  the  Demo 
cratic,  or  Republican  party,  and  to  the  more  moderate  Federalists  under 
John  Adams.  Hamilton  and  his  party  w^e  in  favor  of  a  degree  of  energy, 
in  the  form  and  action  of  the  government,  incompatible  with  the  habits 
and  genius  of  the  Americans,  which  caused  the  downfall  of  the  Federal  party 
hastened  by  the  unfortunate  sedition  and  alien  laws.  It  is  the  Hamilton 
party,  those  who  idolize  his  name,  who  have  incessantly  labored  to  cover 
the  opposers  of  the  excise  law  in  the  West  with  lasting  infamy,  and  are  in 
the  habit  of  denouncing  them  as  brigands,  rebels,  banditti  and  robbers  ! 
Of  this  class  of  historians  are  Judge  Wilkinson,  Neville.  B.  Craig  and 


*  The  first  ill  treatment  given  to  an  excise  officer  under  the  Federal  excise  law, 
was  in  Chester  county,  but  the  rioters  were  prosecuted  for  the  riot,  convicted  and 
punished  severely  by  the  State  courts.  On  that  occasion,  the  foreman  told  the 
Attorney  General  that  he  was  as  much,  or  more,  opposed  to  the  excise  law  than  the 
rioters,  but  would  not  suffer  violations  of  the  laws  to  go  unpunished.  Findley, 
Hist.  p.  40.  In  1792,  Findley,  then  in  Congress,  wrote  to  the  President,  at  the 
instance  of  Gov.  Mifflin,  and  again  at  that  of  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United 
States  and  of  the  Attorney  for  the  district  of  Pennsylvania,  in  relation  to  the  case 
of  Beer  and  Kerr  ;  and  in  these  letters  gave  the  opinion,  that  if  special  sessions  of 
the  court  were  held  in  the  counties,  the  courts  would  be  protected,  and  competent 
juries  found.  Findley,  p.  273. 


28  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

Hildreth,  the  latter  especially — which  renders  them  as  authorities  on  this 
subject  unsafe. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  detail  the  cases  of  illegal  opposition  to  the  excise 
law,  just  alluded  to.  The  first  was  that  of  Robert  Johnston,  collector  for 
Washington  and  Allegheny  counties.  After  cutting  his  hair,  and  tarring 
and  feathering  him,  he  was  compelled  to  go  home  on  foot.  This  occurred 
at  an  out-of-the-way  place  on  Pigeon  creek,  and  was  the  work  of  a  small 
number  of  persons  of  the  lowest  class,  while  there  is  no  proof  that  it  was 
countenanced  or  approved  by  any  reputable  person  in  the  neighborhood. 
This  was  the  time  for  the  Federal  government  to  have  taken  active 
measures,  and  by  a  vigorous  pursuit  of  the  offenders  in  the  State  courts, 
to  crush  that  bad  spirit  in  its  birth.  Instead  of  this,  an  agent  was  dis 
patched  to  ascertain  who  were  the  leading  individuals  at  certain  meetings 
for  the  lawful  purpose  of  petition  and  remonstrance. 

The  next  case  is  that  of  Wilson,  in  another  part  of  the  county ;  a  per 
son  somewhat  disordered  in  intellect,  who  pretended  to  be  an  exciseman, 
was  shamefully  abused  in  consequence.  Not  long  after,  one  Roseburg 
was  tarred  and  feathered  by  some  disorderly  persons  for  speaking  in  favor 
of  the  law.  In  August,  1792,  a  Captain  Faulkner,  in  whose  house  an 
office  for  the  collection  of  excise  had  been  opened,  was  attacked  on  the 
road  by  a  ruffian,  and  threatened  with  having  his  house  burnt  if  he  did 
not  cause  the  office  to  be  removed ;  he  accordingly  gave  public  notice  that 
it  was  no  longer  kept  there.  It  would  be  unfair  to  consider  these  uncon 
nected  occurrences  as  proofs  of  the  general  disposition  of  the  people, 
although  ingeniously  marshaled  and  magnified  for  the  purpose. 

In  April,  1793,  an  armed  party  attacked  the  house  of  Wells,  in  Fayette 
county,  but  did  not  find  him  at  home.  The  attack  was  repeated  in  No 
vember,  and  the  assailants  compelled  him  to  give  up  his  commission  and 
books,  requiring  him  to  publish  his  resignation  in  two  weeks  or  have  his 
house  burnt.  According  to  Findley,  a  much  more  serious  design  was  con 
ceived  by  a  number  of  persons  in  disguise,  to  seize  the  Inspector  himself, 
in  the  town  of  Washington,  where  he  was  expected  to  be.  He  had  been 
apprised  of  their  coming,  and  did  not  attend  at  the  office.* 

James  Kiddo  and  William  Cochran,  who  had  entered  their  stills,  were 
first  threatened,  and  then  attacked.  The  still  of  the  latter  was  destroyed, 
his  valuable  mills  materially  injured,  if  not  entirely  ruined,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  publish  in  the  Pittsburgh  Gazette,  an  account  of  what  had 
happened,  as  a  warning  to  others.  An  armed  party  broke  into  the  house 
of  John  Lynn,  where  an  office  was  kept  j  after  prevailing  upon  him  to 

*  Findley,  p.  50. 


OUTRAGES.  29 

come  down  stairs,  they  tied  and  threatened  to  hang  him ;  cut  off  his  hair, 
tarred  and  feathered,  and  swore  him  not  to  disclose  the  names  of  his  as 
sailants,  or  permit  an  excise  office  to  be  kept  in  his  house. 

In  June,  1794,  several  attacks  were  made  on  the  office  of  Wells,  who 
had  opened  at  the  house  of  Philip  Regan,  in  Westmoreland  county,  but 
they  were  repulsed  by  the  inmates. 

These  were  doubtless  revolting  outrages,  which  cannot  be  condemned  in 
language  too  strong,  and  ought  to  have  been  vigorously  prosecuted ;  but  ( 
it  would  be  unfair  to  hold  the  whole  population  responsible  for  acts  which } 
were  disapproved  by  the  great  majority.  Occurring  in  distant  localities,  in 
a  thinly  inhabited  country,  it  was  impossible  for  the  well  disposed,  if  so 
inclined,  to  have  united  to  prevent  their  perpetration.  Even  in  cities, 
where  there  is  a  strong  police  force  constantly  on  foot,  we  see  how  diffi 
cult  it  is  to  prevent  the  acts  of  lawless  mobs.  We  might  as  well  hold 
every  peaceable  citizen  of  the  towns  responsible  for  the  burglaries  and 
murders  perpetrated  within  their  limits.  To  say  that  the  general  hostility 
to  the  law  was  the  cause  of  these  outrages,  is  to  deny  all  right  of  com 
plaint,  or  discontent,  or  even  the  expression  of  conscientious  opinion,  as 
respects  any  law,  however  oppressive.  The  fault  is  in  the  Legislature  pass 
ing  law,s  revolting  to  the  minds  of  the  people,  or  in  the  executive  branch 
in  not  seeing  them  executed  at  every  hazard,  suppressing  at  once  the  first 
indications  of  violent  resistance.  It  is  not  the  intention  of  the  writer  to 
defend,  or  even  to  make  an  apology  for  such  acts,  under  any  circum 
stances  ]  and  especially  at  this  more  enlightened  period,  when  the  prin 
ciples  of  our  representative  government  are  so  much  better  understood. 
In  holding  the  scales  of  justice,  it  is  necessary  to  poise  them  evenly  and 
fairly.  Although  the  constituent  reserves  to  himself  the  right  of  remon 
strance,  it  cannot  be  too  often  repeated,  that  he  is  bound  in  conscience, 
as  well  as  on  legal  principle,  to  obey  the  law,  and  not  oppose  its  execution. 
We  go  further,  and  hold,  that  he  is  not  at  liberty  even  to  remain  passive, 
if  he  means  to  do  his  duty  as  a  good  citizen,  and  has  it  in  his  power  to  aid 
in  supporting  the  government. 

•The  apology  made  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  in  his  "  Incidents,"  would  be 
inadmissible  at  the  present  day,  and  goes  as  far  in  favor  of  the  Western 
people,  fifty  years  ago,  as  the  most  liberal  view  of  the  case  will  admit. 
"  It  will  be  conceded,"  said  he,  "  that  it  was  difficult  for  the  common 
mind  of  this  country  to  distinguish  an  attack  upon  the  officer  appointed 
to  carry  a  law  odious  to  them  into  execution,  from  that  opposition  under 
the  stamp  act  of  Great  Britain,  at  a  more  early  period.  They  could  see 
no  difference  in  the  case  of  John  Nevill  and  Zachariah  Hood,  the  Stamp- 
Master  General.  The  law  was  said  to  be  grievous  in  both  cases ;  and  that 


30  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

was  all  they  knew  about  it.  In  the  case  of  the  tea  duty,  also,  an  opposi 
tion  by  force  took  place,  which  is  celebrated  to  this  day  as  amongst  the 
first  acts  of  patriotism.  Could  you  expect  an  accurate  conception  of  the 
distinction  which  exists  ?  These  acts  being  against  laws  that  were  void 
because  they  were  unconstitutional,  and  those  being  against  a  law,  which, 
though  unequal,  is  constitutional  ?  It  astonishes  them  to  this  day,  that 
the  authors  of  our  revolution  from  Great  Britain,  should  be  celebrated, 
and  yet  talk  of  hanging  those  who  were  doing  nothing  more  than  op 
posing  what  was  wrong  among  themselves  !  I  know,  to  use  the  expres 
sion  of  one  of  them,  'they  thought  in  taking  up  arms  to  oppose  the  excise 
laws,  they  were  "doing  God  a  service.' '  The  language  of  humanity  then 
would  be,  '  forgive  them,  for  they  know  not  what  they  do/'  It  is  a  hard  case 
to  punish  when  the  mind  is  not  criminal.  The  gradual  improvement  of 
education  by  public  schools  may  inform  the  mass  of  the  people,  and  cor 

^rect  a  mistake  of  principle." 

-^The  reader  will  find  that  the  Western  riots,  improperly  called  an  insur 
rection,  were  not  instigated  by  hostility  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  nor  did  they  originate  merely  on  account  of  the  excise  on  whiskey, 
but  in  a  more  excusable  motive  the  service  of  process  on  delinquent  dis 
tillers,  who  would  in  consequence  be  compelled  to  attend  in  Philadelphia, 
at  the  sacrifice  of  their  farms  and  the  ruin  of  their  families.  As  the 
farmers  were  also  the  distillers,  it  was  the  only  mode  in  which  they  could 
carry  the  produce  of  their  fields  to  market.  The  taking  persons  "  beyond 
seas  for  trial,"  is  one  of  the  grievances  complained  of  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  the  idea  of  trial  by  the  vicinage,  is  one  of  the  instincts 
of  Saxon  and  American  liberty.  Out  of  about  forty  precepts,  but  one  re 
mained  to  be  served.  The  last  was  unfortunately  served  during  the  harvest, 
the  reapers  in  the  field,  under  the  free  indulgence  of  whiskey,  common  at 
that  season.  The  sudden  outbreak,  as  will  be  seen,  was  almost  exclusively 
confined  to  the  rural  population  of  the  vicinage,  although  like  other  con 
flagrations,  there  was  danger  of  embracing  within  it  everything  combus 
tible  ;  that  ifc  did  not  do  this,  was  due  to  the  wisdom  and  moderation  of 
Washington,  and  to  the  patriotic  exertions  of  influential  individuals,  who 
remained  among  the  disaffected  until  the  disturbance  was  quelled — not 
by  external  or  military  force,  but  by  their  own  sense  of  duty.  Never  was 
there  greater  injustice  done  to  any  people,  than  by  the  assertion  that  the 
so-called  insurrection  was  put  down  by  an  army.  Surely  that  people 
must  command  our  respect  in  a  much  higher  degree,  who  possess  within 
themselves  the  moral  energy  to  restrain  their  own  passions,  than  those 
who  have  been  reduced  to  obedience  by  the  outward  pressure  of  a  military 
force ! 


THE   NEVILLE   CONNECTION. 


31 


NOTES   TO    CHAPTER   I. 


"  The  Neville  Connection." — This  ex 
pression  is  used  by  N.  B.  Craig,  a  grand 
son  of  Gen.  Neville,  in  a  work  entitled 
"History  of  Pittsburgh,"  but  chiefly 
laudatory  of  that  "connection."  This 
consisted  of  four  wealthy  families,  mon 
opolizing  public  offices,  and  closely  unit 
ed  in  interest  and  relationship.  The  re 
flecting  mind  will  readily  perceive  the 
powerful  influence  that  such  a  combina 
tion  must  possess,  in  advancing  their  own 
fortunes,  or  in  crushing  any  single  indi 
vidual  who  might  be  so  unfortunate  as 
to  incur  their  enmity.  It  would  be  felt 
even  in  a  large  community,  and  much 
more  in  a  small  village  of  twelve  or  fif 
teen  hundred  inhabitants.  The  public 
spirited  lawyer  who  should  brave  this 
enmity,  in  the  defense  of  the  rights  of 
the  citizen,  would  run  no  small  risk, 
especially  at  that  more  aristocratic 
period  of  our  Republic,  half  a  century 
ago.  At  present,  it  is  the  democracy 
which  predominates  ;  then,  it  was  the 
aristocracy  which  ruled.  We  proceed  to 
extract  from  the  work  of  N.  B.  Craig 
his  account  of  the  heads  of  these  fami 
lies,  accompanying  it  with  such  remarks 
as  may  be  deemed  necessary  : 

"Presley  Neville,  the  only  son  of 
John  Neville,  (the  Inspector,)  married 
the  daughter  of  Gen.  Morgan,  and  Isaac 
Craig  married  the  only  sister  of  Presley. 
John  Neville,  as  Judge  Wilkinson  states, 
was  a  man  of  great  wealth  for  those 
days.  He  was  the  descendant  of  a  lad 
who  at  a  very  early  day  was  kidnapped 
in  England  and  brought  to  Virginia,  and 
who  subsequently  accumulated  a  good 
property  there.  John  Neville  was  a 
man  of  good  English  education,  of  plain 
blunt  manners,  a  pleasant  companion, 


and  the  writer  well  recollects  how  eager 
ly  he  listened  to  his  well-related  anec 
dotes,  and  how  by  his  manner  he  could 
give  interest  to  trifling  incidents.  He 
was  born  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Oco- 
quan  river,  Virginia,  on  the  direct  road 
from  Washington's  paternal  estate  to 
Winchester  and  Cumberland,  and  the 
residence  of  his  father  is  laid  down  in 
Spark's  map  illustrative  of  the  'opera 
tions  in  Virginia'  during  the  war  of 
1754.  From  this  circumstance,  proba 
bly,  it  was  that  he  became  an  early  ac 
quaintance  of  Washington,  both  of  whom 
were  about  the  same  age,  and  thus 
with  the  ardor  of  a  young  man  he  en 
gaged  in  Braddock's  expedition.  He 
subsequently  settled  near  Winchester, 
in  Frederick  county,  where  for  some 
time  he  held  the  office  of  sheriff.  Prior 
to  1774  he  had  made  large  entries  and 
purchases  of  lands  on  Chartiers  creek, 
then  supposed  to  be  in  Virginia,  and  was 
about  to  remove  here  when  the  troubles 
began.  He  was  elected  in  that  year  a 
delegate  from  Augusta  county,  that  is, 
from  Pittsburgh,  to  the  Provincial  Con 
vention  of  Virginia,  which  appointed 
George  Washington,  Peyton  Randolph, 
and  others  to  the  first  Continental  Con 
gress,  but  was  prevented  by  sickness 
from  attending.  Subsequent  to  the  Rev 
olution,  he  was  a  member  of  the  Su 
preme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylva 
nia.  Presley  Neville,  his  son,  was  an 
accomplished  gentleman,  having  receiv 
ed  the  best  education  the  country  could 
afford  ;  was  a  good  classical  and  French 
scholar  ;  had  served  throughout  the 
Revolution,  part  of  the  time  as  aid  to 
Lafayette.  He  and  his  father  had  to 
gether  a  princely  estate  on  Chartiers 


WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 


creek,  besides  large  possessions  else 
where  in  Virginia,  Ohio  and  Kentucky. 
He  had  also  large  expectations  from  his 
father-in-law.  But  unfortunately  for 
the  comfort  of  his  latter  days,  his  heart 
was  tenfold  larger  than  his  estate  and 
all  his  expectations.  In  recently  look 
ing  over  some  old  letters  from  him, 
written  while  he  was  yet  in  exile,  and 
while  the  ashes  of  his  father's  destroyed 
mansions,  and  barns,  and  stables,  and 
negro  huts,  were  yet  warm,  I  was  struck 
with  the  following  kind-hearted  expres 
sion  :  '  The  prisoners  arrived  yesterday, 
'and  were,  by  the  ostentation  of  Gen. 
'White,  paraded  through  the  different 
'parts  of  the  city  (Philadelphia).  They 
'had  pieces  of  paper  in  their  hats  to 
'  distinguish  them,  and  wore  the  appear- 
'ance  of  wretchedness.  I  could  not 
'  help  being  sorry  for  them,  although  so 
''well  acquainted  with  their  conduct.'  " 

"  Major  Abraham  Kirkpatrick,  a 
Marylander  by  birth,  a  soldier  of  the 
Revolution,  as  brave  a  man  as  drew  his 
sword  in  the  struggle  for  independence, 
of  but  ordinary  English  education,  but 
of  strong  native  intellect,  kind  and  chiv- 
alric,  though  rather  by  fits  and  starts ; 
shrewd  in  argument,  and  so  fond  of  it 
that  he  would  rather  change  sides  than 
let  the  discussion  cease."  This  is  the 
favorable  side  of  his  character,  as  given 
by  his  kinsman  ;  others  spoke  of  him  in 
very  different  terms;  but  a  regard  for  the 
feelings  of  survivors  forbids  saying  any 
thing  further. 

"Isaac  Craig,  [the  father  of  N.  B. 
Craig,]  an  Irishman,  born  near  Hills- 
borough,  in  the  county  Dover,  of  repu 
table  Protestant  parents,  as  certified  in 
a  paper  in  my  possession,  emigrated  to 
Philadelphia  in  1767,  where  he  carried 
on  his  trade  of  house.) oiner  until  the 
commencement  of  the  Revolutionary 
war.  He  was  then  appointed,  by  the 
authorities  of  Pennsylvania,  a  Captain 


of  Marines,  and  as  such  in  the  sloop-of- 
war  Andrew  Doria,  Capt.  Nicholas  Bid- 
die,  sailed  in  Commodore  Hopkins'  squad 
ron,  along  with  Paul  Jones,  Barney  and 
others,  to  the  Isle  of  New  Providence, 
in  the  West  Indies,  where  they  seized, 
and  brought  safely  home,  a  large  amount 
of  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  then 
much  needed.  Soon  after  his  return  he 
received  an  appointment  as  captain  in 
Proctor's  regiment  of  artillery,  just  in 
time  to  be  present  at  the  capture  of  the 
Hessians  at  Trenton.  Subsequently  he 
was  in  the  battle  of  Princeton,  Brandy- 
wine  and  Germantown,  and  about  the 
time  of  Broadhead's  expedition  up  the 
Allegheny,  accompanied  Gen.  Sullivan's 
expedition  up  the  Susquehanna  against 
the  hostile  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations. 
He  was  then  ordered  to  Pittsburgh,  which 
after  the  war  he  made  his  home.  He 
was  but  of  common  school  education,  but 
having  a  good  mind  for  mechanics  and 
mathematics,  had  in  these  branches  ad 
ded  largely  to  his  school  acquirements, 
and  was  at  an  early  day  a  member  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society." 

So  far,  Mr.  Craig  ;  it  is  now  my  turn 
to  make  some  remarks  on  the  foregoing. 
First,  as  to  Major  Craig,  his  son  might 
as  well  have  omitted  the  circumstance  of 
his  being  a  member  of  the  Philosophical 
Society,  to  which  he  had  so  little  claim 
that  it  has  been  incorrectly  supposed 
that  the  author  of  "  Modern  Chivalry" 
had  his  case  in  view  in  that  work.  As 
an  individual  he  bore  a  respectable  char 
acter,  although  clannish,  and  far  from 
liberal  in  his  opinions. 

As  to  the  letter  of  Col.  Presley  Neville, 
on  the  subject  of  the  prisoners  marched 
through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia  with 
papers  in  their  hats  with  the  word  "In 
surgent,"  this  would  have  been  bad 
enough  after  conviction,  but  in  the  case 
of  innocent  men,  as  those  proved  to  be, 
it  was  a  shocking  outrage,  which  can 


THE    NEVILLE   CONNECTION. 


33 


that  "  Brackenridge  and  Findley  have 
both  written  apologies  for  their  own  con 
duct,  which  have  been  looked  upon  as 
histories."  What  apology  can  be  made 
for  their  treatment  of  the  injured  pris 
oners,  marched  on  foot  over  the  moun 
tains,  at  an  inclement  season,  driven  ig- 
nominiously  through  the  streets,  confin 
ed  in  prison  many  months,  and  found  at 
last  to  be  not  only  innocent,  but  meri 
torious  ?  Who  were  the  parties  chiefly 
concerned  in  this  outrage  ?  A  rigid  in 
quiry  might  possibly  implicate  a  portion 
of  the  powerful  "  Neville  connection." 

If  it  requires  an  apology  for  having 
labored  to  induce  the  people  to  submit 
to  the  government,  and  having  exerted 
themselves  as  mediators  and  peacemakers 
between  them,  the  histories  referred  to 
are  very  effectual  and  unanswerable  vin 
dications.  In  doing  this,  they  were 
necessarily  compelled  to  implicate  oth 
ers,  who  would  gladly  apologize  for  their 
acts,  if  the  truth  of  history  would  permit. 
Col.  Presley  Neville  possessed  many 
estimable  qualities.  He  was  incapable 
lature,  and  a*  a  witness  against  the  insur-  \  of  any  mean  act,  but  from  the  cabalistic 


scarcely  be  conceived  at  the  present  day. 
Neville  B.  Craig  is  a  great  stickler  for 
dates  and  facts,  when  they  suit  his  pur 
pose,  and  equally  reckless  of  them,  when 
they  do  not.  In  the  newspaper  contro 
versy  between  him  and  the  author,  he 
announced  in  the  most  triumphant  man 
ner  that  he  had  detected  him  in  an  im 
portant  error  of  fact.  It  was  in  refer 
ence  to  a  contribution  of  whiskey  on 
some  occasion,  which  the  author  men 
tioned  as  of  five  barrels,  which  Craig  after 
minute  research  discovered  was  only  of 
four.  But  here,  in  respect  to  Col.  Ne 
ville's  letter,  he  has  been  guilty  of  a 
gross  misrepresentation,  which  he  could 
not  but  have  known  to  be  such.  Why  did 
he  not  give  the  date  of  the  letter  which 
he  states  he  found  among  the  letters  of 
Col.  Neville?  The  reason  is,  it  would 
have  shown  the  fact,  that  he  was  not  in 
what  Craig  denominates  exile,  at  the 
time  of  writing  that  letter.  He  had 
been  restored  to  his  home  in  triumph, 
by  his  father-in-law,  and  he  was  then  in 
Philadelphia  as  a  member  of  the  Legis- 


gents.  Col.  Neville,  who  was  a  gentle 
man,  and  possessed  of  humane  feeling, 
does  not  say  in  that  letter  that  the  pris  - 
oners  had  a  hand  in  the  acts  of  violence 


influence  of  the  "Neville  connection," 
sometimes  witheld  his  disapprobation  of 
acts  which  his  better  nature  condemned. 
He  had  much  of  the  cavalier  about  him, 


committed,  but  merely  :  "I  could  not  j  and  not  a  little  of  the  false  pride  attend- 
help  being  sorry  for  them,  although  so  I  ing  it;  at  the  same  time,  he  possessed  the 
well  acquainted  icith  their  conduct."  What  j  lofty  feelings  which  characterize  the  Vir 
ginia  gentleman.  It  is  unfortunate  that 
in  his  habits  he  was  indolent,  was  a  mere 


conduct  ?  It  is  impossible  to  extend 
this  allusion  further  than  to  their  oppo 
sition  to  the  excise  law,  for  two  obvious  J  man  of  pleasure,  having  no  occupation, 
reasons :  first,  when  brought  to  trial,  |  yet  by  no  means  addicted  to  any  vice, 
there  appeared  to  be  nothing  against  j  He  wanted  what  the  French  express  by 

the  word  charactere.     In  his  early  life  he 


them  ;  and  secondly,  when  Col.  Neville 
was  called  upon  as  a  witness,  he  could 
allege  nothing  against  their  conduct 
which  was  illegal !  It  was  reserved  for 
his  unscrupulous  nephew  to  say,  that  they 
had  been  concerned  in  destroying  the 
mansion  of  General  Neville,  his  stables, 
negro  huts,  &c.  Craig  is  pleased  to  say, 


undertook  to  study  law,  under  my  father, 
but  after  six  months  abandoned  it,  and 
gave  as  his  reason,  that  the  profession 
of  the  law  was  not  an  occupation  fit  for  a 
gentleman!  His  mode  of  living  was  ex 
pensive,  never  undertaking  anything  to 
render  his  fine  landed  estate  more  pro- 


34 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


ductive,  or  to  effect  any  improvement; 
the  consequence  "was,  that  he  was  eaten 
out  of  house  and  home  by  servants  and 
retainers,  and  persons  to  whom  he  ex 
tended  his  hospitality,  too  often  mispla 
ced.  The  writer  knew  him  when  in  his 
highest  prosperity,  and  saw  him  in  his 
old  age,  when  greatly  reduced  in  his  cir 
cumstances,  and  thought  him  in  the  lat 
ter  condition  a  wiser  and  better  man 
than  he  had  ever  been  in  his  most  pros 
perous  state.  It  was,  perhaps,  his  mis 
fortune  that  he  was  the  inheritor  of 
wealth.  The  contrast  between  him  and 
the  other  members  of  the  "connection," 
was  very  great.  Every  one  esteemed  and 
admired  him,  while  toward  the  others  a 
different  feeling  prevailed. 

His  father,  although  possessed  of  some 
good  qualities,  such  as  hospitality,  &c., 
was  a  very  different  character.  He  was 
cunning,  vindictive  and  selfish.  His 
grandson  has  made  some  eulogistic  ex 
tracts  from  a  pamphlet  published  by  a 
Judge  Wilkinson,  which  we  will  insert  in 
this  place.  Who  was  this  Judge  Wilkin 
son  ?  Craig  endeavors  to  leave  the  im 
pression  that  he  was  some  grave  judicial 
functionary,  who  had  lived  his  neighbor, 
and  who,  therefore,  spoke  from  a  personal 
knowledge !  He  was  a  boy  of  five  or  six 
years  old  when  he  lived  near  Neville — 
he  removed  to  New  York — there  grew  up, 
became  a  justice  of  the  peace,  was  called 
Judge,  and  wrote  his  pamphlet  about  the 
Western  Insurrection!  That  he  was 
very  imperfectly  acquainted  with  the 
"Neville  connection,"  will  appear  from 
the  following  extract  from  Craig's  book : 
"  His  kind  heart  had  not  changed  in  the 
half  century  which  had  elapsed  between 
the  destruction  of  the  property  and  the 
writing  his  account  of  it ;  but  his  mem 
ory,  or  his  information  of  the  family 
relations,  was  not  so  faithful  as  the 
kindness  of  his  heart.  John  Neville  was  | 
not  the  brother-in-law  of  Gen.  Morgan, 


nor  the  father-in-law  of  Major  Kirk- 
patrick.  John  Neville  and  Abraham 
Kirkpatrick  married  sisters  of  the  name 
of  Oldharn,  of  as  sound  and  true  Whig 
family  as  any  in  the  country."  It  is  high 
ly  probable  that  Judge  Wilkinson  was  no 
better  informed  on  the  other  topics  on 
which  he  writes.  Mr.  Craig  introduces 
several  extracts  from  the  work.  Here 
is  one  of  them:  "John  Neville  a  man 
"of  deserved  popularity,  was  appointed 
"  collector  for  Western  Pennsylvania ;  he 
"  was  one  of  the  few  men  of  great  wealth 
"who  had  put  his  all  at  hazard  in  the 
"cause  of  independence.  Besides  his 
"claims  as  a  soldier  and  a  patriot,  he 
"had  contributed  greatly  to  the  relief  of 
"  the  suffering  soldiers.  [How  ?]  If  any 
"man  could  have  executed  this  odious 
"law,  Gen.  Neville  was  the  man.  He 
"was  the  brother-in-law  of  the  dis 
tinguished  Gen.  Morgan,  and  father- 
"in-law  to  Majors  Craig  and  Kirk- 
"  patrick,  officers  highly  respected  in 
"the  western  country."  It  would  cer 
tainly  not  be  consistent  with  truth  to 
place  Gen.  Neville  on  a  footing  with 
Carroll  or  Hancock,  with  respect  to  the 
risk  of  fortune;  for  Neville's  fortune, 
consisting  of  recently  appropriated 
lands,  worth  at  the  commencement  of 
the  Revolution  a  few  cents  an  acre,  in 
all  probability  he  ran  less  risk  of  injury 
than  he  had  chance  of  pecuniary  advan 
tages  by  the  Revolution.  Wilkinson 
says  in  another  place :  "  He  accepted  the 
"  appointment  (of  Inspector)  from  a  sense 
"  of  duty  to  his  country.  Besides  Gen. 
"Neville's  claims  as  a  soldier  and  a 
"  patriot,  he  had  contributed  greatly  to 
"relieve  the  sufferings  of  the  settlers  in 
"his  vicinity.  He  divided  his  last  loaf 
"  with  the  needy  ;  and  in  a  season  of  more 
"than  ordinary  scarcity,  as  soon  as  his 
"wheat  was  sufficiently  matured  to  be 
"  converted  into  food,  he  opened  his  fields 
"  to  those  who  were  suffering  with  hunger. " 


THE   NEVILLE   CONNECTION. 


35 


This  reads  very  strangely  !  What  season 
of  scarcity  does  Wilkinson  allude  to? 
The  neighbors  of  Neville  were  all  culti 
vators  of  the  soil,  where  land  could  be 
got  for  a  trifle,  and  if  their  crops  failed 
the  General's  would  have  failed  also. 
The  misfortune  was,  that  they  had  a 
surplus  for  which  they  had  no  market, 
hence  the  cause  of  the  excise  riots !  But 
in  truth,  there  never  was  such  a  thing 
as  an  entire  failure  of  crops  in  the  fruit 
ful  region  round  the  head  of  the  Ohio ; 
it  was  a  thinly  inhabited,  glorious  woody 
park,  stocked  with  game  of  every  de 
scription;  deer  and  turkeys  could  be 
had  merely  for  the  trouble  of  shooting 
them.  As  to  the  patriotism  of  accepting 
a  lucrative  office,  it  is  absurd  to  suppose 
that  Neville  was  more  patriotic  in  accept 
ing  than  any  other,  unless  it  be  shown 
that  it  involved  a  sacrifice  which  no 
other  competent  person  was  willing  to 
make.  We  have  seen  in  the  text  that 
his  acceptance  was  a  positive  injury  to 
the  cause  of  the  excise,  for  the  reason 
that  it  involved  a  dereliction  of  the  cause 
of  the  people,  who  had  confided  in  him 
as  their  representative;  and  for  the 
further  reason,  that  he  had  been  opposed 
to  excise  laws,  as  well  as  his  neighbors, 
who  very  naturally  concluded  that  he 
was  actuated  in  his  desertion  solely  by 
the  prospect  of  personal  emolument. 
Wilkinson's  eulogistic  notice  must  be 
taken  as  a  rhetorical  flourish,  very 
agreeable  to  the  Nevilles,  but  not  exactly 
in  conformity  with  rigid  historic  truth. 
Let  all  just  praise  be  given,  avoiding 
exaggeration.  As  to  General  Neville 
sharing  his  last  loaf,  it  may  be  asked  on 
what  occasion  was  the  wealthy  Neville 
reduced  to  his  last  loaf  ?  The  writer  of 
this  was  born  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  Nevilles,  had  much  better  opportu 
nities  of  personal  acquaintance  with  this 
subject  tban  Judge  Wilkinson,  and  never 
heard  of  these  marvelous  acts.  In  these 


traits  of  benevolence,  the  Nevilles  were 
quite  as  good,  but  not  superior,  to  many 
of  their  neighbors,  who  were  equally 
humane  and  public  spirited,  but  whose 
descendants  have  not  thought  necessary 
to  emblazon  their  charitable  acts. 

But  the  Nevilles  were  regarded  in  a 
different' point  of  view  by  others,  and 
here  some  extracts  will  be  made  from 
the  "  Incidents  of  the  Western  Insurrec 
tion,"  leaving  the  reader  to  take  them 
for  what  they  are  worth..  The  author 
of  the  Incidents  relates  a  conversation 
between  him  and  one  Miller,  a  /ariner 
and  distiller,  in  whose  field  during  the 
harvest  the  first  outbreak  took  place, 
a  narrative  so  characteristic  that  it  car 
ries  conviction  with  it,  and  throws  much 
light  on  the  causes  of  the  insurrection. 
"  The  Federal  sheriff,  said  he,  [the  Mar 
shal,]  was  reading  the  writ,  and  General 
Neville  on  horseback  in  the  lane,  where 
he  called  to  the  sheriff  to  make  haste.  1 
looked  up  and  saw  a  party  of  men  run 
ning  across  the  field,  as  it  were  to  head 
the  sheriff.  He  set  off  with  General  Ne 
ville,  and  when  they  got  to  the  head  of 
the  lane  the  people  fired  upon  them. 
That  night  it  was  concluded  we  should 
go  on  to  Neville's  and  take  him  and  the 
marshal.  I  felt  myself  mad  with  pas 
sion.  I  thought  two  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  would  ruin  me  ;  and  to  have  to  go 
to  the  Federal  court  in  Philadelphia  would 
keep  me  from  going  to  Kentucky  this  fall 
and  I  was  getting  ready.  I  felt  my  blood 
boil  at  seeing  General  Neville  along  to 
pilot  the  sheriff  to  my  very  door.  He 
had  been  against  the  excise  law  as  much 
as  any  body.  When  old  Graham,  the 
excise  man,  was  catched  and  had  his 
hair  cut  off,  I  heard  General  Neville  him 
self  say  they  ought  to  have  cut  off  the 
ears  of  the  old  rascal ;  and  when  the 
distillers  were  sued  some  years  ago  for 
fines,  he  talked  as  much  against  it  as 
anybody.  But  he  wanted  to  keep  in  the 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


Assembly  then.  But  whenever  he  got  an 
offer  of  the  office  himself,  he  took  it.  I 
am  a  relation  of  Kirkpatrick,  his  mother 
and  my  mother  were  sisters ;  I  was 
always  for  General  Neville  in  his  elec 
tions,  and  it  put  me  mad  to  see  him 
coming  to  ruin  me." 

The  same  writer  relates,  that  in  a 
conversation  with  Col.  Presley  Neville, 
he  said  to  him:  "It  is  known  that  be 
fore  your  father  accepted  the  office  you 
were  consulted,  and  advised  the  accept 
ance.  It  is  known  that  application  has 
been  made  to  you  to  advise  your  father 
to  resign  ;  you  have  said  no  ;  would  any 
of  them  resign  an  office  of  such  value  ?" 
It  would  be  superfluous  to  say  any  thing 
further  respecting  the  preposterous 
claim  of  exalted  pretensions  in  accept 
ing  the  office.  Such  a  claim  might  as 
well  be  made  in  favor  of  the  others  of 
the  "connection,"  on  account  of  the 
appointments  held  by  them.  Major 
Craig  was  United  States  Quarter-Master, 
a  lucrative  post,  which  gave  him  in 
fluence  and  the  command  of  money — 
Major  Kirkpatrick  was  Commissary,  and 
Col.  Neville,  Brigade  Inspector,  and  mem 
ber  of  the  Assembly. 

Intemperate  Resolutions. — The  first  of 
those  resolutions  against  the  United 
States  excise  laws,  and  which  resolutions 
were  characterized  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  as  intemperate,  is  as  follows : 

"At  Pittsburgh,  the  7th  of  September, 
1791,  the  following  gentlemen  appeared 
from  the  counties  of  Westmoreland,  Fay- 
ette  and  Allegheny,  to  take  into  consider 
ation  an  Act  of  Congress,  laying  duties 
upon  spirits  distilled  within  the  United 
States,  passed  the  3d  of  March,  1791. 

"For  Westmoreland  county,  Nehemiah 
Stokely  and  John  Young,  Esquires ;  for 
Washington  county,  Col.  James  Marshall, 
Rev.  David  Phillips  and  David  Bradford, 
Esquires;  for  Fayette  county,  Edward 


Cook,  Nathaniel  Bradly  and  John  Oli- 
phant,  Esquires;  for  Allegheny  county, 
Col.  Thomas  Morton,  John  Woods,  Esq. 
and  William  Plumer. 

"  Edward  Cook,  Esquire,  was  voted  in 
the  chair,  and  John  Young  appointed 
Secretary. 

"Resolved,  That  having  considered  the 
laws  of  the  late  Congress,  it  is  our  opinion 
that  in  a  very  short  time  hasty  strides 
have  been  made  to  all  that  is  unjust  and 
oppressive.  We  note  particularly  the 
exorbitant  salaries  of  officers,  the  unrea 
sonable  interest  of  the  public  debt,  and 
the  making  no  discrimination  between  the 
original  holders  of  public  securities  and 
the  tranferrees,  contrary  to  the  ideas  of 
natural  justice  in  sanctioning  an  advan 
tage  which  was  not  in  the  contemplation 
of  the  party  himself  to  receive,  and  con 
trary  to  the  municipal  law  of  most  na 
tions  and  ours  particularly,  the  carrying 
into  effect  an  unconscionable  bargain, 
where  an  undue  advantage  has  been  ta 
ken  of  the  ignorance  or  necessities  of  an 
other  ;  and  also  contrary  to  the  interest 
and  happines  of  these  States,  being  sub 
versive  of  industry  by  common  means, 
where  men  seem  to  make  fortunes  by 
the  fortuitous  concurrence  of  circumstan 
ces,  rather  than  by  economic,  virtuous 
and  useful  employment.  What  is  an  evil 
still  greater,  the  constituting  a  capital  of- 
nearly  eighty  millions  of  dollars  in  the 
hands  of  a  few  persons  who  may  influ 
ence  those  occasionally  in  power  to 
evade  the  Constitution.  As  an  instance 
of  this,  already  taken  place,  we  note  the 
act  establishing  a  National  Bank  on  the 
doctrine  of  implication,  but  more  espe 
cially,  we  bear  testimony  to  what  is  a 
base  offspring  of  the  funding  system,  the 
excise  law  of  Congress,  entitled,  '  An  Act 
laying  duties  upon  distilled  spirits  with 
in  the  United  States,  passed  the  3d  of 
March,  1791.' 

"Resolved,  That  the  said  law  is  deser- 


INTEMPERATE   RESOLUTIONS. 


37 


vedly  obnoxious  to  the  feelings  and  inter 
ests  of  the  people  in  general,  as  being 
attended  with  infringements  on  liberty, 
partial  in  its  operations,  attended  with 
great  expense  in  the  collection,  and  lia 
ble  to  muoh  abuse.  It  operates  on  a 
domestic  manufacture,  a  manufacture  not 
equal  through  the  States.  It  is  insulting 
to  the  feelings  of  the  people  to  have  their 
vessels  marked,  houses  painted  and  ran 
sacked,  to  be  subject  to  informers  gain 
ing  by  the  occasional  delinquency  of 
others.  It  is  a  bad  precedent,  tending 
to  introduce  the  excise  laws  of  Great 
Britain,  and  of  countries  where  the  lib 
erty,  property,  and  even  the  morals  of 
the  people  are  sported  with,  to  gratify 
particular  men  in  their  ambitious  and 
interested  measures. 

"Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this 
committee  the  duties  imposed  by  the  said 
act  on  spirits  distilled  from  the  produce 
of  the  soil  of  the  United  States,  will 
eventually  discourage  agriculture,  and  a 
manufacture  highly  beneficial  in  the  pres 
ent  state  of  the  country.  That  those 
duties  which  fall  heavy,  especially  upon 
the  western  parts  of  the  United  States, 
which  are,  for  the  most  part,  newly  set 
tled,  and  where  the  aggregate  of  the 
citizens  is  of  the  laborious  and  poorer 
class,  who  have  not  the  means  of  procur 
ing  the  wines,  spirituous  liquors,  &c., 
imported  from  foreign  countries. 

"Resolved,  That  there  appears  to  be  no 
substantial  difference  between  a  duty  on 
what  is  manufactured  from  the  produce 
of  a  country  and  the  produce  in  its  nat 
ural  state,  except,  perhaps,  that  in  the 
first  instance  the  article  is  more  deserv 
ing  of  the  encouragement  of  wise  legisla 
tion,  as  promotive  of  industry,  the  popu 
lation  and  strength  of  the  country  at 
large.  The  excise  on  home-made  spiritu 
ous  liquors,  affects  particularly  the  rais 
ing  of  grain,  especially  rye,  and  there  can 
be  no  solid  reason  for  taxing  it  more 


than  any  other  article  of  the  growth  of 
the  United  States. 

"Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  repre 
sentations  be  presented  to  the  Legislature 
of  the  United  States. 

"Resolved,  That  the  following  remon 
strance  be  presented  to  the  Legislature 
of  Pennsylvania. 

"Resolved,  That  the  following  address, 
together  with  the  whole  proceedings  of 
this  committee,  which  were  unanimously 
adopted,  be  printed  in  the  Pittsburgh 
Gazette." 
Signed  by  order  of  the  committee. 

EDWARD  COOK,  Chairman. 
In  August,  1792,  another  meeting  was 
held  at  Pittsburgh,  and   the    following 
resolutions  were  adopted : 

"That  whereas,  some  men  may  be 
I  found  amongst  us,  so  far  lost  to  every 
I  sense  of  virtue,  and  feelings  for  the 
I  distresses  of  their  country,  as  to  accept 
j  the  office  of  collector  of  the  duty. 

"Resolved,   Therefore,   that  in  future 

i  we  will  consider  such  persons  as  unwor- 

|  thy  of  our  friendship,  have  no  intercourse 

!  or  dealings  with  them,  withdraw  from 

!  them  every  assistance,  withhold  all  the 

I  comforts  of  life  which  depend  upon  those 

duties  that  as  men  and  fellow  citizens 

we  owe  to  each  other,  and  upon  all  oc- 

!  casions  treat  them  with   that  contempt 

they  deserve  ;  and  that  it  be,  and  it  is 

I  hereby  most  earnestly  recommended  to 

1  the  people  at  large,  to  follow  the  same 

'  line  of  conduct  toward  them." 

These  resolutions,  with  those  adopted 
'  on  former  occasions,  are  enumerated  by 
I  Secretary  Hamilton   among   the   causes 
of  the  insurrection.     This  was  attach- 
i  ing  too  much  importance  to  them,  and 
I  as  was  stated  by  Col.  Neville,  the  oppo 
sition  to  the  excise  law  did  not  seem 
|  greater  after  their  passage  than  before 
j  it.    The  first  resolutions,  although  badly 
worded,    give   a  fair   expression  of  the 
I  popular  feeling,    and  certainly  do  not 
4 


38 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


exceed  the  limits  of  lawful  remonstrance. 
The  second,  two  years  before  the  insur 
rection,  are  intemperate,  and  rather  cal 
culated  to  do  harm  to  the  authors,  than 
to  injure  the  government. 

Lynn's  Case. — The  different  manner  in 
which  the  same  occurrence  may  be  rela 
ted  by  different  persons,  may  be  seen  by 
contrasting  the  account  of  this  affair,  as 
given  by  Secretary  Hamilton,  in  his  re 
port  of  August,  1794,  and  that  of  D. 
Carnahan,  afterward  President  of  Prince 
ton  College,  who  writes  from  personal 
knowledge.  The  following  is  the  state 
ment  of  the  Secretary: 

"About  midnight  on  the  6th  of  June,  a 
number  of  persons,  armed  and  painted 
black,  broke  into  the  house  of  John  Lynn, 
where  the  office  was  kept.  By  prom 
ises  of  safety  to  himself  and  his  house, 
they  treacherously  got  him  into  their 
power,  when  they  seized  and  tied  him, 
threatening  to  hang  him.  They  carried 
him  to  a  retired  part  of  the  neighboring 
woods,  and  there  after  cutting  off  his  hair, 
and  tarring  and  feathering  him,  they  com 
pelled  him  to  swear  that  he  would  never 
allow  his  house  to  be  used  again  as  an 
office,  never  again  to  have  any  agency 
in  the  excise  and  never  to  disclose  their 
names.  After  this  they  bound  him 
naked  to  a  tree  and  left  him  in  that  situa 
tion  till  the  morning,  when  he  succeeded 


in  extricating  himself.  Not  content  with 
this,  the  rioters  came  again,  pulled  down 
part  of  his  house,  and  compelled  him  to 
become  an  exile  from  his  own  home." 

The  other  account  differs  from  the 
above,  as  the  reader  will  see.  "  The 
first  acts  of  violence  were  done  to  the 
deputy  inspectors,  men  generally  of  low 
character,  who  had  very  little  sensibili 
ty,  and  who  were  willing,  for  the  paltry 
emolument;  of  the  office,  to  incur  the 
censure  and  contempt  of  their  fellow 
citizens.  These  sub-excise  men  were 
seized  by  thoughtless  young  men,  and 
received  a  coat  of  tar  and  feathers,  more 
through  sport  than  from  deliberate  de 
sign  to  oppose  the  law.  Of  several  cases 
of  this  kind  which  occurred,  I  shall  men 
tion  one,  which  in  part  fell  under  my 
notice.  About  the  last  of  June  or  first 
of  July,  1794,  John  Lynn,  a  deputy  in 
spector,  residing  in  Canonsburg,  Wash 
ington  county,  was  taken  from  his  bed, 
carried  into  the  woods  and  received  a 
coat  of  tar  and  feathers,  and  he  was  left 
tied  to  a  tree,  but  so  loosely  that  he  could 
easily  extricate  himself.  He  returned 
to  his  house,  and  after  undergoing  an 
ablution  with  grease  and  soap,  and  sand 
and  water,  he  exhibited  himself  to  the 
boys  in  the  academy  and  others,  and 
laughed  and  made  sport  of  the  whole 
matter." — Carnahan,  p.  120. 


CHAPTER  II. 

POPULAR  OUTBREAK  —  ATTACK  ON  THE  MARSHAL  —  DESTRUCTION  OP  NEVILLE'S 
HOUSE  —  ALARM  IN  PITTSBURGH — -ESCAPE  OP  THE  MARSHAL  AND  INSPECTOR. 

HITHERTO  the  opposition  to  the  excise  only  manifested  itself  in  the 
general  dissatisfaction  with  the  law,  and  occasionally  in  unconnected  acts 
of  resistance  and  violence  by  individuals,  but  within  the  control  of  the 
ordinary  administration  of  justice.  We  now  enter  upon  the  relation  of 
those  more  extensive  and  serious  riots  which  have  been  dignified  with  the 
name  of  "  insurrection."  After  the  most  careful  investigation,  and  the 
lapse  of  half  a  century,  there  has  been  no  evidence  adduced  that  a  single 
individual  had  any  settled  design  to  make  war  against  the  government, 
for  the  purpose  of  overturning  it ;  or  that  the  great  body  of  the  people  had 
any  other  aim  in  their  unpremeditated  violence,  than  to  cause  a  repeal  of 
what  they  regarded  as  an  oppressive  and  unequal  law  !  It  does  not  even 
appear  that  their  ordinary  civil  magistrates  had  been  prevented  from 
exercising  their  functions,  or  that  the  judges,  justices  of  the  peace  and 
executive  officers  throughout  the  four  western  counties,  had  been  abso 
lutely  superseded,  even  in  the  case  of  the  excise  law,  although  for  a  time 
the  laws  appeared  to  be  silent.  No  people,  we  repeat,  were  ever  more 
habitually,  and  even  religiously,  obedient  to  the  law  and  magistrates  than 
the  people  of  Western  Pennsylvania ;  and  yet  they  did  not  consider  it 
immoral,  or  treasonable,  to  resist  in  every  way  a  particular  law  by  "  in 
temperate  resolutions,"  and  even  by  direct  acts  of  violence.  They  had 
before  them  the  example  of  their  British  ancestors,  in  Hampden,  Crom 
well  and  Pym,  and  more  recently  in  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution,  who 
encountered  the  stamp  excise  by  "  intemperate  resolutions,"  and  other 
odious  measures  of  the  British  government,  by  violence,  both  open  and 
disguised.  During  two  years,  they  carried  on  a  bloody  war  with  the 
British  sovereign,  before  taking  the  revolutionary  step  of  their  Declara 
tion  of  Independence.  It  is  true,  the  cry  of  treason  had  been  raised 
against  them ;  but  were  they  traitors  ?  No ;  and  their  enemies  were  com 
pelled  to  refrain  from  treating  them  as  such.  It  is  also  true  that  the  case 
of  those  whose  history  I  am  about  to  relate,  was  different  from  that  to 


40  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

which.  I  have  alluded ;  they  were  living  under  a  government  of  their  own 
choice,  under  a  constitution  which  they  had  sanctioned,  and  under  laws 
made  by  their  own  representatives.  But  let  it  be  remembered  that  these 
establishments  were  recent ;  that  old  habits  and  opinions  do  not  change 
suddenly,  and  although  the  educated  and  intelligent  part  of  the  com 
munity  understood  the  difference,  the  great  body  of  the  people  had  not 
yet  been  trained  to  the  new  system  and  to  the  new  ideas.  It  is  also  cer 
tain  that  those  in  authority  had  likewise  something  to  learn  and  correct 
in  their  views  of  government — especially  in  their  ideas  on  the  subject  of 
treason  and  sedition,  which  they  retained  as  a  part  of  the  dross  of  mon 
archy,  not  yet  purged  away  by  the  purer  workings  of  republican  institu 
tions.  The  law  of  treason,  as  laid  down  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  on  the 
trial  of  Aaron  Burr,  has  completely  banished  the  constructive  or  implied 
offense ;  there  can  be  no  treason  except  that  which  is  exactly  defined  by 
the  constitution  and  the  laws  ;  the  attempt  to  overthrow  the  government 
itself,  and  not  the  mere  opposition  to  particular  laws  or  public  agents, 
although  accompanied  by  mob  violence.  Notwithstanding  one  or  two 
convictions  for  treason,  growing  out  of  the  Western  riots,  yet,  according 
to  the  present  well  established  doctrine,  there  was  not  a  single  overt  act  of 
treason  committed  or  proved ;  and  were  the  same  cases  to  be  tried  now,  the 
more  enlightened  tribunals  of  to-day — more  enlightened,  at  least,  on  this 
subject — would  not  hesitate  to  declare  the  prosecutions  for  treason  unwar 
ranted.  It  does  not  follow,  because  it  is  the  duty  of  the  historian  thus  to 
discriminate,  that  he  must  approve  the  illegal  acts ;  but  they  may  be  re 
duced  in  degree  from  treason  to  high  misdemeanor  :  at  the  same  time  that 
the  motive,  or  intention,  may  be  weighed  by  him  in  estimating  the  moral 
turpitude  of  the  offense.  The  law  constitutionally  enacted,  until  it  be 
constitutionally  repealed,  must  be  obeyed ;  to  suppose  any  higher  law,  or 
moral  obligation,  capable  of  sanctioning  disobedience,  is  nothing  short  of 
anarchy. 

Major  Lenox,  the  Marshal,  (the  Federal  sheriff,  as  the  officer  wa? 
generally  called,)  arrived  in  Pittsburgh  about  the  14th  of  July,  1794, 
after  having  served  all  but  one  of  the  forty  writs  against  delinquent  dis 
tillers,  and  without  having  met  the  slightest  insult  or  opposition.  The 
last  was  against  a  person  of  the  name  of  Miller,  whose  house  he  passed, 
when  he  might  have  served  the  writ  if  he  had  thought  proper;  but  un 
fortunately,  before  doing  this  he  proceeded  to  Pittsburgh,  probably  to 
make  his  report  to  the  Inspector,  Gen.  Neville.  The  next  day  he  re 
turned  to  Miller's  in  company  with  this  gentleman,  but  after  serving  the 
writ,  they  were  followed  by  a  party  of  armed  men.  and  one  gun  was  fired. 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  MARSHAL.  41 

but  without  effect.  It  is  probable  that  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the 
assailants  to  injure  them  ;  every  one  at  that  time  was  a  marksman,  and 
seldom  went  from  home  without  his  rifle,  with  which  he  could  strike  off 
the  head  of  a  squirrel  or  pheasant  at  pleasure.  This  occurrence  took  place 
in  the  midst  of  the  harvest,  which  usually  brought  a  number  of  persons 
together  in  every  neighborhood.  The  time  was  regarded  as  a  kind  of 
Saturnalia,  when  liquor  was  freely  drunk  by  those  who  assembled  to  assist 
each  other  in  taking  off  the  grain  with  the  sickle,  no  speedier  method 
being  then  in  use.  With  the  blood  already  heated,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
the  additional  circumstance  just  related  heightened  the  exasperation. 
July  may  almost  be  designated  the  revolutionary  month.  It  is  possible 
that  if  the  Marshal  had  gone  alone,  such  was  the  habitual  deference  to  the 
civil  authority,  that  no  opposition  would  have  been  made ;  but  it  was  a 
different  matter  when  accompanied  by  the  excise  officer,  their  own  neigh 
bor,  against  whom  the  country  people  had  become  incensed.  Neville 
was  regarded  in  a  different  light  from  the  "  Federal  sheriff/'  There  was 
a  great  contrast  between  his  former  professions  and  his  thus  piloting  the 
officer  to  their*  fSjfestT-Tiomes,  for  the  purpose  of  serving  writs  which  would 
lead  to  the  certain  ruin  of  the  delinquents.  His  acceptance  of  an  odious 
office,  merely  for  the  sake  of  the  emolument,  as  it  was  believed,  when  he 
was  already  the  wealthiest  man  in  the  West,  had  not  only  deprived  him 
of  his  former  popularity,  but  rendered  him  an  object  of  hatred.  To  this 
feeling  of  the  people  against  the  Inspector  personally,  has  been  ascribed  in 
some  degree  the  violence  against  the  law  in  his  neighborhood,  where  the 
insurrection,  if  it  may  be  so  termed,  first  broke  out,  and  to  which  it  was 
chiefly  confined. 

After  the  occurrence  just  related,  the  Marshal  returned  to  Pittsburgh, 
and  the  Inspector  to  his  house  in  the  country,  about  seven  miles  from  town. 
There  had  been  on  the  same  day  at  the  Mingo  Creek  regimental  rendez 
vous,  not  far  from  the  scene  of  the  assault,  an  assembly  of  the  regiment,  in 
order  to  form  a  select  corps  of  militia,  as  their  quota  of  the  eighty  thousand 
men  required  by  the  act  of  Congress.*  In  the  evening,  when  about  to 
separate,  they  heard  of  the  service  of  the  writ  on  Miller  by  the  Marshal, 
in  company  with  the  Inspector,  and  of  his  having  been  fired  upon.  A 
party  was  made  up,  (it  does  not  appear  whether  it  was  with  the  knowledge 
of  any  but  those  who  composed  it,)  headed  by  one  Holcroft,f  (a  person 

*  This  is  no  proof  of  any  premeditated  design  to  overturn  the  government, 
certainly !  See  Findley. 

f  Holcroft  was  the  supposed  author  of  certain  pasquinades,  under  the  name  of 
"  Tom  the  Tinker ;"  they  were  in  the  nature  of  warnings  to  those  who  entered 


42  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

of  little  note,)  consisting  of  thirty-six  others,  who  went  early  next  morning, 
July  16th,  with  arms  to  the  house  of  General  Neville.  It  seems  that 
being  apprehensive  of  an  attack  he  had  been  prepared,  having  armed  his 
negroes.  The  assailing  party,  on  being  hailed,  answering  in  a  suspicious 
manner,  were  fired  on  from  the  house,  and  at  the  same  time  from  the 
negro  quarters ;  the  party  fired  in  return,  but  being  thus  unexpectedly 
attacked  from  the  quarters,  they  retreated,  having  six  wounded,  one 
mortally.* 

Whatever  might  be  the  causes  which  produced  the  popular  state  of 
mind,  the  Inspector  was  justifiable  in  defending  his  house  when  attacked  ; 
but  it  is  questioned  whether  he  was  not  blamajde  in  being  the  first  to  fire, 
without  being  made  acquainted  with  the  intentions  of  the  party,  and 
using  every  precaution  to  avoid  this  lamentable  necessity.  They  were  not 
Indians,  or  plunderers,  or  robbers.  Perhaps  bloodshed  might  have  been 
avoided.  But  blood  being  once  shed,  it  was  not  in  the  nature  of  things 
for  the  matter  to  rest  here.  Blood  had  been  spilled,  and  the  populace, 
without  stopping  to  reason,  would  be  excited  to  renewed  violence.  It  is 
to  be  remarked,  that  the  mobs  formed  by  the  country  population  differ 
from  those  of  towns,  where  there  is  always  more  or  less  of  the  materials 
of  which  genuine  mobs  are  composed ;  a  large  proportion  of  such  having 
no  motive  but  the  love  of  mischief.  On  this  occasion  they  were  composed 
of  the  rural  population,  actuated  by  a  sense  of  real  or  fancied  injuries, 
and  mixed  up  with  a  smaller  proportion  of  the  dregs  of  society.  We 
may  take  it  for  granted,  that  whatever  may  be  the  case  with  town  mobs, 
the  rising  of  the  country  people,  especially  so  thinly  scattered  as  it  was  in 
this  quarter,  furnishes  a  strong  presumption  of  an  honest,  even  if  it  be 
a  mistaken,  sense  of  injury  and  oppression.  Those  who  are  the  primary 
cause  of  such  movements,  prefer  tracing  them  to  the  instigation  of  a  few 

their  stills  under  the  law,  that  the  Tinker  would  pay  them  a  visit  to  mend,  that,  is 
to  destroy  them.  The  soubriquette  became  conspicuous,  but  Holcroft  himself  was 
of  no  importance  during  the  "  Whiskey  Insurrection." 

*  "  I  desired  him  to  give  me  the  particulars  of  the  attack  on  Neville's  house  the 
first  day.  He  did  so  ;  he  said  they  had  about  thirty-six  men  with  fifteen  guns, 
six  only  in  order.  They  found  the  General  just  got  up  ;  after  some  words,  he  fired 
first.  It  was  from  the  windows.  A  horn  was  blowing  in  the  house  the  time  of  the 
firing.  'Was  the  door  open?'  said  I.  'It  was,'  said  he.  'Why  then  did  you 
not  rush  into  the  entry?'  'We  were  afraid,'  said  he,  'that  he  had  a  swivel  or 
a  big  gun  there.'  'The  negroes,'  continued  Miller,  'by  this  time  fired  out  of 
their  cabins  upon  our  backs,  and  shot  several ;  and  we  got  off  as  well  as  we  could.' ' » 
— Incidents,  I.  122,  Miller's  statement  to  Mr.  Brackenridge. 


ASSEMBLAGE   AT   COUCHE's   FORT.  43 

desiguing  demagogues,  imposing  on  the  simplicity  of  the  people,  instead 
of  ascribing  them  to  their  own  unwise  and  unjust  measures. 

The  "  intemperate  resolutions/7  to  which  so  much  evil  was  ascribed,  as 
already  remarked,  were  not  the  causes  of  the  popular  excitement,  but  the 
effect.  That  excitement  existed  before,  and  the  expression  of  it  might 
even  serve  as  a  safety  valve,  to  lessen  its  intensity.  If  no  serious  discon 
tent  existed,  the  mere  passage  of  the  resolutions  would  be  insufficient  to 
produce  it,  although  no  doubt  they  would  help  to  fan  the  flame. 

It  is  stated  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,*  that  toward  the  middle  of  the 
next  day,  the  Inspector,  Col.  Presley  Neville,  who  resided  in  the  town, 
had  received  a  letter  from  his  father,  in  the  country,  informing  him  that 
a  large  number  were  said  to  be  collecting  at  a  place  known  by  the  name 
of  Couche's  Fort,  about  four  miles  distant  from  his  house.  The  son  ex 
pressed  to  him  his  apprehensions  for  the  situation  of  his  father,  and  on 
asking  Col.  Neville  what  he  supposed  to  be  the  object  of  their  assem 
blage,  he  answered  that  it  was  to  require  his  father  to  deliver  his  commis 
sion.  "  Deliver  it,  then,"  said  Mr.  Brackenridge  ;  but  this  was  answered 
by  a  peremptory  negative.  The  reason  given  for  this  advice  was  "  to  put 
by  the  storm  for  the  present,  until  the  civil  authority  could  interpose, 
and  bring  to  account  individually  those  who  had  disturbed  the  peace. 
If  the  mob  who  had  burned  the  house  of  Lord  Mansfield,  in  the  riot  in 
London,  could  have  been  put  off  by  a  delivery  of  his  commission,  it  is 
presumed  that  he  would  have  delivered  up  the  parchment,  as  another 
could  have  been  prepared.'7  In  a  community  almost  purely  democratic, 
where  there  was  no  military  force  to  compel  obedience,  the  people  them 
selves,  who  constituted  the  mob,  being  the  only  force  to  apply  to,  it  was 
useless  for  the  few  and  unarmed  to  resist.  It  is  possible  that  a  sufficient 
number  of  the  friends  of  the  Inspector,  and  those  disposed  to  encounter 
the  risk,  might  have  been  collected  to  attempt  a  defense,  which  would 
have  cost  many  lives :  but  from  the  overwhelming  numbers  opposed  to 
them  with  increased  exasperation,  they  would  ultimately  be  subdued. 
By  thus  giving  way  to  them,  the  attempt  might  afterward  be  made  to 
bring  them  to  justice  by  means  of  constables,  sheriffs  and  judges.  At 
least,  this  temporary  yielding  to  the  storm  could  not  make  it  any  worse, 
and  might  have  been  successful,  which  the  other  could  not  be  ;  and 
when  left  to  themselves,  the  people,  many  by  their  own  reflections,  would 
come  to  see  the  impropriety  of  their  conduct.  In  arbitrary,  despotic 
governments,  the  favorite,  and  almost  only  method  pursued,  is  that  of 

*  Incidents,  p.  6. 


44  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

dragooning  people  into  submission,*  and  at  the  same  time  of  considering 
every  popular  expression  of  dissatisfaction  with  their  rulers  as  treasona 
ble,  or  at  least  seditious.  Mr.  Brackenridge,  afterward  so  conspicuous 
in  these  unfortunate  transactions,  had  hitherto  taken  no  active  part  for 
or  against  the  excise  laws,  although  entertaining  the  common  opinion, 
and  which  had  been  held  by  the  Neville's  themselves  previous  to  their 
taking  office.  He  had  not  attended  the  meeting,  which  two  years  before 
had  passed  the  " intemperate  resolutions,"  which  according  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  had  sown  the  seeds  of  the  insurrection.  He  had, 
however,  appeared  professionally  for  some  of  the  defendants  in  court,  and 
was  naturally  supposed  to  be  identified  in  feeling  with  the  people,  and 
erroneously  expected  to  go  to  all  lengths.  He  was  also  popular,  at  the 
head  of  the  Western  Bar,  and  at  this  time,  a  candidate  for  Congress. 
These  circumstances  rendered  his  actions  liable  to  misconception,  and  af 
forded  an  opportunity  to  his  enemies,  to  misrepresent  it.  Col.  Presley 
Neville,  (son  of  the  Inspector,)  with  but  little  energy  of  character, 
although  possessing  many  fine  qualities,  appears  to  have  had  a  large  share 
of  that  cavalier  pride,  which  does  not  know  how  to  yield  until  it  is  too  late. 
This  was  the  misfortune  of  greater  men,  on  more  important  occasions. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  the  17th,  Gen.  Wilkins,  Brigadier 
General  of  the  militia,  called  on  Mr.  Brackenridge,  and  informed  him 
that  a  demand  had  been  made  by  Col.  Neville,  in  the  name  of  his  father, 
on  Major  General  Gibson  and  himself,  to  call  out  the  militia,  to  suppress 
the  threatened  riot,  and  requesting  his  opinion  as  a  lawyer  as  to  the 
power  under  the  law  to  comply  with  his  request.  Mr.  Brackenridge 
thought  the  power  to  call  out  the  military  rested  in  the  Governor,  by  con 
struction  of  the  clause  in  the  constitution,  which  makes  it  his  duty  "to 
see  that  the  laws  are  faithfully  executed."  Gen.  Wilkins  shortly  after 
returned,  and  stated  that  Col.  Neville  had  applied  to  him  and  General 
Gibson,  as  judges  of  the  court,  to  raise  the  posse  comitatus,  and  again 

*While  this  is  very  true  of  the  arbitrary  and  despotic  ruler,  it  is  equally  true  of 
the  mob;  as  the  following  anecdote  related  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  will  show.  "I 
knew  a  man  nearly  related  to  me,  (his  brother,  John  Brackenridge,)  on  Brushy  run, 
in  Washington  county,  who,  having  no  gun,  sat  two  nights  in  his  cabin,  with  his 
axe  in  his  hand,  to  defend  himself  against  his  captain,  of  the  name  of  Sharp,  who 
had  threatened  his  life  for  not  going  to  the  burning  of  Neville's  house,  agreeable 
to  summons.  He  yielded  on  the  order  to  go  to  Braddock's  Field,  and  appeared 
there  with  a  crooked  horn  by  his  side,  but  had  no  powder  in  it.  He  saw,  as  he 
went  along,  the  tomahawk  drawn  over  the  heads  of  men,  at  their  breakfast  or 
dinner,  and  obliged  to  march." — Incidents,  II.  p.  64. 


THE   POSSE   NOT  AVAILABLE.  45 

requested  legal  information.*  He  was  told  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  that 
this  was  a  power  which  belonged  to  the  sheriff,  and  he  suggested  that  he 
should  be  called  upon.  The  sheriff  and  judges,  shortly  after,  met  at  a 
public  house,  and  sent  a  request  to  the  lawyer  to  attend  them  for  the 
purpose  of  consulting  as  to  the  law,  the  sheriff  having  doubted  his  au 
thority.  The  power  of  the  sheriff  was  fully  explained  ;  but  although  con 
vinced  that  he  possessed  the  power,  he  was  of  the  opinion,  that  in  the 
situation  of  the  country  it  was  impracticable.  The  mob  itself  was  the 
posse,  at  least  out  of  the  town,  and  even  if  every  man  capable  of  bearing 
arms,  in  town,  could  be  assembled,  it  would  be  greatly  outnumbered ;  and 
besides,  the  fear  of  bringing  the  country  upon  them,  would  prevent  them 
from  going ;  and  it  was  possible  that  some  of  them  being  connected  in 
the  country,  sympathized  with  the  rioters.  It  was  then  admitted  on  all 
hands,  that  neither  the  militia  nor  the  posse  were  available.  The  United 
States  soldiers  at  the  garrison  were  not  thought  of;  for  besides  their 
being  too  few  in  numbers,  they  could  not  be  legally  called  out  to  aid  the 
civil  authority,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  commanding  officer.  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge,  seeing  these  difficulties,  proposed  that  the  judges  and  sheriff,  him 
self  accompanying  them,  should  go  to  the  assemblage  of  the  people,  and 
try  the  effect  of  persuasion,  as  force  in  opposition  to  them  was  now  evidently 
out  of  the  question. 

Having  hastily  mounted  their  horses,  they  proceeded  to  cross  the  river, 
on  their  way.  At  the  ferry  they  fell  in  with  Col.  Neville,  Marshal  Lenox, 
and  a  young  man  of  the  name  of  Ormsby.  Mr.  Brackenridge  relates  that 
these  three  persons  were  armed,  which  he  considered  imprudent,  and  ad 
dressing  himself  to  the  young  man,  with  whose  family  he  was  on  terms  of 
friendship,  said  :  "  What !  armed  !"  "  Yes/'  said  he.  "  You  will  not 
ride  with  us  armed."  "  You  may  go  as  you  please/'  said  Ormsby,  "  we 
will  go  armed/'  Col.  Neville,  who  was  mounted  on  a  gay  horse,  with 
pistols  in  holsters,  spoke  :  "  We  are  not  all  born  orators ;  we  are  going  to 
fight,  you  to  speak."  "  I  thought  him  a  better  chevalier  than  a  judge  of 
the  occasion/'  observes  Mr.  Brackenridge.  The  sequel  proved  this  ob 
servation  to  be  correct.  The  parties  took  different  roads  and  separated — 
Neville's  party  taking  the  direct  course  to  his  father's  house,  the  other 
pursuing  the  less  frequented  road  to  Couche's  Fort,  where  they  expected  to 
find  the  persons  who  had  collected  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  house 
of  the  Inspector.  On  their  way  they  found  the  harvest  fields  deserted  by 

*  In  Pennsylvania,  the  district  or  presiding  judge,  is  assisted  by  two  asso 
ciates,  who  are  not  required  to  be  lawyers  by  profession — usually  some  private 
citizen  of  standing  and  character. 


46  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

the  men,  and  only  women  were  to  be  seen.  On  coming  within  half  a  mile 
of  the  place  they  received  information  that  the  main  body  had  marched  for 
Neville's  house.  They  set  out  with  haste  to  overtake  them,  but  when 
within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  Neville's  they  learned  that  all  was  over ;  that 
the  house  had  been  burned,  and  that  the  people  were  returning,  in  a  great 
rage  at  the  loss  of  their  leader,  M'Farlane.  It  was  thought  not  advisable 
to  go  further  in  the  present  state  of  things,  nor  safe  to  remain,  lest  their 
coming  might  be  misconstrued ;  it  was  then  agreed  by  all  to  return  to 
Pittsburgh.  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  proposed  to  proceed  alone  to  the  house, 
but  the  proposition  was  not  well  received ;  it  was  thought  that  all  should 
go  or  none.* 

"With  respect  to  Neville's  party,  they  had  arrived  at  the  outguard,  (for 
it  seems  that  a  guard  had  been  posted  on  the  road  in  military  style,)  about 
the  time  the  firing  on  the  house  commenced.  Neville,  on  his  first  ad 
vance  to  the  guard,  cried  out,  "  If  there  is  a  gentleman  amongst  you,  let 
him  come  out  and  speak  to  me/'  This  quixotic  speech  might  have  been 
fatal  to  him,  as  it  was  an  offense  to  all,  and  several  raised  their  pieces  to 
fire,  when,  with  some  presence  of  mind  and  changing  the  tone  of  his  voice, 
he  cried  out  that  he  was  not  armed,  which  he  might  say,  as  he  had  not 
yet  drawn  his  pistols  from  the  holsters.  He  and  his  companions  were  made 
prisoners,  and  put  under  guard.  Neville  insisted  much  on  being  permit 
ted  to  go  forward,  and  would  engage  that  any  demand  short  of  life  should 
be  complied  with.  In  a  short  time  he  was  compelled  to  witness  the  agoniz 
ing  spectacle  of  the  house  in  flames,  uncertain  of  the  fate  of  his  father  and 
family,  or  whether  they  were  in  the  house  or  not.  When  the  rioters  were 
about  to  disperse,  Neville  and  the  Marshal  were  in  great  personal  danger; 
some  of  the  rioters  having  by  this  time  become  intoxicated.  Young 
Ormsby,  being  known  to  many  of  them,  was  treated  with  some  indignity 
and  rudeness.  The  Marshal  also,  after  some  time,  having  stipulated  to 
serve  no  more  process  west  of  the  mountains,  and  to  surrender  himself 
when  demanded,  Neville  becoming  his  sponsor — they  were  both  permitted 
to  go.  They  had  demanded  of  the  Marshal  that  he  would  engage  not  to 
return  the  process  already  served ;  this  with  a  firmness  which  commanded 
respect,  he  refused  to  accede  to,  alleging  that  in  complying  with  it  he 
would  violate  his  oath  of  office.  The  Marshal,  after  leaving  the  main 
body,  was  again  taken  by  an  out-party,  many  of  them  intoxicated,  and 

*  He  has  been  censured  for  not  going  to  the  house  ;  but  no  reason  is  given  why 
it  was  more  incumbent  on  him  to  go  than  on  the  others  whom  he  accompanied  ! 
It  was  less  so,  because  he  had  no  official  duty  to  require  his  going.  If  he  had  gone 
he  would  probably  have  been  accused  of  having  an  understanding  with  the  rioters. 


ATTACK   ON   NEVILLE'S   HOUSE.  47 

carried  toward  Couche's  Fort,  to  which  they  were  returning.  His  life  was 
in  danger.  For  some  time  he  was  in  charge  of  James  M'Alister,  who 
had  rescued  him  from  great  peril,  but  had  given  his  word  to  the  more 
violent,  not  to  suffer  him  to  escape.  After  some  time  M'Alister  surren 
dered  him  to  Col.  David  Phillips,  who  advanced  some  distance  before  the 
crowd,  and  was  entreated  by  the  Marshal  to  suffer  him  to  escape.  Phillips 
told  him  that  his  own  life  would  answer  for  it.  He  was  at  last,  just  as 
they  approached  the  main  body  with  the  corpse  of  M'Farlane,  prevailed 
upon  to  show  him  a  road  in  a  certain  direction,  and  suffer  him  to  escape. 
He  got  in  the  main  road  toward  Pittsburgh,  and  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning  came  to  town. 

We  will  now  return  to  the  assemblage  at  Couche's  Fort  on  the  17th  of 
July,  and  give  some  account  of  the  proceedings.  The  habit  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  especially  of  the  American  branch,  of  acting  where  numbers  are 
engaged,  under  some  kind  of  organization,  civil  or  military,  was  displayed 
on  this  occasion.  The  assemblage  was  a  part  of  Hamilton's  regiment,  and 
they  came  under  the  command  of  their  officers,  none  of  whom,  except  the 
Colonel,  dared  to  refuse  to  lead  their  companies,  however  much  against 
their  inclination  •  and  many  probably  shared  in  the  inflamed  state  of  the 
public  mind,  while  others  accompanied  their  men  in  the  hope  of  being 
able  to  restrain  them  from  acts  of  violence.  The  greater  number  of  the 
privates  were  farmers  and  their  sons ;  although  there  were  others,  such 
as  are  always  to  be  found  on  such  occasions,  of  a  less  scrupulous  character. 
A  venerable  and  aged  clergyman,  Mr.  Clark,  who  attended  the  meeting, 
addressed  them  and  used,  to  no  purpose,  every  argument  to  dissuade  them 
from  their  designs.  Those  whom  he  addressed  were,  with  few  exceptions, 
emigrants  or  their  descendants  from  the  North  of  Ireland,  from  the  mili 
tary  colonies  established  after  the  natives  had  been  expelled.  They  con 
stituted  also  a  large  proportion  of  the  population  of  the  midland  counties 
of  the  State,  especially  of  Franklin  and  Cumberland  ;  they  are  a  religious, 
as  well  as  a  warlike  race,  qualities  inherited  from  their  ancestors,  as  well 
as  their  dislike  to  excises  and  excise  officers.  The  names  of  the  M' Far- 
lanes,  the  Crawfords,  the  Hamiltons,  the  Bradys,  the  Butlers  and  the 
Calhouns,  show  their  origin.  Although  strict  Presbyterians,  and  usually 
obedient  to  their  clergy,  they  neither  considered  it  immoral  nor  unpatri 
otic,  to  oppose  the  execution  of  a  bad  law.  The  earnest  admonitions  of  the 
venerable  clergyman  were  disregarded.  They  thought  him  in  his  dotage ; 
or  as  having  skill  in  spiritual  affairs,  but  not  in  the  temporal  interests  of 
the  country.  It  is  barely  possible  that  if  the  party  of  Mr.  Brackenridge 
had  arrived  in  time,  the  advice  of  a  lawyer  in  whom  they  placed  confi- 


48  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

deuce,  representing  the  unlawfulness  of  what  they  were  about,  and  the 
probable  consequences,  and  this  backed  by  the  friendly  representations  of 
the  judges  and  sheriff,  might  have  had  better  success.  Many  among  the 
leaders  would  no  doubt  have  been  glad  of  an  excuse  to  drop  the  undertak 
ing;  but  this,  although  deserving  an  experiment,  is  uncertain.  It  is 
most  likely  that  their  passions  had  been  too  much  inflamed  to  think  of  a 
retreat ;  and  those  in  favor  of  it,  especially  after  having  contributed  to  the 
excitement,  would  be  afraid  to  propose  such  a  thing.  There  was  also  a 
hope  among  the  more  reasonable  that  Neville,  seeing  the  formidable  force 
before  his  house,  and  the  utter  uselessness  of  resistance,  would  have  given 
up  the  papers  which  they  had  come  to  demand,  and  the  destruction  of 
property  and  loss  of  life  might  thus  be  prevented.  But  for  the  imprudence 
of  those  left  in  defense  of  the  house,  this  would  have  been  the  case.  The 
number  is  supposed  to  have  been  about  five  hundred,  mostly  armed.  The 
first  act  was  to  appoint  a  committee  like  those  of  the  National  Commission 
ers  of  the  French.  This  committee  offered  the  command  to  Benjamin 
Parkinson,  who  excused  himself  as  not  having  military  knowledge.  James 
M'Farlane  was  then  nominated,  and  he  agreed  to  accept.  He  was  a 
major  of  militia,  and  had  served  with  reputation  as  a  lieutenant  in  the 
war  with  Great  Britain,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  it;  was  a  man 
of  good  private  character,  and  had  acquired  a  very  handsome  property  in 
trade  after  the  close  of  the  war. 

The  body  having  marched  and  approached  the  house,  the  horses  were 
left  under  a  guard,  and  arrangements  made  for  an  attack,  should  it  be 
necessary.  It  seems  that,  in  the  mean  time,  those  in  the  house  were 
prepared.  Early  in  the  morning,  having  marched  before  day,  Major  Kirk- 
patrick  had  arrived  with  eleven  soldiers,  obtained  from  the  commandant 
of  the  United  States  garrison,  a  circumstance  unknown  to  the  assailants 
as  well  as  to  the  civil  officers  before  mentioned ;  in  fact,  to  all  but  the 
Nevilles  and  the  commanding  officer  of  the  garrison.  A  flag  was  sent  from 
the  committee  to  demand  the  delivery  of  the  Inspector's  commission  and 
official  papers,  a  practice  for  which  there  were  precedents  previous  to  the 
Revolutionary  war  in  the  case  of  the  stamp  excise.  From  the  withdrawal 
of  the  Inspector,  it  would  appear  that  he  did  not  count  on  being  able  to 
defend  the  house  against  the  overwhelming  force  coming  against  him. 
It  is  asked,  why  not  give  orders  not  to  attempt  a  defense  ?  It  has  been 
conjectured  that  he  did ;  but  his  brother-in-law,  Kirkpatrick,  being  a 
mere  soldier,  judged  less  prudently,  and  determined  to  make  the  attempt. 
On  the  return  of  the  flag,  it  being  communicated  that  the  Inspector  had 
left  the  house,  a  second  flag  was  sent,  and  a  demand  made  that  six  per- 


ATTACK   ON   NEVILLE'S   HOUSE.  49 

sons  should  be  permitted  to  search  for  his  papers,  and  take  them.  This 
was  refused  ;  and  notice  was  then  given  by  a  third  flag  for  the  wife  of  the 
Inspector  and  any  other  female  of  the  family  to  withdraw  ;*  they  accord 
ingly  did,  and  the  attack  commenced.  About  fifteen  minutes  after  the 
commencement,  a  flag  was  presented  from  the  house,  upon  which  M'  Far- 
land,  stepping  from  a  tree  behind  which  he  had  stood,  and  commanding  a 
cessation  of  firing,  received  a  ball  near  the  groin,  and  almost  instantly 
expired.f  The  firing  then  continued,  and  a  message  was  sent  to  the 
committee,  who  were  sitting  at  some  distance,  to  know  whether  the  house 
should  be  stormed ;  but  in  the  meanwhile  fire  had  been  set  to  a  barn  and 
to  other  buildings  adjoining  the  mansion  house,  and  in  a  short  time  the 
intenseness  of  the  heat  and  the  evident  communicability  of  the  flame  to 
the  house  compelled  those  within  to  call  for  quarter ;  on  which  the  firing 
ceased,  and  they  were  desired  to  come  out  and  surrender  themselves.  The 
soldiers,  three  of  whom  were  said  to  be  wounded,  were  suffered  to  pass  by, 
and  go  where  they  pleased.  Major  Kirkpatrick  had  nearly  passed,  when 
he  was  distinguished  from  the  soldiers,  and  ordered  to  deliver  his  musket, 
which  he  refused ;  when  one  presenting  a  gun  to  his  breast,  he  dropped 
on  his  knee  and  asked  for  quarter. 

The  buildings  were  all  consumed,  excepting  a  small  out-house,  over 
which  a  guard  was  placed  on  being  informed  by  the  negroes  that  it  con 
tained  their  bacon.  When  the  house  was  in  flames  the  cellar  was  broken 
open,  the  liquors  rolled  out  and  drank.  Kirkpatrick,  after  being  carried 
some  distance  under  guard,  was  taken  by  David  Hamilton  behind  him  on 
horseback ;  when,  thinking  himself  protected,  he  began  to  answer  those 
who  came  up  occasionally  with  indignant  language,  when  Hamilton  said 
to  him,  "  You  see  I  am  endeavoring  to  save  you  at  the  risk  of  my  own 
safety,  and  yet  you  are  making  it  still  more  dangerous  for  me."  On  this, 
he  was  silent ;  and  being  carried  some  distance  further  by  Hamilton,  he 
was  advised  to  make  his  escape,  which  he  did. 

*  The  author  has  heard  it  related  as  a  common  rumor,  that  the  ladies  had  with 
drawn,  and  that,  after  this  notification,  the  Inspector,  who  was  still  in  the  house 
escaped  in  female  attire  on  a  horse  with  a  side-saddle,  brought  to  the  door ! 

f  The  following  epitaph  was  lately  copied  from  the  tombstone  in  the  Mingo 
Creek  graveyard  : 

"  Here  lies  the  body  of  Captain  James  M'Farlane,  of  Washington  county,  Pa., 
who  departed  this  life  the  17th  of  July,  1794,  aged  43  years. 

"He  served  during  the  war  with  undaunted  courage  in  defense  of  American 
independence,  against  the  lawless  and  despotic  encroachments  of  Great  Britain 
He  fell  at  last  by  the  hands  of  an  unprincipled  villain,  in  the  support  of  what  he 
supposed  to  be  the  rights  of  his  country,  much  lamented  by  a  numerous  and  re 
spectable  circle  of  acquaintance." 


50  WESTEEN   INSURRECTION. 

Notwithstanding  the  rolling  out  the  liquors  and  drinking  them,  there  is 
not  to  be  found  in  the  history  of  riots  an  instance  of  greater  forbearance 
and  less  of  savage  ferocity.  So  much  the  historian  owes  to  truth,  while 
he  condemns  the  folly  and  madness  and  the  guilt  of  the  outrage.  It  has 
no  parallel  with  the  revolutionary  measures  practiced  about  the  same 
period  by  the  savage  peasantry  of  France,  or  more  brutal  mob  of  Paris. 
Although  enraged  by  the  fall  of  their  favorite  leader,  whom  they  believed 
to  have  been  a  victim  to  treachery,  they  showed  no  disposition  for  cruel 
or  vindictive  retaliation.  It  is  deemed  of  sufficient  importance  by  Findley 
to  contradict  the  assertion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  states 
that  when  the  committee  demanded  the  Inspector's  papers,  they  were 
answered  that  they  might  send  persons  to  search  the  house,  and  take  away 
whatever  papers  they  might  find  pertaining  to  his- office.  But  not  satisfied 
with  this,  they  insisted  unconditionally  that  the  armed  men  who  were 
in  the  house  for  its  defense,  should  march  out  and  ground  their  arms, 
which  Major  Kirkpatrick  peremptorily  refused ;  and  that  this  put  an  end 
to  the  parley.  Findley  asserts,  and  correctly,  that  this  is  unsupported 
by  the  testimony  taken  on  oath  in  the  Circuit  Court,  and  is  entirely  with 
out  foundation.  It  is  certainly  at  variance  with  the  fact  that  the  assail 
ants  had  no  knowledge  that  Kirkpatrick  was  in  the  house  with  the  United 
States  soldiers;  and  it  is  also  at  variance  with  the  account  of  Mr.  Brack- 
enridge.  Allowance  is  to  be  made  for  the  statement  of  the  Secretary, 
who  was  endeavoring  to  make  out  a  case  of  open  rebellion,  in  the  attack 
on  a  regular  garrison  of  the  United  States ;  otherwise,  it  could  be  consid 
ered  nothing  more  than  a  riot  on  the  part  of  the  assailants.  The  illegal 
employment  of  soldiers  would  not  be  so  lightly  passed  over  at  the  present 
day ;  perhaps  the  coloring  attempted  to  be  given  to  the  affair  was  intended 
as  an  excuse  for  employing  them. 

This  unfortunate  occurrence  took  place  only  three  days  after  the  first 
assault  on  the  Inspector  and  the  Marshal,  when  serving  the  writ  on  Miller, 
which  was  succeeded  by  the  abortive  attempt  on  the  house.  It  may  be 
regarded  as  another  scene  of  the  same  act — a  continuation  of  the  same 
otiense,  confined  to  a  small  portion  of  the  western  country,  and  to  the 
immediate  neighbors  of  Gen.  Neville ;  for  it  does  not  appear  that  a  single 
person  residing  in  Pittsburgh  was  accused  of  taking  part  in  it.  If  Col. 
Neville  had  been  so  fortunate  as  to  have  reached  the  house  in  time,  there 
is  a  probability  that  the  papers  would  have  been  given  up,  and  the  mob 
would  have  dispersed ;  but  the  matter  was  left  to  a  soldier  who  knew 
nothing  but  to  fight.  If  those  papers  had  been  surrendered,  the  insur 
rection  would  probably  have  extended  no  further,  and  would  have  ended 
where  it  first  broke  out,  as  there  would  have  been  no  destruction  of  prop- 


ATTACK   ON   NEVILLE'S   HOUSE.  51 

erty  or  loss  of  life  to  incite  to  further  and  more  violent  measures  of 
desperation. 

The  loss  of  private  property  was  considerable,  but  afterward  made 
good,  it  is  believed,  by  an  act  of  Congress.*  An  advertisement  was  about 
this  time  inserted  in  the  newspapers  by  Presley  Neville,  calculated  to  give 
much  offense.  It  related  to  some  government  certificates  of  funded  debt, 
which  were  said  to  be  stolen,  and  warned  the  public  against  any  forged 
transfers,  &c.  These  certificates  being  registered,  were  neither  lost  to 
the  owners,  nor  could  they  be  available  to  any  one  else.  Those  wlio  had 
been  engaged  in  the  destruction  of  the  house  were  not  thieves  or  robbers, 
although  violators  of  the  law.  It  was  regarded  as  an  unnecessary  display 
of  contempt  for  the  people,  and  tended  to  increase  the  unpopularity  of 
the  Neville  connection,  which  consisted  of  four  influential  and  wealthy 
families,  all  enjoying  offices  and  the  favor  of  the  government,  and  hitherto 
the  favor  of  the  people,  who  were  thus  unnecessarily  provoked.  The 
Nevilles  had  been  injured,  it  is  true,  but  they  had  in  some  measure 
brought  it  on  themselves  by  their  own  acts.  They  had  lost  property, 
at  least  for  the  present,  but  they  were  regarded  as  the  cause  of  shedding 
the  blood  of  their  fellow  citizens,  whether  blamably  or  not,  is  a  question 
about  which  there  may  be  a  difference  of  opinion. -\ 

The  day  after  the  destruction  of  the  house  of  the  Inspector,  David 
Hamilton,  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  accompRnied  by  John  Black,  came 
to  Pittsburgh,  with  an  authority  from  the  committee  to  demand  of  the 
Marshal  the  surrender  of  the  writs  which  had  been  served,  agreeably  to 
his  engagement,  as  they  said,  and  for  which  Col.  Neville  had  become 
sponsor.  A  conference  took  place,  and  it  was  denied  on  the  part  of  the 
Marshal  and  Neville,  that  there  had  been  any  engagement,  except  not  to 
make  any  service.  It  was  understood  otherwise  on  the  part  of  Hamilton, 
who  thought  it  of  little  importance  to  make  no  further  service,  as  it  could 
be  of  no  use  to  those  on  whom  the  process  had  been  already  served.  This 
led  to  the  question,  whether  the  Marshal  was  bound  to  return,  and  what 
would  be  the  effect  of  the  return  ?  Whether  judgment  could  be  taken 

*Act  5th  February,  1795,  6th  vol.  U.  S.  at  large,  p.  20 — "  entitled  an  act  to  pro 
vide  some  present  relief  for  the  officers  of  government,  and  other  citizens,  who 
have  suffered  in  their  property  by  the  insurgents  of  Western  Pennsylvania." 

f  They  certainly  possessed  the  right  of  self-defense,  but  their  previous  conduct 
as  respects  the  excise,  and  their  relation  to  the  people,  must  be  taken  into  view  be 
fore  we  pronounce  them  entirely  blameless.  If,  according  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  the 
mere  opposition  to  the  law  led  to  the  insurrection,  then  the  Nevilles  must  share  the 
censure  with  their  neighbors,  for  they  had  been  equally  opposed  to  it  before  their 
appointment  to  office. 


52  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

which   would   bind   the   lands    here   so    that   they   could    be   sold   in 
Philadelphia  ? 

The  Marshal  conceived  it  to  be  only  an  initiatory  process,  on  which 
final  order  could  not  be  taken ;  and  that  there  must  be  another  writ,  and 
service  of  it,  before  judgment.  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  again  consulted, 
and  gave  an  opinion  at  the  instance  of  the  Marshal  and  Neville,  which 
was  to  the  effect  that  the  process  was  similar  to  the  subpoena  in  chancery, 
which  must  be  first  served  before  issuing  the  attachment ;  and  that  no 
judgment  could  be  entered  without  another  writ,  the  present  process  being 
merely  a  summons  to  show  cause.  Copies  of  this  opinion  were  given  to 
Hamilton,  who  thought  that  this  would  not  satisfy  the  committee  ;  that  if 
the  people  had  known  that  the  Marshal  was  bound  to  return  the  writs,  he 
doubted  much  if  he  ever  would  have  got  off  the  ground  !  The  officer,  on 
being  informed  of  this,  was  convinced  of  the  danger  of  his  situation ;  it 
was  impossible  for  him  to  satisfy  the  people,  and  extremely  difficult  to 
leave  the  country,  the  public  roads,  it  was  supposed,  being  completely 
guarded.  In  leaving  the  country,  under  these  circumstances,  Neville 
would  be  exposed  to  their  vengeance,  as  he  had  become  responsible  for 
him.  Mr.  Brackenridge,  from  a  willingness  to  serve  Neville,  proposed  to 
proceed  in  person  to  the  committee,  and  endeavor  to  convince  them  that 
there  was  nothing  to  fear  from  the  return  of  the  writs,  and  at  the  same  time 
offer  his  services  to  go  to  Philadelphia  for  them.  It  was  understood  that 
the  committee  was  sitting  at  Shockan's  tavern,  four  miles  from  Pittsburgh, 
and  the  idea  had  been  held  out  by  Hamilton  and  Black,  that  there  was 
a  large  body  of  men  in  that  vicinity.  This  was  done  for  their  own  safety, 
as  they  were  not  without  apprehensions  of  being  arrested  in  town.  This 
circumstance  shows  the  state  of  feeling  between  it  and  the  country.  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  however,  required  that  he  should  be  accompanied  by  one 
or  two  more  persons,  feeling  the  delicacy  of  communicating  with  the 
rioters,  unless  in  the  presence  of  witnesses.  Several  offered  to  accompany 
him,  who  afterward  made  their  excuses;  but  a  person  of  the  name  of 
Johnston,  who  had  been  a  deputy  collector,  and  was  a  tenant  of  Neville, 
declaring  his  willingness  to  go,  they  set  out  in  company.  On  their  way 
Hamilton  informed  Mr.  Brackenridge  that  he  had,  agreeably  to  the  orders 
given  him,  demanded  of  the  Inspector  a  resignation  of  his  commission ; 
that  the  two  Nevilles  had  agreed  to  the  resignation,  and  had  written 
something  to  that  effect,  but  it  appearing  to  be  merely  conditional,  it  was 
rejected  by  him.  He  was  apprehensive  that  the  consequence  would  be 
bad }  that  there  would  be  no  restraining  the  people  from  coming  to  Pitts 
burgh  to  take  him;  that  he  was  apprehensive,  also,  that  they  would  demand 


ESCAPE   OF   THE   MARSHAL.  53 

the  Marshal,  or,  at  least,  detain  him.  a  prisoner,  to  prevent  his  returning 
the  writs.  Such  was  the  strange  inconsistency  of  setting  the  government 
at  defiance,  and  yet  fearing  the  return  of  the  legal  process  !  Hamilton 
declared  that  it  was  to  prevent  mischief  that  he  had  proposed  coming  to 
Pittsburgh  •  that  the  people  assembled  at  the  interment  of  M'Farlane  were 
in  a  violent  rage,  and  proposed  marching  to  the  town  to  take  the  Marshal 
and  Inspector.  He  declared,  with  respect  to  the  former,  that  it  was  better 
that  one  man  should  die  than  so  many  persons,  with  their  families,  should 
lose  their  plantations.  He  further  expressed  the  opinion,  that  on  that 
day  there  would  not  be  an  excise  office  standing  in  the  survey. 

It  is  important  to  note  the  language  of  desperation,  to  show  the  state  of 
mind  to  which  the  people  had  been  wrought  up,  in  consequence  of  their 
supposed  grievances,  and  the  recent  acts  of  violence.  It  was  the  spon 
taneous  working  of  their  feelings,  not  the  effect  of  the  traitorous  arts  of 
demagogues,  for  the  purpose  of  gratifying  their  wicked  designs  against  the 
government,  as  has  been  so  frequently  represented  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  supporters  of  the  administration.  Those  who  most  un 
qualifiedly  denounced  the  insurgents  could  not  admit  this  fact  without,  at 
the  same  time,  admitting  that  there  was  cause  for  complaint,  although 
manifested  in  this  short-sighted  and  unlawful  mode. 

It  was  ascertained  by  the  party  on  the  way  that  there  was  no  committee 
in  session  nearer  than  the  place  of  interment  of  M'Farlane.  They  pro 
ceeded  to  the  house  of  the  deputy  Johnston,  who  made  out  and  delivered 
in  writing  to  Hamilton,  his  resignation  as  deputy  collector,  and  which 
was  afterward  published  in  the  Pittsburgh  Gazette*  The  next  day  the 
party,  accompanied  by  the  deputy,  went  to  look  for  the  body  of  a  person 
who,  it  was  supposed,  had  been  killed  at  the  time  of  the  attack  by  the 
party  under  Holcroft,  but  it  was  not  found  until  some  days  afterward,  by 
the  negroes,  by  whom  it  was  buried.  Hamilton  and  Black  solicited  Mr. 
Brackenridge  to  accompany  them  to  the  committee,  but  he  excused  him 
self.  In  fact,  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  use  the  utmost  caution  in  being 
seen  among  the  rioters,  without  having  some  one  with  him  to  testify  to 
his  conduct. 

During  the  same  afternoon,  while  a  violent  storm  of  wind  prevailed  on 
the  river,  the  Marshal  and  the  Inspector  took  their  departure  in  a  boat  to 
descend  the  Ohio,  intending  to  effect  their  escape  through  the  western 

*  "  Finding  the  opposition  to  the  revenue  law  more  violent  than  I  expected ;  re 
gretting  the  mischief  that  has  been  done,  and  may,  from  the  continuance  of  meas 
ures  ;  seeing  the  opposition  changed  from  a  disguised  rabble  to  a  respectable  party, 
I  think  it  my  duty,  and  do  resign  my  commission.  ROBERT  JOHNSTON." 

5 


64 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


part  of  Virginia,  and  which  they  accomplished.  There  had  been  a  minor 
the  day  before  that  a  large  party  was  on  its  *ay  to  pull  down  the  Inspec 
tor's  office  in  Pittsburgh,  and  it  was  feared  they  would  proceed  to  other 
enormities.  It  was  the  cry  of  the  inhabitants,  that  rather  than  provoke 
the  country,  and  bring  an  infuriated  people  upon  them,  it  would  be  best 
to  pull  down  the  office  themselves  !  The  evening  of  the  arrival  of  Ham 
ilton  and  Black,  the  account  of  two  having  come  was  swelled  to  two  hun 
dred,  and  it  was  said  there  were  a  thousand  on  the  hill  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river.  The  people  were  gazing  everywhere  ;  every  one  thought  he 
saw  some,  and  of  course  dressed  in  hunting  shirts,  the  usual  garb  of 
riflemen.  Application  was  made  to  the  two  men,  stating  particularly  that 
the  females  of  the  Neville  family  were  uneasy,  and  requesting  one  of  them 
to  cross  the  river  and  ascertain  the  truth.  Black  went  over,  and  returned 
with  the  information  that  there  were  none  there,  or  that  they  had  dis 
persed.  Major  Craig,  the  son-in-law  of  the  Inspector,  after  the  departure 
of  the  Marshal,  took  down  the  paper  on  the  Inspector's  office,  and  called 
a  gentleman  to  witness  (Mr.  Lang,  of  Brownsville),  that  it  was  down. 
He  also  offered  the  fragments  to  that  gentleman,  to  bear  to  the  country  to 
convince  them  of  the  fact ! 


NOTES   TO   CHAPTER  II. 


The  author  of  the  "Incidents"  says: 
"From  the  town  the  people  could  not 
have  been  commanded.  Many  of  them 
had  connections  in  the  country,  and 
would  not  submit  to  an  order  to  take  up 
arms  against  them.  Besides,  they  had 
themselves  a  good  deal  of  the  same 
spirit  of  opposition  to  the  laws ;  not  so 
much  from  any  consideration  of  the  law, 
or  its  effects,  but  because  it  was  patriotic 
and  fashionable  language.  Others,  as  is 
natural,  wished  for  something  new ;  and 
would  rather  have  joined  them  than 
fought  against  them.  It  is  a  fact,  that 
some  influential  men  and  commanders  in 
the  militia,  were  heard  to  say  that  day, 
that  if  they  were  ordered  out,  and  were 
to  fight  at  all,  it  would  be  with  the 
people.  '  Thus  the  cause  of  the  people 
and  that  of  the  government,  were  thought 
to  be  different  things." 


Notwithstanding  the  feelings  above 
described,  which  would  induce  a  large 
proportion  to  be  passive,  or  even  to  give 
their  sympathies  to  the  country  people, 
the  majority  were  silently  in  favor  of 
"law  and  order."  The  author  continues: 

"  But  even  with  the  best  disposition 
in  the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  a  concern  for 
their  general  interest,  as  mechanics  and 
shopkeepers,  would  render  them  reluc 
tant  to  enter  into  a  contest  with  the 
country,  whence  a  great  part  of  their 
custom  came ;  and  a  concern  for  their 
immediate  safety  would  prevent  them 
altogether.  They  would  reflect,  the  most 
ignorant  of  them,  that  the  militia  of  fhe 
town,  about  250  men,  were  they  unani 
mous  and  spirited  in  support  of  govern 
ment,  would  be  nothing  to  the  country  ; 
which  would,  in  the  next  instance,  after 
an  attack  on  the  excise  officer,  turn  itself 


AFFIDAVITS. 


55 


against  the  town.  It  could  starve  them 
out,  and  the  garrison  with  them,  by  an 
interdict  of  provisions ;  or,  as  was  threat 
ened  afterward,  it  could  plunder,  and 
burn.  It  would  have  been  extreme  cruel 
ty  to  force  the  inhabitants  to  this  danger. 
It  would  have  been  extreme  impolicy ; 
and  would  have  answered  no  other  end 
than  to  show  the  rioters  the  strength 
even  they  had  in  the  town.  The  situation 
of  the  town  became  much  more  critical 
after  the  burning  of  Neville's  house ; 
there  being  none  of  the  town's  people  in 
the  riot,  and  it  being  known  that  the 
Inspector  had  many  friends  there,  the 
whole  town  was  regarded  as  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  county,  and  hence  the  inhab 
itants  were  regarded  with  distrust  and 
even  with  enmity.  It  was  safest  to  let 
the  matter  rest  unknown.  Persuasion 
for  the  moment,  and  the  steady  and  ac 
customed  step  of  civil  authority,  by  the 
known  officers  afterward,  were  the  only 
means  that  were  eligible.  The  raising 
the  posse  of  the  county,  as  a  legal  act, 
was  a  thing  unknown  to  the  people,  and 
would  not  be  understood.  It  would  be 
considered  as  the  party  of  the  excise  offi 
cer,  disposed  to  try  their  strength  with 
the  friends  of  liberty.  It  would  have 
been  a  most  rash  act.  I  will  trace  what 
would  have  been  the  consequence.  The 
posse  could  have  been  raised,  or  it  could 
not.  If  it  could  not  have  been  raised, 
the  weakness  of  the  government  and 
the  strength  of  the  rioters  was  discover 
ed  by  the  experiment.  If  it  could  have 
been  raised,  and  brought  forward,  a  con 
test  would  have  taken  place,  and  lives 
been  lost.  The  victory  must  have  been 
on,  the  side  of  the  rioters,  for  the  strength 
of  the  country  was  with  them.  The 
plundering  and  destruction  of  the  town 
would  have  ensued.  The  garrison  would 
have  been  stormed  and  taken ;  for  there 
was  not  at  that  time  more  than  a  day's 
provision  in  it.  The  whole  country 


would  have  been  involved  instantly,  Des 
peration  would  have  led  to  prompt  and 
decisive  measures.  These  would  be,  to 
cross  the  mountains,  find  receive  an  ac 
cession  of  force,  and  procure  the  means, 
and  occupy  the  ground  of  war  in  the 
midland  county." 

The  author  thus  speaks  of  the  Neville 
family  or  "connection:" 

"  The  Neville  family  is  numerous  and 
wealthy.  The  Inspector  himself,  with 
the  advantage  of  an  officer,  which  though  • 
it  brings  general  odium,  secures  particu 
lar  dependence;  his  son,  (Col.  Neville,) 
a  member  of  the  assembly,  brigade  in 
spector,  and  surveyor  of  the  county ;  his 
son-in-law,  Major  Craig,  deputy  quarter 
master,  with  the  care  of  the  military 
stores,  and  the  employment  of  mecha 
nics.  His  brother-in-law,  Major  Kirk- 
patrick,  commissary,  with  money  and 
means." 

Affidavit  of  David  Hamilton. 

Was  at  Pittsburgh  at  the  request  of  a 
committee,  in  order  to  converse  with 
Marshal  Lenox  on  the  subject  of  the 
agreements  entered  by  him  with  the  peo 
ple  after  the  burning  of  Neville's  house; 
recollect  no  private  conversation  with 
Mr.  Brackenridge,  nor  any  conversation, 
but  on  the  question  which  had  been  put 
to  him  respecting  the  return  of  the  writs, 
which  question  was  put  to  him  by  the 
consent  of  Mr.  Lenox. 

Same  day  after  my  return  home,  I 
wrote  a  note  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  in 
forming  him  of  a  meeting  to  be  at  Mingo 
Creek,  wishing  him  to  come  up ;  it  was 
our  concern  to  mend  what  was  done,  and 
get  advice  from  him  as  from  others,  to 
make  what  was  bad,  better ;  for  we  had 
a  sense  that  everything  was  not  right ; 
received  no  answer,  but  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge  came ;  did  not  understand  Mr. 
Brackenridge  as  approving  of  what  was 
done  ;  in  giving  his  opinion  in  the  case  of 
the  writs,  it  appeared  to  be  his  wish  to 


56 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


compromise  the  matter  between  the  Mar 
shal  and  the  people. 

City  of  Philadelphia,  ss. 

Personally  appeared  David  Hamilton, 
of  Washington  county,  in  the  Common 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania,  who  being  sworn, 
deposeth,  that  to  the  best  of  his  know 
ledge,  recollection  and  belief,  the  con 
tents  of  the  foregoing  writing  are  just 
and  true. 

DAVID  HAMILTON. 

Sworn  19th  day  of  May,  1795,  before 
me,  HILARY  BAKER, 

one  of  the  Aldermen  of  Philadelphia- 
—Incidents,  III.  78,  79. 

Affidavit  of  John  Black. 
Being  about  to  go  to  Pittsburgh,  fell 
in  with  a  body  of  people  collecting  for 
'the  burying  of  Captain  John  M'Farlane, 
who  had  fallen  at  burning  General  Ne 
ville's  house  ;  David  Hamilton  had  been 
deputed  by  a  committee  of  these  people 
to  go  to  Pittsburgh,  to  return  the  pistols 
taken  from  the  Marshal,  and  to  have  a 
fulfillment  from  him  of  what  had  been 
•agreed  upon,  on  his  part.  Understood 
from  Hamilton,  that  he  had  consented  to 
go,  in  order  to  prevent  the  people  from 
coming  in  themselves,  and  doing  mischief; 
for  there  was  danger  of  their  going  in 
at  that  time.  Went  with  Hamilton  to 
Pittsburgh,  and  met  the  Marshal  and 
Col.  Neville.  Hamilton  explained  his 
business,  returning  the  pistols,  and  re 
quired  a  fulfillment  of  what  was  agreed 
upon,  viz.  that  he  would  serve  no  fur 
ther  writs,  and  not  return  those  that 
were  served.  The  Marshal  said  he  had 
not  agreed  not  to  return  the  writs.  A 
query  was  then  in  the  mind  of  Hamilton, 
what  effect  the  returns  would  have.  At 
his  request,  I  went  to  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
to  ask  his  opinion  a  sa  lawyer.  He  said  it 
was  a  delicate  point,  and  he  would  talk 
rto"the  Marshal.  On  this  he  went  out, 


and  came  in  with  the  Marshal  and  Col, 
Neville.  Upon  that  I  went  out,  and  after 
some  time  returned  ;  and  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  said  he  was  not  much  acquainted 
with  the  practice  of  the  Federal  courts, 
but  would  consult,  and  give  his  opinion 
in  the  morning.  He  gave  his  opinion  in 
writing  ;  which  Hamilton  thought  would 
not  be  satisfactory  to  the  committee.  It 
was  understood  that  the  committee  would 
be  sitting  till  he  returned.  It  was  pro 
posed  to  return  by  Neville's  house ;  and 
it  was  our  wish  that  some  of  the  gentle 
men  of  Pittsburgh  should  go  with  us ; 
we  wished  to  see  whether  a  man  that  was 
missing,  and  from  what  had  happened, 
did  not  wish  to  go  ourselves.  General 
Gibson,  Doctor  Bedford,  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge,  and  others,  had  consented  to  go. 
The  day  looking  for  rain,  or  for  other 
cause,  some  declined  going.  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  came  ;  I  understood  him  to  be 
about  to  go  forward  to  the  committee,  to 
see  if  he  could  not  satisfy  the  people  in 
respect  to  the  Marshal.  In  my  conver 
sation  with  Mr.  Brackenridge  with  res 
pect  to  the  burning  of  General  Neville's 
house,  he  said  it  was  an  unhappy  affair, 
and  was  afraid  it  would  turn  out  a  civil 
war,  that  government  would  call  out 
the  militia,  and  we  were  the  militia 
ourselves,  and  have  to  be  at  with  one 
another.  He  did  not  say  a  word  to  ap 
prove  what  was  done,  as  to  the  burning 
of  the  house,  or  any  act  of  violence. 

Pennsylvania,  ss. 

Before  me,  William  Meetkirk,  in  and 
for  the  county  of  Washington,  came  John 
Black,  and  made  oath  according  to  law, 
and  saith,  that  the  foregoing  statement, 
to  the  best  of  his  knowledge  and  recol 
lections,  is  just  and  true. 

JOHN  BLACK. 

Sworn  and  subscribed  before  me,  May, 
1795.  WILLIAM  MEETKIRK. 


CH'APTER    III. 

THE     MINGO    CREEK    MEETING  —  VIOLENCE    OF     BRADFORD  —  SPEECH    OF     BRACKEN - 
RIDGE  —  CAUSES    OF    THE    OUTBREAK — CASE    OF   MILLER. 

ON  Monday,  the  21st  of  July,  four  days  after  the  burning  of  the 
Inspector's  house,  and  the  second  after  the  departure  of  the  Marshal,  a 
young  man  called  in  the  afternoon  at  the  office  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  and 
delivered  him  a  note  from  David  Hamilton,  informing  him  that  the  com 
mittee  was  to  sit  at  the  Mingo  meeting-house  the  Wednesday  following, 
and  expressing  a  wish  that  he  would  be  present.  Mr.  Brackenridge  con 
ceived  that  it  was  for  the  object  he  understood  him  to  have  in  view  on  a 
former  occasion,  that  is,  to  explain  to  the  people  the  effect  of  returning  the 
writs,  and  inducing  them  to  be  satisfied,  and  refrain  from  seizing  the 
Marshal,  or  Col.  Neville  in  his  stead.  He  felt,  notwithstanding,  some 
uneasiness  at  the  idea  of  holding  a  correspondence  with  one  involved  in 
the  guilt  of  treason,  as  he  then  regarded  the  act  of  the  rioters.  He  tore 
up  the  note  and  threw  it  among  useless  papers  in  the  bottom  of  a  closet, 
meaning  never  to  make  further  mention  of  the  matter. 

The  next  day  Col.  Neville  called  and  asked  him  "if  he  had  not  received 
a  note  from  David  Hamilton?  "  "  I  have,"  said  he,  "but  how  came  you 
to  the  knowledge  of  it  ?  "  said  Brackenridge,  taking  the  pieces  from  the 
closet  and  putting  them  together.  Col.  Neville  was  a  man  of  education, 
and  thus  assimilating,  an  apparent  friendship  had  existed  between  them 
up  to  this  period,  although  there  was  a  different  feeling  on  the  part  of 
some  of  the  connection  with  Mr.  Brackenridge.  The  Colonel  inquired 
whether  he  intended  to  go,  to  which  the  other  replied,  "  Certainly  not ; 
their  conduct  is  high  treason,  and  in  that  offense  there  are  no  accessories, 
all  are  principals.  I  have  reflected  on  the  subject,  and  do  not  consider  it 
safe  to  go."  "I  wish  you  would  go,"  said  Neville,  "it  might  answer  a 
good  end."  Mr.  Brackenridge,  connecting  in  his  mind  the  engagement 
of  Neville  for  the  Marshal,  which  had  placed  him  in  a  delicate  predica 
ment,  understood  him  that  he  wished  him  to  go  to  reconcile  the  people  to 
the  circumstance,  and  perhaps  dissuade  them  from  any  violent  act  in 
future.  He  was  still,  however,  anxious  to  decline,  even  as  a  personal  favor 


58  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

to  Neville,  but  being  earnestly  solicited,  he  at  length  consented,  but  on 
condition  that  Col.  Neville  would  vouch  with  what  sentiments  he  went, 
and  also  provided  some  person  should  accompany  him,  to  testify  to  what 
he  might  say  or  do  on  the  occasion,  and  which  was  the  same  condition  as 
that  on  which  he  had  agreed  to  visit  the  committee  two  days  before. 
Neville,  with  this  understanding,  made  personal  application  to  several 
persons,  while  some  declined,  and  all  appeared  reluctant.  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  also  spoke  to  several.  At  length  the  following  persons  consented 
to  accompany  him :  George  Robinson,  the  chief  burgess ;  Col.  William 
Semple,  Peter  Audrain,  Josiah  Tannehill  and  William  H.  Beaumont,  all 
persons  of  the  most  respectable  standing  in  the  town.  We  give  in  the 
foregoing  the  statement  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  published  the  year  after  in 
his  "Incidents,"  and  which  was  not  contradicted  by  those  interested  in 
doing  so.  It  was,  moreover,  sufficiently  corroborated  by  the  affidavits  of 
the  persons  chosen  to  go  with  him.*  It  is  proper  to  remark,  although  in 
anticipation  of  the  subsequent  events,  that  the  pledge  thus  stated  by  Mr. 
Brackenridge  was  not  redeemed,  when  afterward  the  mere  circumstance 
of  attending  the  meeting  was  brought  forward  against  him  and  others,  as 
evidence  of  their  complicity.  This  was  seriously  charged  upon  Col. 
Neville  by  the  author  of  the  u  Incidents,"  and  no  denial  attempted.  His 
speech  was  shamefully  misrepresented,  but  fortunately  this  misrepresen 
tation  is  corrected  by  the  affidavits  of  the  persons  who  accompanied  him. 
A  generous  acknowledgment  of  the  fact  by  Neville  would  have  been  more 
consistent  with  his  character,  and  his  silence  can  be  only  accounted  for 
from  the  influence  over  him  possessed  by  the  other  members  of  the  con 
nection.  This  act  of  simple  justice  was  the  more  called  for,  as  the  circum 
stance  of  attending  that  meeting,  without  regard  to  the  motive,  was 
afterward  considered  an  act  of  treason. 

These  gentlemen  set  out,  and  arriving,  found,  to  their  surprise,  not  a 
committee  of  persons,  but  a  large  assemblage,  or  mass  meeting ;  some  from 
a  distance,  but  the  majority  consisting  of  those  who  had  been  engaged  in 
the  riot  and  outrage  at  the  house  of  the  Inspector.  If  the  party  had 
known  this,  they  could  not  have  been  induced,  under  any  circumstances, 
to  have  left  the  town.  It  was  thought,  however,  as  there  was  a  number 
of  persons  from  a  distance,  and  not  implicated,  that  the  object  of  these 
would  be  to  counsel  moderation,  and  stopping  the  further  progress  of 
violence;  besides,  if  possible,  to  devise  the  means  of  repairing  the  mischief 
which  had  been  done.  The  first  act  in  organizing  the  meeting  seemed  to 
encourage  this  hope,  by  the  choice  of  Col.  Cook  as  chairman,  and  Craig 

•*  See  Notes  to  this  chapter. 


MINGO   CREEK   MEETING.  59 

Ritchie  as  secretary,  two  men  of  high  standing,  and  known  to  be  friends 
of  order  and  good  government.  There  was,  notwithstanding,  the  appear 
ance  of  gloom  and  distrust  in  the  countenances  of  all,  especially  of  those 
who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  recent  riots.  The  fury  of  the  moment 
had  passed  off,  hut  time  had  not  yet  been  given  for  cool  reflection ;  those 
who  were  committed  began  to  have  some  vague  idea  of  being  involved  in 
treasonable  acts.  The  gloom  of  these  was  not  that  of  sorrow  or  repent 
ance  ;  the  unextinguished  fire  of  rage  still  glowed  in  their  bosoms,  and 
required  but  little  to  fan  it  into  fierceness.  No  one  knew  how  far  to  trust 
his  next  neighbor ;  and  however  much  he  might  be  opposed  to  violence 
himself,  was  afraid  that  the  first  person  he  addressed  might  be  one  of  the 
enrage,  and  himself  suspected  of  incivism,  for  a  vague  and  undefined  ap 
prehension  hung  over  all,  rendering  life  itself  insecure. 

Dr.  Moore,  in  his  admirable  work,  "  Journal  of  a  Residence  in  France," 
during  the  murderous  reign  of  terror,  says  that  "  every  shop-keeper  dis 
trusted  his  next  door  neighbor,  and  did  not  know  but  that  he  might  be 
one  of  the  enrage."  Hence  a  mob  composed  of  the  very  dregs  of  society? 
resembling  a  savage  horde  rather  than  a  civilized  people,  were  permitted 
to  give  vent  to  their  fierce  passions  without  control.  But  here  there 
had  not  been,  as  in  France,  long  ages  of  oppression  by  privileged  classes  j 
no  system  of  laws  fettering  the  people,  and  placing  them  at  the  mercy  and 
in  the  power  of  the  few,  nor  such  continuance  of  this  as  to  debase  the 
masses  and  debauch  the  rulers,  opposing  thus  the  imbecility  of  the  few  to 
the  ignorant  and  brute  force  of  the  many.  Among  a  people  who  practiced 
and  enforced  obedience  to  authority,  it  seems  impossible  that  the  excise 
alone,  (which  appears,  by  their  demands,  the  Western  people  knew  might 
be  repealed,)  could  have  led  to  the  state  of  feeling  described  by  the  author 
of  the  "  Incidents,"  as  is  evinced  in  the  following  extracts  : 

"  Every  countenance  discovered  a  strong  sense  of  the  solemnity  of  the 
occasion,  those  who  had  been  involved  not  more  than  those  who  were  afraid 
to  be  involved.  It  will  be  asked,  how  came  any  one  there  who  was  afraid 
to  be  involved  ?  I  have  accounted  for  my  being  there ;  but  how  came 
David  Bradford,  James  Marshall,  Edward  Cook  and  Craig  Ritchie  there? 
I  select  these  instances ;  as  to  Marshall  and  Bradford,  I  am  at  a  loss  to 
say  anything  by  way  of  opinion  or  deduction.  I  can  only  state  what  I 
have  understood  from  others,  or  what  is  within  my  own  knowledge.  Not 
having  had  the  least  communication  with  Marshall  or  Bradford  prior  to 
that  day,  or  on  that  day,  on  the  subject,  I  have  nothing  of  my  own  know 
ledge.  I  have  understood  from  others,  that  after  the  first  attack  on  the 
house  of  the  Inspector,  when  the  adjacent  country  was  about  to  be  roused 


iry  j 
^/ 


60  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

• 

to  a  second  attack,  persons  went  to  the  town  of  Washington  and  called  on 
Marshall  and  Bradford  to  come  forward  on  that  occasion,  which  they  de 
clined.  The  expression  of  Bradford,  reported  to  me,  is,  '  I  cannot  act ; 
you  may  do  as  you  think  proper.'  He  alluded,  or  was  supposed  to  allude, 
to  his  being  prosecuting  counsel  for  the  Commonwealth,  and  in  that  case, 
not  at  liberty  to  do  what  others  might." 

"  After  the  destruction  of  the  house,  persons  went  to  Marshall  and 
Bradford,  demanding  of  them  to  come  out  and  support  what  had  been 
done,  or  they  would  burn  their  houses.  They  had  a  claim  upon  them,  as 
having  been  conspicuous  in  the  deliberative  committees  with  regard  to 
the  excise  law,  and  alleged  that  Bradford  had  encouraged  them  to  do  what 
they  had  done  by  his  words,  when  he  was  urged  to  take  part  before  the 
burning.  '  I  encourage  ? '  said  he,  '  good  God !  I  never  thought  of 
such  a  thing.'  <  Yes,  you  did  encourage,'  said  they,  <  and  if  you  do  not 
come  forward  now  and  support  us,  you  shall  be  treated  in  the  same,  or 
worse  manner  as  the  excise  officer/  He  found  himself  thus  under  the 
necessity  of  taking  part,  and  that  being  the  case,  he  would  seem  from  that 
time  to  have  adopted  the  most  violent  counsels.  Marshall  was  also  obliged 
to  take  part,  and  having  done  so,  to  pursue  a  violent  course.  I  am  of 
opinion  that  both  of  these  men  acted,  in  the  first  instance,  under  a  subor 
dination  to  popular  influence.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  not  from  a  solici 
tude  to  make  an  apology  for  them  that  I  state  this,  but  from  a  wish  to 
show  the  truth  of  the  transaction.  Edward  Cook  also  came,  probably,  at 
the  solicitation  and  under  the  fear  of  the  people.  Craig  Ritchie,  and 
many  others,  I  know  did.  They  had  with  great  difficulty  avoided  going 
to  the  attack  on  the  house  of  the  Inspector,  but  could  not  avoid  at  least 
the  appeara^.2  of  being  with  the  people  now." 

The  first  thing  which  took  place  after  the  opening  of  the  meeting  was 
the  reading  a  letter,  which  was  presented  by  Benjamin  Parkinson,  from 
Col.  Neville,  (and  which  had  been  brought  by  one  of  the  Pittsburgh 
party,)  stating  that  his  father  and  the  Marshal  had  left  the  county;  that 
the  Marshal  had  not  considered  himself  bound  by  that  part  of  his  engage 
ment,  which  was  to  surrender  himself  when  demanded,  and  for  which 
engagement  he  (Neville)  had  become  sponsor,  because,  after  the  engage 
ment  made,  and  the  Marshal  dismissed  upon  it,  he  had  been  again 
arrested,  and  was  indebted  to  himself  for  his  escape.  That  with  regard 
to  what  had  been  done  by  them,  they  had  burned  his  father's  house,  and 
they  might  burn  his,  but  he  had  enough  beyond  their  reach.  As  men  of 
honor,  he  conceived,  they  ought  to  approve  the  intrepidity  of  Kirkpatrick 
in  defending  the  house  of  a  friend.  It  is  observed  by  Mr.  Brackenridge, 


MINGO   CREEK   MEETING.  61 

that  this  letter  had  a  bad  effect  on  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  Had 
better  have  been  written  in  a  different  spirit,  and  better  still  not  written  at 
all.  His  praise  of  Kirkpatrick  did  not  accord  with  public  opinion,  and  his 
allusion  to  the  particular  case  only  excited  indignation,  as  it  was  generally 
believed,  perhaps  erroneously,  that  M'Farlane  had  fallen  by  his  hand, 
when,  deceived  by  a  flag  of  truce,  he  had  stepped  into  the  open  space  of 
the  road,  to  command  the  assailants  to  cease  firing.  Besides,  the  defiant 
tone,  and  boast  of  wealth,  tended  to  exasperate,  instead  of  awakening 
within  them  a  proper  sense  of  the  wrong  they  had  committed.  It  added 
not  a  little  to  the  embarrassment  of  the  situation  of  those  who  now  at 
tended  the  meeting  at  his  solicitation. 

This  and  some  other  letters  being  read  and  remarked  upon,  Benjamin 
Parkinson  addressed  the  chair.  "  You  know,"  said  he,  "  what  has  been 
done ;  we  wish  to  know  whether  what  lias  been  done  is  right  or  wrong, 
and  whether  we  are  to  be  supported  or  left  to  ourselves  ?  "  These  ominous 
words  were  followed  by  silence  for  some  time.  The  Pittsburgh  party  was 
struck  with  astonishment,  and  Mr.  Brackenridge  declares  that  he  felt  in 
agony  of  mind  for  himself  and  his  associates  in  that  assemblage  of  persons 
who  appeared  to  be  excited  to  desperation,  and  feeling  themselves  thus 
placed  in  a  situation  to  vote  against  a  proposition  perhaps  at  the  peril  of 
their  lives,  or  to  give  a  direct  sanction  to  treason.  They  felt  somewhat 
relieved  when  Marshall,  who  followed,  observed  that  the  question  was  not 
as  to  what  had  been  done,  but  what  was  to  be  done  in  future  ?  Bradford 
now  rose,  and  in  a  most  inflammatory  speech  sustained  what  had  been 
done,  and  applauded  the  rioters,  demanding  that  it  be  put  to  vote 
whether  those  present  gave  their  approval,  and  would  pledge  themselves 
to  support  those  who  had  attacked  and  destroyed  the  house  of  the  Inspec 
tor.  His  violent  declamation  was  of  considerable  length,  ".and  yet/7  says 
Mr.  Brackenridge,  "  from  my  knowledge  of  the  man,  I  doubt  whether  he 
spoke  according  to  his  wish,  or  according  to  the  humor  of  the  people,  and 
through  fear  of  them  !  "  There  was  again  a  dead  silence  for  some  time 
after  he  had  concluded.  Those  who  were  implicated  were  no  doubt  eager 
and  anxious  for  the  vote,  and  the  others,  at  least  the  more  reflecting, 
were  alarmed  at  this  unexpected  predicament  in  which  they  were  placed. 
Marshall  came  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  and  requested  him  to  speak.  This 
gentleman  had  already  settled  in  his  mind  some  outline  of  an  address,  but 
called  on  so  unexpectedly,  and  knowing  that  the  popular  current  was 
strongly  against  him  and  his  associates,  he  was  much  at  a  loss  what  to 
say  •  but  the  situation  was  too  urgent  to  admit  of  much  delay  or  reflection. 


62  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

One  of  his  associates,  Mr.  Audrain,  in  his  statement,  declared  that  he 
never  felt  himself  in  a  situation  so  embarrassing  in  his  life. 

Mr.  Brackenridge,  observing  the  eyes  of  the  audience  turned  upon  him, 
advanced  to  the  middle  of  the  aisle,  toward  the  chair,  and  began  in  a 
slow,  deliberate,  and  even  hesitating  manner,  encountering  the  angry 
scowls  of  the  principal  leaders,  who  were  in  favor  of  pushing  the  people 
to  still  greater  acts  of  violence.  He  began  by  giving  a  narrative  of  what 
had  taken  place  in  Pittsburgh,  the  withdrawal  from  the  country  of  the 
Marshal  and  the  Inspector,  and  who  were  supposed  to  have  descended  the 
river.  The  inspection  office  which  had  been  opened  in  town  since  the 
destruction  of  that  in  the  country,  had  been  closed,  and  the  label  which 
had  been  put  on  the  door  taken  down.  Here,  in  order  to  unbend  his 
audience  from  their  serious  mood  and  conciliate  them,  he  painted  with  a 
touch  of  humor  the  haste  with  which  the  paper  was  taken  down  by  Major 
Craig,  the  son-in-law  of  the  Inspector.  Having  thus  partially  succeeded 
in  securing  a  favorable  hearing,  he  ventured  to  enter  more  seriously  on 
the  grave  question  which  had  just  been  put  by  Parkinson,  whether  those 
concerned  in  the  destruction  of  Neville's  house  were  right  or  wrong  in 
doing  so  ?  As  a  reason  that  he  and  his  colleagues  could  give  no  vote  on 
this  question,  he  stated  that  they  were  not  sent  there  to  vote  on  any  pro 
position,  but  simply  to  give  an  account  of  what  had  taken  place  in  town, 
in  order  to  satisfy  the  people,  and  to  show  that  it  was  unnecessary  for  any 
force  to  come  from  the  country  to  put  down  the  excise  office,  as  this  had 
already  been  done.  But  he  observed  that  although  not  authorized  to  vote, 
they  were  at  liberty  as  fellow-citizens,  identified  with  the  welfare  of  the 
country,  and  would  take  upon  them  to  give  their  advice.  Then  recurring 
to  the  question  of  Parkinson,  and  deferring  somewhat  to  the  received  opin 
ions  of  the  people  on  the  subject  of  the  excise  law,  he  said  that  the  act 
might  be  morally  right,  but  it  was  legally  wrong — it  was  treason — it  was 
a  case  for  the  President  to  call  out  the  militia ;  in  fact,  it  had  become  his 
duty  to  do  so.*  These  ideas  of  the  speaker,  although  thus  cautiously 

*  The  expression  might  be  morally  right,  although  hypothetically  used,  but  not 
asserted  as  his  opinion,  was  made  a  ground  of  accusation  against  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
and  an  attempt  to  identify  him  with  the  rioters  ;  and  in  order  to  accomplish  this  his 
language  has  been  perverted  by  Ilildreth  and  by  N.  B.  Craig.  He  told  them,  say 
these  writers,  "  that  although  they  were  morally  right,  they  were  legally  wrong," 
and  omitting  altogether  the  words  which  followed,  "it  is  treason."  '  There  is 
a  difference  obvious  to  every  one  between  saying  you  may  be  morally  right — that 
is,  in  your  opinion — and  saying  you  are  morally  right.  One  would  suppose  from 
them,  that  the  few  words  thus  falsified  was  the  whole  of  his  speech.  This  is  a 


MINGO   CREEK   MEETING.  63 

unfolded,  produced  a  startling  sensation.  A  new  view  of  the  subject  was 
suddenly  presented  to  the  guilty,  and  those  not  yet  implicated  found 
themselves  standing  on  the  brink  of  a  precipice.  Taking  advantage  of 
this,  the  speaker  continued :  But  the  President,  said  he,  will  reflect  on 
the  difficulty  of  getting  the  militia  to  march.  They  will  be  reluctant  from 
the  midland  counties  and  the  upper  parts  of  Maryland  and  Virginia.  It 
will  probably  be  necessary  to  bring  them  from  Jersey  and  the  lower  parts 
of  the  States.  For  these  reasons,  the  President  will  be  disposed  to  offer 
an  amnesty.  He  then  proceeded  to  state,  as  an  example,  the  amnesty 
given  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  case  of  the  riot  in  1779,  on 
Wilson's  house  in  Philadelphia.  But  in  order  to  obtain  this  amnesty,  an 
application  ought  to  be  made  to  the  Executive;  that  such  application 
would  come  with  a  better  grace  and  more  support  from  those  not  involved 
than  from  those  that  were;  that  it  was  not  the  interest  of  the  latter  to  involve 
others,  but  to  let  them  remain  as  they  were,  in  order  to  act  as  mediating 
men  with  the  government !  Here  rage  was  plainly  shown  in  the  coun 
tenances  of  Parkinson- and  those  who  were  implicated;  a  nod  of  approba 
tion  was  given  by  the  chairman,  while  many  others  plainly  expressed 
approbation  in  their  looks.  It  was  evident  that  a  line  of  separation  had 
been  drawn,  of  which  many  would  be  glad  to  avail  themselves.  But  the 
displeasure  of  the  violent  portion  was  plainly  discernible,  although  nothing 
was  said.  The  speaker  saw  that  they  distrusted  the  certainty  of  an 
amnesty,  or  did  not  relish  the  idea  of  asking  it,  and  resented  the  being 
placed  in  a  different  category  from  those  not  implicated ;  while  the  latter 
could  ypth  difficulty  restrain  the  expression  of  their  satisfaction  at  the 
turn  which  had  been  given  to  the  affair  by  the  speaker.  It  became  ne 
cessary  for  him,  on  seeing  this,  out  of  regard  for  the  feelings  of  the  first, 
to  exert  himself  to  satisfy  them  of  the  probability  of  obtaining  an  amnesty; 

species  of  falsification  and  misrepresentation  of  the  most  disgraceful  kind.  The 
idea  that  an  act  might  be  morally  right,  although  legally  wrong,  was  very  prevalent, 
and  is  so  still  with  many  conscientious  men.  It  is  nothing  more  than  the  appeal 
to  the  higher  law,  which  seems  to  have  been  revived  within  a  few  years.  The  re 
verse  of  the  proposition  may  also  be  maintained,  to  wit:  that  a  thing  may  be  legally 
right,  yet  morally  wrong.  The  feelings  of  the  Irish  and  Scotch  on  the  subject  of 
the  excise,  and  which  was  retained  by  them  and  their  descendants  in  America,  is 
not  easy  to  be  understood ;  they  give  a  singular  obliquity  to  their  moral  percep 
tions  on  the  subject.  There  is  an  anecdote  of  an  Irishman,  who,  in  confessing  to 
his  priest  a  horrid  mass  of  iniquities,  was  asked  by  him  if  he  could  remember  no 
good  act  as  a  set-off  to  so  much  wickedness.  He  at  first  hesitated,  then  seeming 
to  recollect,  "Stay,"  said  he,  "  I once  killed  an  exciseman" 


64  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

lie  at  the  same  time  enlarged  on  the  want  of  power  on  the  part  of  the 
people  to  sustain  what  had  been  done  —  the  narrow  basis  on  which  they 
had  to  stand  —  a  small  part  of  the  country,  not  even  the  whole  of  the 
Western  counties  with  them  —  unprepared  with  arms,  munitions  and 
resources  of  war,  in  opposition  to  a  power  comparatively  vast  and  over 
whelming  !  Returning  to  the  subject  of  the  amnesty,  he  stated  minutely 
the  repeated  proofs  given  by  Washington  of  his  great  anxiety  to  avoid  war, 
especially  civil  war.  That  this  benevolent  policy  had  even  been  carried 
to  an  extent  which  had  been  blamed,  or  was  blamable.  The  case  of  the 
countermand  of  the  Presq'  Isle  establishment,  at  the  instance  or  threats  of 
the  Indian  chief  Corn  Planter,  was  referred  to,  and  perceiving  that  his 
auditory  was  about  to  relapse  into  their  serious  mood,  he  indulged  in  some 
touches  of  pleasantry  on  the  subject  of  Indian  treaty  negotiations,  and 
introduced  the  Secretary  at  War  and  Corn  Planter  making  speeches. 
Now,  said  he,  if  even  an  insignificant  tribe  of  Indians  can  have  treaties 
and  negotiate  with  the  government,  why  should  the  people  of  the  four 
western  counties  despair  ?  He  then  earnestly  besought  them,  for  their 
own  sakes  and  the  sake  of  their  fellow-citizens,  not  to  involve  them  in  the 
same  difficulties,  when  all  would  be  equally  guilty  and  none  left  to  inter 
cede  !  In  conclusion,  he  used  an  argument  against  present  action  which 
would  have  great  weight  with  his  hearers  from  their  republican  habits ; 
there  was  but  a  small  portion  of  the  people  present,  and  who  had  no 
authority  to  speak  for  the  whole  western  country ;  at  the  same  time  he 
advised  the  calling  a  larger  meeting,  co-extensive  with  the  survey,  before 
any  important  step  should  be  taken.  He  advised  the  sending  in  the 
meanwhile  a  delegation  to  the  Executive,  on  the  subject  of  what  had  been 
rashly  and  illegally  done.  He  proposed  to  undertake  this  mission  him 
self,  as  one  of  such  delegation,  although  greatly  inconvenient  to  him,  and 
disagreeable  at  that  season  to  undertake  the  journey. 

This  impromptu  effort,  which  has  not  been  given,  but  only  described, 
was  attended  with  remarkable  results.  It  was  followed  by  a  deep  silence 
for  some  time,  and  no  one  rising  to  speak,  the  meeting  spontaneously  broke 
up ;  some  went  to  the  spring,  as  if  to  drink,  others  separated  into  knots, 
in  close  and  grave  consultation.  In  the  meantime  Mr.  Brackenridge  col 
lected  his  companions  and  advised  them  to  leave  the  ground  without 
delay,  to  avoid  the  danger  of  being  again  called  on  by  the  meeting ;  but 
in  order  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  retiring  in  haste,  he  returned 
to  the  ground  to  show  himself  for  a  few  moments,  and  then  joined 
his  company  and  departed.  After  this  the  meeting  again  convened,  but 


MB.  BRACKENRIDGE'S  SPEECH.  65 

nothing  further  was  done  than  to  act  on  the  suggestion  of  calling  a  meet 
ing  co-extensive  with  the  survey,  and  passing  a  resolution  to  that  effect, 
to  be  published  in  the  Pittsburgh  Gazette* 

It  appears  at  a  subsequent  period  that  the  speech  of  Mr.  Brackenridge 
was  unfavorably  represented  to  the  Executive  by  some  friend  or  friends 
of  the  Inspector.  It  was  stated  that  he  had  ridiculed  the  excise  law,  and 
had  spoken  disrespectfully  of  the  President  and  Secretary  at  War.f  It  was 
fortunate  for  him  that  he  was  attended  by  persons  who  were  ready  and 
willing  to  vouch  for  his  conduct.  The  affidavits  of  these  persons,  as  will 
appear  in  the  notes  to  this  chapter,  agree  as  to  the  general  scope  and  the 
effect  of  the  speech,  although  varying  from  each  other  on  some  unimpor 
tant  particulars.  The  reader  will  see  that  it  was  one  of  these  rare  occa 
sions,  where  a  popular  speech  is  a  reality,  not  to  amuse  by  a  holiday  exhi 
bition,  but  to  control  the  passions.  The  effect  was  to  stop  the  ball  of  insur 
rection  for  the  present,  and  to  draw  a  line  effectually  between  the  guilty 
and  those  who  feared  to  be  drawn  into  treason  against  the  government. 
The  business  was  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  mob  led  on  by  reckless 
men,  and  referred  to  a  representation,  a  proceeding  consonant  to  the  habits 
and  practice  of  the  people ;  and  as  the  natural  consequence,  every  one 
would  be  disposed  to  await  the  action  of  this  higher  authority  emanating 
from  themselves  ;  and  here  we  see  the  great  difference  between  the  Amer 
ican  republics  and  those  revolutionary  states  whose  peace  is  constantly 
at  the  mercy  of  some  self-appointed  chief  or  leader.  Such  delegations  are 
so  familiar  to  our  democratic  or  republican  habits,  that  we  can  scarcely  ap- 
precia^  their  importance,  without  comparing  them  with  the  furious,  un 
reasoning  mobs  of  other  countries.  It  is  impossible  to  foresee  the  pernicious 
effect  of  the  vote  proposed  by  Parkinson,  and  supported  by  Bradford,  in 
case  it  had  been  sanctioned.  The  probability  is,  that  the  flame  would 
have  extended  at  once  over  the  whole  western  counties.  But  for  the 
subsequent  conduct  of  Bradford,  and  his  misguided  associates,  in  causing 

#  "  By  a  respectable  number  of  citizens  who  met  on  Wednesday,  the  23d  inst.,  at 
the  meeting  house  on  Mingo  Creek,  it  is  recommended  to  the  townships  of  the  four 
western  counties  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  neighboring  counties  of  Virginia,  to 
meet  and  choose  not  more  than  five,  nor  less  than  two  representatives,  to  meet  at 
Parkinson's  Ferry  on  the  Monongahela,  on  Thursday,  the  14th  of  August  next,  to 
take  into  consideration  the  condition  of  the  western  country."  17th  July,  1794. 

f  It  is  probable  that  this  proceeded  from  Major  Craig,  who  could  not  brook  the 
jest  of  tearing  down  the  paper  on  the  new  excise  office  in  hot  haste  !  This,  in  his 
estimation,  was  a  very  serious  offense  against  him,  which  he  could  not  well  afford 
to  set-off  against  anything  else. 


66  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

the  extraordinary  assemblage  of  the  people  in  arms  at  Braddock's  Field, 
under  a  false  pretext,  and  which  may  possibly  have  been  projected  before 
the  meeting  at  Mingo  Creek,  the  popular  ebullition  might  have  subsided, 
and  the  insurrectionary  spirit  died  out  of  itself.  In  this  case,  the  crim 
inal  act  of  the  destruction  of  Neville's  house  would  have  been  a  partial 
and  isolated  aft'air — a  serious  and  deplorable  riot,  instead  of  the  com 
mencement  of  an  insurrection.  The  popular  reflection  of  those  at  a  dis 
tance  from  the  scene,  would  have  caused  a  reaction,  and  the  local  disturb 
ance  would  have  been  extinguished  for  want  of  fuel  to  keep  it  up.  The 
respectable  and  intelligent  part  of  the  community,  although  opposed  to 
the  excise  law,  had  no  other  idea  than  to  seek  for  its  repeal  by  legal 
means ;  but  it  was  impossible  to  ascertain  in  the  first  instance,  what  pro 
portion  of  the  people  was  in  favor  of  resorting  to  violent  means  ;  and  in 
this  way  many  were  swept  along  with  the  current  which  they  could  not 
resist. 

The  conduct  of  Bradford  is  best  explained  by  the  incidents  related  in 
the  progress  of  this  narrative.  He  was  a  vain,  shallow  man,  with  some 
talent  for  popular  declamation,  which  in  the  present  state  of  the  public 
mind  might  be  productive  of  mischief.  Fortunately  he  had  not  the  ca 
pacity  to  form  any  deep  consistent  plan,  which  looked  beyond  the  present 
moment  with  a  foresight  of  all  consequences.  It  seemed  to  be  his  passion 
to  ride  on  the  popular  wave,  elated  with  popular  applause,  and  at  the 
same  time  fearful  of  popular  displeasure. 

The  consequence  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  besides  the  misrepresentation  of 
his  speech  abroad,  was  a  temporary  loss  of  popularity,  being  at  th^time  a 
candidate  for  a  seat  in  Congress,  with  almost  a  certainty  of  election.  The 
participators  in  the  criminal  acts  were  enraged  against  him,  and  those  re 
lieved  from  momentary  embarrassment  were  not  disposed  to  avow  them 
selves  in  his  favor.  The  practice  of  his  profession  had  taught  him  the 
necessity  of  precaution,  without  which  the  most  innocent  may  be  in 
volved  in  the  appearance  of  guilt.  An  energetic  and  fearless  lawyer  can 
not  avoid  making  enemies  in  the  discharge  of  his  professional  obligations. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  found  such  an  enemy  in  one*  of  the  Neville  connection, 
which  gave  rise  to  a  personal  rencontre,  and  was  probably  the  foundation 
of  the  difference  between  him  and  tho  powerful  Neville  connection.  The 
intelligent  and  disinterested  did  him  justice,  and  acknowledged  the  impor 
tant  services  rendered  by  him  to  the  country  in  this  and  other  occasions 
in  the  course  of  the  insurrection ;  but  partial  affidavits  were  procured, 
containing  gross  misrepresentations,  and  transmitted  to  the  government; 
*  Major  Kirkpatrick. 


THE   REAL   GRIEVANCE.  67 

but  these  were  never  made  public,  ;md  consequently  could  not  be  contra 
dicted.  It  is  certain  that  a  most  unfavorable  impression  was  made  against 
him  in  the  minds  of  the  President  and  some  members  of  the  Cabinet, 
afterward  heightened  and  confirmed  by  those  friends  of  the  Nevilles  who 
crossed  the  mountains  j  an  impression  which  was  not  removed  from  the 
miud  of  Secretary  Hamilton  until  his  examination  of  that  gentleman  in 
person.  For  doing  a  laudable  and  patriotic  act  at  the  request  Col.  Neville, 
he  was  one  time  threatened  with  the  loss  of  fortune,  reputation  and  life. 
Nothing  but  his  great  abilities  and  moral  courage  could  have  extricated 
Mr.  Brackenridge  from  the  persecutions  which  afterward  pursued  him, 
and  which  were  in  preparation  at  the  very  moment  he  was  hazarding 
everything  in  support  of  the  government.  It  is  not  surprising  that  no 
means  existed  of  contradicting  these  malignant  machinations,  when  we 
consider  that  at  that  day  the  communication  between  the  east  and  the 
west  of  the  mountains  was  almost  as  difficult  as  at  present  between  us  and 
California.  Why  did  not  Col.  Neville  counteract  these  false  impressions  ? 
Men  of  stronger  minds  and  loftier  principles  have  yielded  to  the  influence 
of  family  and  of  party  ties. 

The  reflections  of  the  reader  may  induce  him  to  think  that  the  mere 
circumstance  of  being  required  to  pay  a  duty  on  their  stills,  is  not  suffi 
cient  to  account  for  the  extraordinary  degree  of  excitement  and  of  passion 
which  prevailed  among  these  people.  There  was  certainly  a  higher  cause, 
already  referred  to,  and  one  calculated  to  engender  feelings  which  are 
entitled  to  much  greater  sympathy.  The  western  people,  with  few 
exceptions,  cultivated  their  own  farms,  and,  as  already  stated,  had  no 
market  for  their  produce  until  their  grain  was  reduced  in  bulk  by  distil 
lation  into  whiskey.  Those  farms  were  seldom  worth  more  than  from  three 
hundred  to  one  thousand  dollars;  thus,  when  delinquents,  on  account  of 
the  scarcity  of  money,  were  unable  to  pay  their  duties,  they  were  exposed 
to  suits  in  the  Federal  court  at  Philadelphia,  which  subjected  thenTto  an 
expense  equal  to  the  value  of  their  homesteads.  This  will  explain  the 
earnestness  on  the  subject  of  the  return  of  the  writs  by  the  Marshal,  and 
the  expression  of  David  Hamilton,  "  that  it  was  better  that  one  man  should 
die,  than  so  many  men  should  lose  their  plantations."  Their  homes,  the 
homes  of  their  wives  and  children,  were  in  jeopardy.  Can  we  be  sur 
prised  at  this  feeling,  which  we  liave  seen  and  respected  even  among  the 
Florida  Indians,  among  the  squatters  of  the  West,  and  the  settlers  of 
Wyoming  ?  A  cause  penetrated  by  these  considerations,  presented  a  very 
different  character  from  that  of  mere  opposition  to  an  excise  on  whiskey; 
and  it  is  beyond  question,  that  the  immediate  cause  of  the  outbreak  was 


68  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

the  service  of  process  on  Miller,  the  neighbor  and  relative  of  Neville. 
This  cause  of  complaint,  so  uniformly  overlooked  by  those  who  have 
written  accounts  of  the  Western  Insurrection,  was  ever  prominent  in  their 
minds.  The  outcry  of  taking  men  to  a  great  distance  from  their  vicinage, 
is  of  traditional  aggravation  with  the  Anglo-American,  and  is  as  old,  at 
least,  as  Magna  Charta.  It  forms  a  most  prominent  item  in  our  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  and  while  many  of  the  grievances  of  the  excise  law 
had  been  redressed  in  consequence  of  remonstrances,  this — the  greatest  of 
them  all,  and  which  should  first  have  claimed  attention — was  disregarded, 
until  the  last  moment.  An  act  of  Congress  had  at  length  been  passed, 
as  we  have  seen,  authorizing  the  State  courts  to  take  cognizance  of  the 
matter,  but  for  some  unaccountable  reason  it  was  not  carried  into  effect, 
but  the  proceedings  against  distillers  commenced  in  Philadelphia,  as  usual. 


NOTES   TO    CHAFER   III. 


AFFIDAVITS  OF  PERSONS  WHO  ACCOM 
PANIED  MR.  BRACKENRIDGE  AT  THE 
MINGO  MEETING. 


Allegheny  County,  ss. 


again  solicited  to  go,  and  absolutely  re 
fused.  Referred  them  to  Josiah  Tanne- 
hill,.  whom  the  deponent  thought  might 
go,  provided  he  could  get  a  horse.  Col. 
Neville  replied,  he  should  not  want  a  horse. 


Before  me,  Alexander  Addison,  Judge   if  that  was  all.     The  deponent  says  that 
of   the   District   Courts,   personally  ap-  he  understood  at  the  time  from  the  con- 


peared,  &c.  Adamson  Tannehill,  &c. 
Extract,  Appendix  to  "Incidents,"  p.  70,  &c. 


versation  that  passed,  that  Col.  Neville 
was  apprised  of  that  meeting,  from  the 
anxiety  he  appeared  to  have  that  some 


"That  on  the  morning  of  the  meeting  person  should  go  with  Mr.  Brackenridge. 
of  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting-house,  Hugh  !  It  was  at  length  agreed  that  Josiah  Tan- 
Henry  Brackenridge,  Esq.  called  on  this  nehill  and  George  Robinson  should  go, 


deponent,  and  asked  him  if  he  would  ac 
company  him  there,  as  he  wished  some 
person  with  him  who  might  be  an  evi 
dence  of  his  conduct.  The  deponent  de- 


who  the  deponent  believes  did." 

Extract  from  the  Affidavit  of  Peter 
Audrain. 


clined,  alleging  that  the  rioters  who  had ,  "This  deponent,  the  morning  of  the 
burnt  General  Neville's  house  might  ten-  meeting  at  Mingo  Creek,  was  requested 
der  an  oath,  or  something  of  the  kind,  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  to  accompany  him 
to  support  them  in  what  had  been  done ;  to  that  meeting ;  hesitating  very  much, 
went  away,  returned  a  short  time  after-  but  afterward  seeing  Col.  Neville,  was 
ward  to  Mr.  Brackenridge's  house,  and  prevailed  upon  to  go. 
found  him  and  Col.  Presley  Neville  in  "At  that  meeting,  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
conversation  on  the  same  subject.  Was  at  the  beginning  of  a  speech  he  made  on 


AFFIDAVITS  RESPECTING    MR.  BRACKENRIDGE. 


69 


that  occasion,  said  that  those  concerned  ; 
in  burning  of  Gen.  Neville's  house  were  , 
guilty  of  treason;  he  powerfully  opposed 
and  luckily  defeated  the  resolution  which 
was  to  support  the  brave  fellows  who 
had  attended  at  the  burning  Gen.  Neville's 
house ;  he  advised  to  try  by  every  pos 
sible  means  to  make  peace  with  the  gov 
ernment,  and  get  an  act  of  oblivion,  and 
offered  to  go  himself  to  Philadelphia,  if 
it  was  agreeable  to  the  people.  The  turn 
he  gave  to  the  business,  saved  us  from 
the  most  delicate  situation  that  this 
deponent  ever  thought  himself  in ;  being 
apprehensive  that  if  the  question  had 
been  put,  and  we  had  voted  against  it, 
we  would  have  been  in  personal  danger, 
and  voting  for  it  would  have  involved  us 
in  a  crime.  After  the  speech  of  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  there  was  a  long  silence, 
and  most  of  the  people  went  out.  This 
deponent  went  out  with  the  other  per 
sons  of  Pittsburgh;  and  shortly  after, 
on  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Brackenridge 
that  some  other  delicate  questions  might 
be  brought  forward,  it  was  judged  best 
to  get  off  as  speedily  as  possible.  We 
went  away,  and  Mr.  Brackenridge  with 
us,  as  unobservedly  as  we  could.  We 
came  to  the  house,  about  half  a  mile, 
where  we  had  left  our  horses,  which  had 
taken  up  an  hour  or  more ;  it  was  sug 
gested  by  some  one  present,  that  we  had 
come  off  abruptly,  and  that  a  bad  con 
struction  might  be  put  upon  it,  that  we 
had  been  there  as  spies,  it  would  be  well 
for  Mr.  Brackenridge,  at  least,  just  to  go 
back,  and  take  leave ;  which  he  did,  and 
returned  to  us  in  as  short  a  time  as  was 
necessary  to  go  and  come  back.  At  that 
meeting,  the  deponent  did  not  see  Mr. 
Brackenridge  having  private  conversation 
with  Marshall  or  Bradford,  nor  does  he 
think  it  probable  that  he  could  have  any, 
from  the  shortness  of  the  time  we  were 
there  before  the  opening  of  the  meet 
ing." 


Deposition  of  Josiah  TannehilL 
"That  this  deponent  accompanied  Mr. 
Brackenridge  to  the  meeting  at  Mingo 
Creek,  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge,  who  was  going,  as  this  deponent 
understood,  at  the  request  of  Col.  P. 
Neville.  Mr.  Brackenridge,  when  he 
requested  this  deponent  to  go,  said  that 
he  wished  persons  to  go  that  were  capa 
ble  to  take  notice,  and  give  information 
of  what  was  said  or  done. 

"Early  in  the  morning,  an  inflamma 
tory  speech  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Brad 
ford  to  induce  the  people  to  pledge  them 
selves  to  support  what  had  been  done  at 
Gen.  Neville's  house,  which  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge  opposed  by  art  and  force  af  reason 
ing,  and  finally  baffled  the  proposition. 

"This  deponent  can  say  on  this  occa 
sion,  and  on  every  other  within  his  know 
ledge,  that  Mr.  Brackenridge,  to  the  best 
of  his  judgment,  acted  a  part  favorable 
to  the  repressing  the  disorder  of  the 
time,  and  restoring  order  and  good  gov 
ernment." 

Affidavit  of  Isaac  Gregg. 
"That  about  the  27th  of  July  last,, 
being  at  Mr.  Brackenridge's  house,  this 
deponent  heard  him  say  (in  conversation 
respecting  the  attack  on  Gen.  Neville's 
house,  which  was  a  few  days  previous  to 
that  time,)  that  it  was  a  very  rash  piece 
of  business,  and  that  he  conceived  the 
people  to  be  mad,  or  words  to  that  effect, 
and  that  it  would  be  attended  with  serious 
consequences  to  them,  as  the  government 
could  not  overlook  it,  but  must  take 
it  up." 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Hon. 
James  Ross,  U.  S.  Senator,  in  answer  to 
Mr.  Brackenridge : 

"I  lived  in  Washington  at  the  time 
Gen.  Neville's  house  was  destroyed,  and 
during  the  time  of  the  late  disturbances. 
On  the  return  of  the  Washington  gentle- 


6 


70 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


men  from  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting,  I 
understood  from  them  that  a  proposal 
had  been  made  in  the  meeting,  that  those 
guilty  of  the  outrage  should  be  supported 
by  force  against  all  attempts  to  punish 
them,  and  that  this  had  been  •warmly 
advocated  by  some  of  our  Washington 
people ;  but  that  you  were  of  a  different 
opinion,  and  had  stated  that  in  all  prob 
ability  the  government  would  be  induced 
to  forgive  it,  and  that  a  combination  of 
this  sort  would  involve  the  whole  country, 
and  oblige  government  to  take  notice  of  those 
who  had  transgressed.  This  meeting  ended 
'by  a  proposal  to  have  a  more  general 
one,  from  the  four  counties  west  of  the 
i mountains  in  Pennsylvania,  and  as  I 
understood,  the  western  counties  of  Vir 
ginia." 

Affidavit  of  John  M  'Donald. 
"  At  the  time  of  Marshal  Lenox  being 
at  Pittsburgh,  about  the  13th  or  14th  of 
July  last,  being  a  few  days  before  the 
attack  on  Gen.  Neville's  house,  I  was  in 
the  office  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  on  some 
business  with  him  ;  was  asked  by  him 
about  the  constitution  of  the  Mingo 
Creek  society,  and  laughing  at  some  parts 
of  it,  he  asked  what  could  put  it  into  the 
people's  heads  to  form  such  a  one  ;  I  said 
the  people  had  all  been  running  wild,  and 
talked  of  taking  Neville  prisoner  and 
burning  Pittsburgh ;  and  this  forming  the 
society  was  thought  of  by  some  persons 
to  turn  the  people  to  remonstrating  and 
petitioning,  and  giving  them  something 
to  do  that  .way  to  keep  them  quiet.  Mr. 
Brackenridge  asked  what  could  put  it  in 
their  heads  to  think  of  burning  Pitts 
burgh  ?  I  said  I  did  not  know,  but  they 
have  talked  of  it.  I  am  of  opinion  that 
at  the  time  of  the  march  to  Pittsburgh 
there  was  great  danger.  I  was  at  the  Miu- 
go  Creek  meeting-house,  and  numbers  of 
people  were  dissatisfied  with  Mr.  Brack- 
earidge's  speech  there,  as  it  appeared  he 


was  unwilling  to  support  what  was  done, 
and  supposed  to  be  on  the  side  of  the  govern- 
merit." 

Q^"  Note  on  the  above  by  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  :  "  After  the  burning  of  Neville's 
house,  I  had  mentioned  this  information 
of  M'Donald  as  a  matter  I  thought 
nothing  of  at  the  time,  but  as  a  proof 
that  the  house  was  in  danger.  It  has 
been  the  ground  of  a  calumny,  that  I 
had  a  previous  knowledge  of  the  attack 
on  the  house." 

Affidavit  of  George  Robinson,  (Chief 
Burgess.) 

"That  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge,  he  went  to  the  meeting  at  Mingo 
Creek.  Mr.  Brackenridge  informed  him 
that  it  was  at  the  request  of  Col.  Presley 
Neville  that  he  himself  was  going.  Mr. 
Brackenridge  said  he  wished  this  depo 
nent  to  go,  as  being  a  public  officer,  the 
chief  burgess  of  the  town,  as  he  wished 
to  have  some  persons  to  bear  testimony 
of  his  conduct,  as  the  situation  might  be 
delicate.  This  deponent  found  the  situa 
tion  delicate  enough,  when  a  motion  was 
brought  forward  to  support  what  had 
been  done  at  burning  Gen.  Neville's 
house,  and  which  was  warmly  supported. 
This  deponent  being  much  alarmed  at 
the  time,  lest  the  question  should  be  put 
on  this  account,  that  by  voting  in  the  af 
firmative  we  should  be  drawn  in  as  'ac 
complices,  and  by  voting  against  it  we 
might  be  in  personal  danger.  After  an 
inflammatory  speech  by  a  certain  person, 
there  was  a  silence  for  some  time.  Du 
ring  this  time  the  deponent  was  in  great 
anxiety  lest  the  question  should  be  put, 
when  Mr.  Brackenridge  addressed  the 
meeting  in  a  speech  of  some  length,  and 
as  it  appeared,  with  great  anxiety  of 
mind.  The  speech,  in  the  opinion  of  this 
deponent,  appeared  to  be  calculated  to 
parry  the  question.  He  informed  them 
that  we  were  not  delegated  by  the  town 


MR.  BRACKENRIDGE  S   SPEECH. 


71 


to  do  any  act  for  them,  and  therefore  if 
we  gave  any  vote,  it  could  only  be  as  in 
dividuals;  that  as  an  individual  he 
would  give  his  opinion.  Here  Mr. 
Brackenridge  explained  the  nature  and 
consequences  of  what  had  been  done  ; 
he  plainly  told  them  that  all  concerned 
were  guilty  of  treason,  that  it  would  be 
better  not  to  draw  any  more  in,  as  they 
could  be  of  more  use  as  mediators  with 
the  government  than  as  accomplices ; 
that  the  well  known  lenity  of  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  gave  reason  to 
suppose  that  an  accommodation  might 
be  brought  about  before  he  would  pro 
ceed  to  extremities ;  that  the  present 
meeting  was  but  an  inconsiderable  part 
of  the  four  counties ;  that  a  large  meeting 
might  be  called  by  delegates  regularly 
appointed,  and  that  commissioners  might 
be  sent  to  the  President  in  order  to  bring 
about  an  accommodation;  that  though 
it  would  not  be  convenient  for  him  to  go 
at  that  time,  yet,  if  such  a  measure  was 
adopted,  he  was  willing  to  go  and  to  ren 
der  any  service  in  his  power.  This  de 
ponent  does  not  recollect  particularly, 
but  has  some  recollection  of  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  mentioning  that  the  damage  done 
must  be  repaired. 

"After  Mr.  Brackenridge  closed  his 
speech,  there  appeared  to  be  an  adjourn 
ment  without  a  motion  made  for  that 
purpose.  During  the  interval,  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  urged  us  to  get  off  as  unobserv- 
edly  as  possible,  lest  we  should  be  drawn 
further  in.  During  the  time  that  we 
were  out  there  was  a  good  deal  of  mur 
muring  among  the  people,  and  this  depo 
nent  sup  poses  this  had  gien  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  apprehensions,  and  he  has  inform 
ed  the  deponent  since  that  it  was  that 
which  alarmed  him.  We  went  away  on 
this,  and  Mr.  Brackenridge  slipped  after 
us.  As  we  crossed  a  small  run  a  short 
distance  from  the  meeting-house,  we 
were  called  after  by  some  persons  to  come 


i>ack  ;  but  we  hurried  off  as  fast  as  pos 
sible  to  the  house  where  we  had  left  our 
tiorses.  While  there  it  was  suggested 
by  some  of  the  company  that  as  we  had 
come  off  so  abruptly,  it  might  be  well  if 
Mr.  Brackenridge  or  some  one  should  re 
turn  and  make  some  excuse.  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  took  his  horse,  and  said  he  would 
ride  over  and  make  some  excuse.  He 
rode  over  and  came  back  in  a  very  short 
time,  so  that  we  wondered  he  could  have 
been  there  and  come  back,  and  said  he 
had  found  them  just  breaking  up.  In 
our  way  home  mentioning  to  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge  the  fortunate  escape  we  had  made, 
he  made  use  of  this  expression,  'he  had 
never  been  in  so  delicate  a  situation  be 
fore  in  his  life.'  The  deponent  has  been 
present  at  other  meetings  since  in  the 
town  of  Pittsburgh,  and  heard  Mr.  Brack- 
enridge's  sentiments  on  various  occa 
sions,  and  observed  his  conduct,  and  can 
say  to  the  best  of  his  knowledge,  that 
with  respect  to  the  people  that  were 
expelled  from  the  town,  and  every  thing 
else  that  was  done,  he  acted  from  no 
selfish  motive  of  resentment,  or  disposi 
tion  to  hurt  any  man ;  but  from  motives 
of  policy,  to  moderate  matters  and  pre 
vent  mischief;  and  this  deponent  knows 
this  to  be  the  general  sentiment  of  the 
people  of  Pittsburgh,  and  they  consider 
themselves  indebted  to  his  policy  in  a 
great  degree  for  the  safety  of  the  town 
in  the  affair  of  Braddock's  Field,  when 
we  were  led  to  apprehend  plunder  and 
destruction  from  the  fury  of  the  people 
that  had  met  there." 

Statement  of  Col.  William  Sample. 
"gIR — At  your  request,  I  shall  give 
you  a  short  detail  of  the  circumstances 
leading  to,  and  of  the  principal  traits  of 
your  conduct  at  Mingo  meeting-house. 
I  remember  that  it  was  the  general  opin 
ion  of  the  inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh, 
that  it  would  be  prudent  that  a  number 


72 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


of  persons  should  be  sent  from  this 
place,  to  meet  those  who  were  collecting 
from  various  parts  of  the  country.  No 
instructions,  to  my  knowledge,  were 
given  to  those  who  went.  But  I  under 
stood  the  general  purport  of  our  going 
there  was  to  hear  and  report.  You  asked 
me  if  I  would  make  one  of  the  number 
that  would  go.  I  hesitated  for  some 
time,  and  until  I  asked  the  opinion  of 
Col.  Presley  Neville,  which  was,  '  I  see 
no  harm  in  your  going  there  if  you  choose 
to  venture,  and  if  you  do,  I  will  thank 
you  to  carry  a  letter  for  me  to  the  chair 
man  of  the  committee,  contradicting 
some  false  aspersions  which  have  been 
industriously  circulated,  respecting  the 
Marshal  and  myself  being  released  upon 
our  words  of  honor  to  hold  ourselves 
as  prisoners  on  demand  that  night  my 
father's  house  was  burned.'  I  accepted 
the  office  and  came  back  to  you,  and  told 
you  I  would  go.  When  we  arrived  at 
Jacob  Friggley's  house,  near  the  meet 
ing-house,  in  the  course  of  various  con 
versations,  a  tall  man  there,  with  red 
hair,  frequently  expressed  a  warmth  of 
affection  for  Presley  Neville ;  seemingly 
commiserated  his  situation,  and  took 
some  credit  to  himself  in  rescuing  him 
when  he  was  made  prisoner  the  night 
aforesaid;  but  at  the  same  time  was 
still  making  some  sarcastic  observations 
on  his  father.  I  found  the  temper  of 
the  people  was  wound  up  to  a  very  high 
pitch,  and  I  took  this  favorable  oppor 
tunity  of  delivering  Col.  Neville's  letter 
to  him,  after  finding  his  name  was  Par 
kinson,  and  that  he  had  considerable  in 
fluence;  telling  him  that  the  Colonel  had 
desired  me  to  deliver  this  le#er  to  him 
in  case  I  should  find  him,  and  requested 
he  would  deliver  it  to  the  chairman.  He 
readily  took  it,  and  it  was  the  first  thing 
brought  on  the  carpet  at  the  meeting. 
The  secretary  read  the  letter,  but  no 
observations  followed.  After  some  silence 


a  person  stood  up  and  made  a  motion, 
that  the  burning  of  Gen.  Neville's  house, 
and  those  concerned  in  it,  should  be  justi 
fied  and  supported.  I  could  observe  the 
people  of  the  meeting  considerably  agi 
tated.  Col.  Marshall,  of  Washington, 
was  the  first  who  ventured  to  oppose  this 
motion ;  and  he  appeared  to  do  so  both 
with  fear  and  trembling.  After  this  speech 
was  over,  David  Bradford  arose,  and 
beckoned  to  Benjamin  Parkinson,  (as 
Capt.  Josiah  Tannehill  informed,  who 
had  mixed  with  the  crowd  and  happened 
to  sit  down  on  the  forms  close  by  him,) 
asked  him  if  the  relation  Col.  Neville 
had  given  in  his  letter  was  true.  To 
which  question  Parkinson  answered,  put 
ting  his  hand  to  his  breast,  it  is  true. 
Mr.  Bradford  then  dropping  the  subject 
of  the  letter,  began  a  most  violent  and 
inflammatory  oration  in  support  of  the 
first  motion.  I  observed  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  in  the  course  of  this  oration,  who 
being  seated  at  the  west  end  of  the 
church,  and  opposite  to  the  principal 
part  of  the  Pittsburghers,  who  had  seated 
themselves  at  the  east  corner  by  them 
selves,  in  great  agitation,  often  throwing 
his  head  down  on  his  hand  and  in  the 
attitude  of  study.  At  length  Mr.  Brad 
ford's  speech  being  ended,  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  advanced  nearly  to  the  middle  of 
the  house,  and  opposite  the  chairman, 
and  began  his  speech,  slowly  and  ir 
regularly;  for  the  current  of  the  people's 
prejudices  seemed  to  be  strongly  against 
him.  He  first  opened  the  reasons  why 
the  few  persons  from  Pittsburgh  came 
there;  that  they  were  not  instructed; 
nor  had  they  delegated  powers  to  agree 
or  to  disagree  on  any  proposition  that 
might  be  made,  they  came  only  to  hear 
and  report.  He  took  various  methods  of 
diverting  the  audience  from  the  speech 
that  preceded  his.  Sometimes  he  would 
give  a  sarcastical  stroke  at  the  excise, 
and  the  inventors  of  it,  and  then  tell 


MR.  BRACKENRIDGE'S  SPEECH. 


73 


some  droll  story  thereto  relating;  in  order 
as  I  apprehend,  to  unbend  the  audience's 
minds  from  the  serious  tone  to  which 
they  had  been  wrought  up.  He  viewed 
the  subject  before  him  in  various  lights ; 
and  then  entered  warmly  on  his  main 
argument,  which  was  to  dissuade  the 
audience  from  the  first  proposition.  He 
told  them  in  direct  words,  'that  he  hoped 
they  would  not  involve  the  whole  country 
in  a  crime  which  could  not  be  called  by 
less  name  than  high  treason  ;  that  this 
would  certainly  bring  down  the  resent 
ment  of  the  general  government,  and 
there  would  be  none  left  to  intercede.' 

"  The  audience  seemed  petrified,  thun 
derstruck  with  such  observations ;  and 
when  he  had  done,  not  a  person  seemed 
desirous  of  renewing  the  arguments. 
Silence  ensued  for  some  time  and  then 
the  company  broke  up,  and  some  went  to 
drink  at  the  spring,  and  others  in  little 
knots  or  clubs  were  dispersed  over  the 
green.  Those  who  came  from  Pitts 
burgh,  finding  that  the  audience  was  to 
be  called  to  the  church  once  more,  took 
this  opportunity  to  make  the  best  of 
their  way  to  Jacob  Friggley's.  The  com 
pany  met  again,  but  I  know  not  that 
they  did  any  business  of  consequence; 
for  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  soon  with  us, 
and  we  took  our  horses  and  returned  to 
Pittsburgh. 

WILLIAM  SEMPLE. 

Pittsburgh,  20th  Sept.  1795." 

Extract  from  the  Affidavit  of  William 
Beaumont. 

11  That  the  deponent  was  one  of  those 
who  accompanied  Mr.  Brackenridge  to 
the  meeting  at  Mingo  Creek ;  that  it  was 
at  the  request  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  that 
he  went,  in  order  to  vouch  for  his  con 
duct  on  that  occasion,  and  bear  testi 
mony  of  what  should  be  said  or  done  by 
him,  considering  the '  situation  as  deli 
cate. 


"This  deponent  found  the  situation 
sufficiently  delicate  ;  and  on  a  motion  be 
ing  brought  forward  early  in  the  meeting 
and  strongly  supported,  this  deponent 
was  greatly  alarmed,  being  apprehensive 
of  being  brought  to  vote  on  a  question  of 
that  nature,  which  was  to  pledge  our 
selves  to  support  what  had  been  done  ; 
which,  as  this  deponent  understood,  was 
the  violence  and  outrage  that  had  just 
taken  place.  This  deponent  was  alarmed, 
because  to  go  away  might  expose  to 
insult  and  personal  danger,  as  he  under 
stood  the  people  of  Pittsburgh  were  con 
sidered  in  an  unfavorable  light  by  the 
people  of  the  country ;  and  to  vote 
against  the  question  would  be  equally 
dangerous,  or  more  so ;  and  to  vote  for 
it  this  deponent  could  not  think  of,  as  it 
would  involve  in  criminality. 

"  In  a  speech  of  considerable  length 
made  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  at  this  junc 
ture,  he  appeared  to  have  the  same  im 
pressions  ;  and  with  all  the  art  and  ad 
dress  that  was  in  his  power,  wished  to 
parry  the  question  without  rendering 
himself  obnoxious  to  the  multitude. 
The  observations  made  by  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge  in  the  course  of  the  speech,  were, 
as  nearly  as  this  deponent  recollected, 
to  the  following  effect :  those  first  made 
were  of  a  nature  to  conciliate  them  (the 
persons  present,)  to  the  people  of  Pitts 
burgh,  that  they  (the  people  of  Pitts 
burgh,  )  were  not  abettors  of  the  excise 
more  than  other  people,  nor  did  they 
undertake  to  support  excise  officers  more 
than  other  people  ;  they  left  these  mat 
ters  to  the  government.  But  at  the  same 
time  it  was  a  very  different  matter  not 
to  support,  and  to  oppose ;  that  be  this 
as  it  might,  we  did  not  come  as  delegates 
from  the  town,  but  as  individuals,  and 
it  would  be  no  use  for  us  to  join  in  such 
a  proposition,  for  it  would  not  bind,  as 
we  represented  nobody.  That  he,  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  had  no  objection  to  give 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


his  opinion  on  these  matters  ;  that  what 
was  done  would  be  construed  treason; 
it  might  be  morally  right,  but  it  was  le 
gally  wrong,  and  would  subject  those 
concerned  to  punishment,  unless  they 
had  force  enough  to  support  an  opposi 
tion  to  the  laws  ;  the  matter  must  termi 
nate  in  a  revolution  or  a  rebellion ;  if 
they  bad  not  strength  to  make  it  a  revo 
lution,  it  must  be  a  rebellion :  that  that 
part  of  the  country  was  but  a  small  part 
to  undertake  such  an  object;  that  they 
had  not  even  the  four  western  counties, 
or  neighboring  counties  of  Pennsylvania, 
nor  the  three  counties  of  Virginia,  nor 
Kentucky,  if  that  could  be  of  any  use ; 
and  that  the  undertaking  afforded  no 
rational  prospect  of  success.  That  the 
case  was  not  desperate ;  an  accommoda 
tion  might  be  brought  about  with  the 
government,  and  that  it  would  be  much 
better  for  those  not  involved  to  remain 
so,  as  they  would  have  more  weight  in 
their  representations  as  advocates,  than 
if  involved  themselves ;  and  could  with 
propriety  come  forward  as  a  mediating 
party  between  the  government  and  them. 
That  there  was  reason  to  conceive  that 
government  would  not  be  rash  in  taking 
vigorous  measures ;  that  the  militia  must 
be  drafted ;  that  there  would  be  a  re 
luctance  in  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania 
to  serve,  and,  perhaps,  of  the  neighbor 
ing  States ;  that  the  President  would 
reflect  on  this  and  be  disposed  to  an 
accommodation;  that  taking  into  view 
the  disposition  of  the  President,  from 
what  we  had  seen  in  the  case  of  the 
British  spoliations,  it  was  a  natural  con 
clusion  that  he  would  not  wish  to  involve 
the  country  in  a  war ;  and  his  conduct 
also  in  respect  to  the  Indian  tribes  in 
treating  with  them  to  a  degree  that  has 
been  blamed  where  war  has  been  thought 
better,  gave  reason  to  suppose  that  he 
would  not  be  hasty  in  using  vigorous 
measures  in  a  case  like  the  present ; 


that  the  late  instance  of  his  lenity  in  the 
case  of  the  Presq'  Isle  establishment,  to 
which  the  letters  of  Cornplanter  had  put 
a  stop,  manifested  the  same  thing.  Here 
Mr.  Brackenridge  indulged  some  pleasan 
try  on  the  apprehensions  of  government 
in  this  case,  and  created  a  laugh.  In 
this  and  several  parts  of  his  speech, 
where  Mr.  Brackenridge  indulged  a  vein 
of  pleasantry  and  humor,  this  deponent 
saw  through  it,  and  thought  it  manifested 
a  great  degree  of  management  and  ad 
dress,  to  play  with  the  fancy  of  the  peo 
ple,  and  divert  their  attention  from  that 
intentness  in  having  the  proposition  car 
ried,  which  he  was  endeavoring  to  pre 
vent.  The  result  was,  Mr.  Brackenridge 
seemed  to  wish  that  all  things  should 
remain  as  they  were,  and  be  put  in  train 
of  negotiation. 

"Mr.  Brackenridge' s  speech  ended,  a 
pause  ensued ;  most  of  the  members  of 
the  meeting  left  the  meeting-house  for  a 
short  period  of  time.  On  being  desired 
to  resume  their  seats,  we  thought  it  most 
prudent  to  retreat,  Mr.  Brackenridge 
telling  us,  'we  had  better  get  off  as  soon 
as  we  can,  or  they  will  bring  us  into 
some  other  disagreeable  predicament.' 
This  deponent  went  with  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge,  came  away  with  him,  had  an  op 
portunity  of  seeing  him  through  the 
whole  of  the  time,  and  did  not  observe 
him  to  have  any  private  conversation  with 
any  person  present." 

The  necessity  for  the  negative  evidence 
contained  in  the  concluding  part  of  the 
foregoing  extract,  and  in  some  of  the 
other  affidavits,  will  create  surprise  in 
the  reader,  and  may  require  some  ex 
planation.  It  was  insisted  on  by  the 
enemies  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  especially 
of  the  Neville  connection,  that  he  had 
some  secret  and  mysterious  understand 
ing  with  the  rioters  or  insurgents.  For 
instance,  that  he  knew  of  the  intended 


NOTICE   OP  MR.    BRACKENRIDGE. 


75 


burning  of  Neville's  house,  and  was  the 
prime  mover  of   all  mischief,   standing 
behind  the  scene  and  pulling  the  wires, 
while   the  apparent  leaders   were   only 
puppets  in  his  hand.     Hence  it  became 
necessary  for  Mr.  Brackenridge  to  guard 
against  these  continual  misconstructions 
put  upon  his  conduct,  however  absurd, 
even  by  those  at  whose  instance  he  was 
induced   by   his  benevolent   and   public 
spirited  character  to  interest  himself  in 
their  behalf.     He  subsequently  expressed 
his  regret  that  he  had  interfered  in  any  I 
manner,  instead  of  leaving  the  people  and 
the  government  to  settle  their  differences 
in  their  own  way.     The  publication  of 
Craig's  History  of  Pittsburgh  led  to  a 
controversy    on    the    subject    of    these 
shameful  misrepresentations,  groundless  | 
surmises,  and  falsifications,  which  were  I 
used  for   the   purpose   of    gratifying   a  I 
malignant  feeling  characteristic  of  the 
writer  of  that  pretended  history.     These  j 
ungenerous,  or  rather  dishonest  surmises,  j 
are  freely  indulged  in  by  Hildreth  in  his 
"History  of   the   United  States,"  pub-  j 
lished  within  a  few  years,  and  which  are  j 
quoted  in  Craig's  book.     Hildreth  is  one 
of  those  narrow-minded,  or  rather  nar-  j 
row-hearted  party  bigots,  who  cannot  do 
justice  to  any  man  in  the  opposite  ranks  j 
of  politics.    Hence,  like  Craig,  under  the  ! 
pretense   of  giving   a   rigid   account  of 
facts,  he  is  continually  perverting  or  dis 
coloring  the  truth.     Craig  says  that  Mr. 
Brackenridge   was   such    a  rogue,    that 
persons  had  to  be  sent  with  him  to  the 
Mingo  meeting,  as  spies  on  his  conduct ! 
In  point  of  fact,  these  men  were  required 
by  him   for   his    own   safety,    to   guard 
against  the  misrepresentation  of  others. 
Craig  was  at  first  disposed  to  deny  that 
he  went  at  the  instance  of  Neville — but 
when   the  affidavits,    published    in    the 
"Incidents,"  were  appealed  to  as  estab 
lishing  the  fact,  he  with  the  astuteness 
of  a  pettifogger,  referred  to  the  narrow 


rules  of  evidence  of  courts  of  justice, 
designed,  as  it  is  said,  for  the  purpose  of 
excluding  falsehood,  but  which  much 
oftener  exclude  the  truth.  It  is  not  by 
the  narrow  rule  of  judicial  evidence 
that  historical  facts  are  established,  or 
the  credibility  of  testimony  is  deter 
mined.  It  is  by  the  exercise  of  sound 
common  sense  and  rational  probability. 
The  most  liberal  of  the  "  connection," 
Presley  Neville,  was  not  free  from  this 
strange  prepossession,  although  continu 
ally  applying  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  for 
his  advice,  and  which  induced  the 
latter  to  believe  he  was  friendly  to 
him.  A  curious  instance  of  this  pre 
judice  on  the  part  of  Col.  Neville,  is 
given  by  Mr.  Purviance,  which  will  be 
inserted  in  another  part  of  this  work; 
in  alluding  to  something  in  which  he 
expressed  his  suspicion  of  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge,  Mr.  Purviance  used  a  conclusive 
argument  to  show  its  utter  fallacy,  on 
which  Neville  replied,  "  Well,  if  he  was 
not  concerned  in  it,  he  was  pleased  with 
it  after  it  was  done."  How  is  it  possible 
to  contend  with  persons  so  unreasonable? 
It  is  nothing  short  of  the  moral  of  JEsop's 
fable  of  the  wolf  and  the  lamb.  When, 
in  reply  to  Craig,  in  the  recent  contro 
versy,  the  conclusive  argument  was  again 
and  again  repeated,  to  wit:  that  the 
"Incidents"  were  published  under  the 
very  nose  of  the  Neville  connection,  and 
they  were  challenged  to  deny  them,  and  yet 
never  attempted  it,  —  the  only  answer  ot" 
Craig,  at  last,  when  driven  to  the  wall, 
was,  that  Col.  Neville  was  too  indolent 
to  write  and  that  the  others  were  not 
possessed  of  the  literary  ability  to  do  so. 
Yet  his  father  could  write  letters  to 
the  Secretary  at  War,  and  was  a  member 
of  the  "Philosophical  Society,"  as  we 
are  informed  by  his  son.  It  was  the 
belief  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  that  it  was 
by  Major  Craig,  that  the  affidavits  un 
favorable  to  his  conduct  at  the  meeting 


76 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


were  transmitted  to  the  government. 
By  whom  were  these  made,  what  were 
their  contents,  and  why  were  they  not 
given  to  the  public,  like  those  of  the 
persons  who  testified  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Brackenridge  ?  These  affidavits,  no  doubt 
omitting  the  unimportant  faqts  of  the 
defeat  of  the  vote  on  Parkinson's  propo 
sition,  and  arresting  the  progress  of 
violence,  disclosed  the  allusions  to  the 
speeches  of  Cornplanter  and  the  Secre 
tary  at  War — but  most  heinous  of  all, 
the  pleasantries  of  which  the  Major  was 
the  subject,  and  which  in  his  opinion 
were  of  so  serious  a  nature  as  to  cause 
every  thing  else  to  be  lost  sight  of! 
Having  given  a  brief  notice  of  the  Nev 
illes,  in  a  former  chapter,  it  may  inter 
est  the  reader  to  have  some  account  of 
Mr.  Brackenridge  in  this  place. 

Mr.  Brackenridge  was  born  in  Scot 
land,  but  came  to  this  country  with  his 
parents  at  five  years  of  age,  about  the 
year  1755.  His  father  was  a  small 
Scotch  farmer  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Campbelltown,  in  Cantyre,  opposite  the 
coast  of  Ireland,  where  the  Kentucky 
branch  of  the  family  had  settled  previous 
ly  to  their  emigration  to  Virginia.  The 
family,  consisting  of  H.  H.  Brackenridge 
and  several  brothers  and  sisters,  settled 
in  York  county,  near  the  Susquehanna, 
a  very  poor  and  thinly  inhabited  neigh 
borhood.  It  is  remarkable,  however, 
for  having  produced  several  men  of  high 
distinction  in  American  history ;  of  these 
we  may  mention  James  Ross,  John 
Rowan,  and  the  Rev.  John  M'Millan. 
Under  the  greatest  disadvantage,  he  not 
only  succeeded  in  mastering  the  different 
branches  of  common  school  education, 
but  before  he  was  twelve  years  of  age 
could  read  Horace,  and  had  the  rudi 
ments  of  the  Greek,  from  lessons  at  long 
intervals  given  him  by  the  clergyman  j 
who  officiated  once  every  two  weeks. 
Such  was  his  passion  for  learning,  that 


meeting  with  a  young  man  who  was  much 
advanced  in  mathematics,  he  bartered 
his  classics  for  some  of  that  knowledge. 
At  the  age  of  fifteen,  hearing  of  a  va 
cancy  in  a  free  school  in  Maryland,  he 
boldly  presented  himself  as  teacher,  and 
was  accepted.  At  the  age  of  eighteen, 
with  very  insufficent  means,  but  extra 
ordinary  acquirements  for  his  opportu 
nities,  he  presented  himself  to  the  Pres 
ident  of  Princeton  College,  Dr.  Wither- 
spoon,  and  agreed  to  teach  two  classes  on 
condition  of  being  permited  to  go  through 
the  college  course.  He  did  so,  and  gradu 
ated  with  honor  in  the  same  class  with 
Mr.  Madison,  Luther  Martin,  Samuel 
Spring,  and  Philip  Freneau,  the  poet. 
In  his  exercises  he  evinced  extraor 
dinary  talents,  and  great  versatility  of 
mind.  A  poem,  entitled  "  The  rising 
glory  of  America,"  written  by  him  joint 
ly  with  Freneau,  evinced  a  high  poetic 
vein,  but  still  more  an  enthusiastic  feel 
ing  for  the  prosperity  and  glory  of  his 
country  ;  for  having  had  his  mind  formed 
in  America,  he  cannot  be  considered  as 
any  thing  else  but  an  American.  After 
graduating,  he  applied  to  the  study  of 
divinity,  was  licensed  to  preach,  but 
never  ordained,  having  determined  to 
leave  it  for  the  study  of  the  law.  For 
some  years  before  the  Revolution  he  con 
ducted  a  classical  academy  in  Maryland, 
and  applied  himself  to  the  law  under 
Samuel  Chase,  afterward  the  celebrated 
Judge.  The  war  breaking  up  his  acade 
my,  he  repaired  to  Philadelphia,  and  be 
came  conspicuous  as  a  writer  and  speaker 
in  the  cause  of  Independence.  During 
the  campaign  of  1778,  he  accompanied 
the  army  as  the  chaplain  of  a  regiment, 
and  published  a  pamphlet  of  six  sermons, 
particularly  addressed  to  the  soldiers. 
He  was  a  most  enthusiastic  patriot,  as 
his  fine  oration  on  the  4th  of  July,  1779, 
delivered  in  Philadelphia,  evinces. 

About  the  year  1780,  when  the  result 


NOTICE   OF   MR.  BRACKENRIDGB. 


77 


of  the  war  was  scarcely  any  longer 
doubtful,  he  crossed  the  mountains  and 
established  himself  in  his  profession  in 
the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  then  in  West 
moreland  county.  He  soon  rose  to  the 
head  of  the  Bar  in  the  western  counties, 
and  in  1786  was  sent  to  the  Legislature 
to  obtain  the  establishment  of  the  county 
of  Allegheny.  He  took  an  active  and 
zealous  part  in  support  of  the  Federal 
constitution,  which  was  opposed  by  some 
of  the  prominent  western  politicians,  such 
as  Gallatin,  Findley  and  Smiley,  the  lead 
ers  in  the  opposition  to  the  excise  law, 
and  with  whom  he  never  was  on  friendly 
terms.  He  had  laid  the  foundation  of  a 
moderate  fortune,  and  had  risen  to  emi 
nence  as  a  lawyer  and  speaker  at  the 
time  of  the  outbreak,  had  been  brought 
forward  as  a  candidate  for  Congress, 
and  but  for  those  unhappy  events  would 
nave  been  elected.  He  was  ambitious, 
not  for  the  mere  possession  of  office  or 
power,  but  for  fame  and  superiority  as  a 
man  of  talents  and  learning.  He  was  a 
philanthropist  and  a  philosopher,  and 
willingly  sacrificed  his  popularity  to  the 
real  welfare  of  his  country.  The  history 
of  the  difficult  and  delicate  part  he  was 
obliged  to  act  during  those  trying  times 
is  detailed  in  this  work.  He  declares 
that  if  he  had  foreseen  the  consequences 
he  never  would  have  involved  himself  in 
the  thankless  office  of  mediator  between 
the  people  and  the  government ;  yet  it 
could  not  but  be  very  gratifying  to  him 
that  he  had  been  so  eminently  instru 
mental  in  preventing  the  horrors  of  civil 
war,  and  perhaps  a  fatal  wound  to  the 
union  of  the  States. 

After  the  troubles  of  the  insurrection 
had  subsided,  he  rose  higher  than  ever 
in  public  estimation,  but  except  as  a 
political  partisan,  never  aspired  to  politi 
cal  life.  He  warmly  espoused  the  Demo 
cratic  cause  with  Jefferson  and  Madison 
and  M'Kean.  On  the  election  of  the 


latter  to  the  government  of  Pennsylvania, 
he  was  appointed  to  the  Supreme  bench, 
which  seat  he  occupied  sixteen  years 
until  his  death  in  1816.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  acquirements  on  all  subjects ; 
rigidly  honest  and  punctual  in  all  his 
dealings.  'Possessing  great  opportuni 
ties  of  acquiring  wealth,  he  rather 
shunned  than  sought  to  avail  himself  of 
them.  He  was  honestly  of  opinion  that 
good  education  was  a  better  gift  to  his  chil 
dren  than  fortune,  and  no  father  ever  de 
voted  himself  more  anxiously  to  accom 
plish  that  object.  So  perfectly  simple 
had  he  been  in  his  worldly  transactions, 
that  he  was  enabled  to  arrange  every 
thing  in  relation  to  them  in  six  lines, 
dictated  to  the  author  of  this  note,  leav 
ing  an  ample  provision  for  his  family 
and  the  education  of  younger  children; 
and  as  to  debts,  he  had  none.  Various 
and  most  erroneous  opinions  have  pre 
vailed  respecting  him.  It  has  generally 
been  supposed  that  wit  and  humor  were 
the  predominating  traits  of  his  charac 
ter,  and  that  he  was  strangely  and 
whimsically  eccentric.  On  the  contrary, 
he  was  a  man  of  grave  philosophical  and 
moral  turn  of  mind,  an  indefatigable 
student,  and  profound  observer  of  men 
and  things,  as  any  one  may  see  and  judge 
for  himself  on  reading  his  celebrated 
work,  "Modern  Chivalry,"  one  of  the 
most  instructive  this  country  has  pro 
duced.  The  gift  of  wit  and  humor  was 
rather  added  to  him  as  an  assistant  to 
enable  him  to  employ  his  other  gifts  to 
greater  advantage.  In  fact,  he  rarely 
resorted  to  wit  unless  to  effect  some  wise 
and  or  benevolent  purpose,  and  not  for 
its  own  sake.  He  loved  to  raise  a  laugh 
at  times,  and  could  do  so  when  he  pleas 
ed,  but  his  object  was  always,  if  not  to 
make  others  better,  at  least  to  afford  an 
innocent  pleasure.  He  possessed  great 
sensibility,  and  the  more  impulsively  he 
yielded  to  his  benevolent  feelings  in  serv- 


78 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


ing  others,  the  more  keenly  he  felt  the 
ungrateful  requital.  No  candid  and  im 
partial  man  can  read  this  history  without 
the  clear  conviction,  that  he  saved  the 
town  of  Pittsburgh  from  destruction,  the 
western  country  from  the  horrors  of  civil 
war,  and  the  Union  from  eminent  peril. 
As  an  orator  he  had  few  equals  in  this 
country,  nature  having  bestowed  on  him 


every  requisite  of  oratory,  physical  as 
well  as  mental ;  fine  person,  a  powerful 
eye,  a  towering  imagination,  a  mind 
highly  cultivated,  and  a  voice  of  uncom 
mon  excellence.  Had  he  exhibited  these 
powers  on  the  larger  stage  of  the 
National  Councils,  there  is  no  doubt  he 
would  have  placed  many  in  the  back 
ground  who  are  ranked  above  him. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE  ROBBING  OP  THK  MAIL  —  THE  SELF-APPOINTED  CONVENTION,  AND  CIECULAB  TO 
THE  MILITIA  OFFICERS  DIRECTING  A  RENDEZVOUS  AT  BRADDOCK'S  FIELD  —  THE 
TOWN  MEETING  AT  PITTSBURGH. 

BRADFORD,  having  joined  the  riotous  party,  which  had  committed  the 
recent  outrages,  was  resolved  to  be  at  its  head.  Although  incompetent 
to  organize  any  consistent  plan  of  treasonable  opposition,  he  could  take 
advantage  of  circumstances  as  they  arose  ;  and  hence  the  suggestion  of  a 
large  meeting  was  adopted  by  him  as  the  means  of  extending,  or  rather 
of  giving  the  resistance  to  the  law  the  character  of  insurrection,  while 
those  who  originated  the  idea  of  the  delegation  considered  it  as  the  means 
of  restoring  order ;  at  least,  of  arresting  the  progress  of  violence  for 
the  present.  That  he  should  have  drawn  in  such  a  man  as  Marshall, 
and  apparently  against  his  will — a  man  of  prudence  and  sound  sense — 
would  be  difficult  to  account  for,  if  we  had  not  often  witnessed  instances 
of  persons  greatly  superior  being  subject  to  the  control  of  those  of  inferior 
understanding;  probably  from  a  false  estimate  of  their  abilities,  or  from 
some  unaccountable  influence.  On  the  way  to  the  Mingo  meeting,  it  ap 
pears  that  the  idea  of  stopping  the  mail  between  the  town  of  Washington, 
where  he  resided,  and  Pittsburgh,  had  been  suggested  by  Bradford  to 
David  Hamilton  and  John  Baldwin,  in  order  to  find  out  what  his  towns 
men  might  have  written  on  the  subject  of  the  recent  attack  on  Neville's 
house.  This  would  seem  to  be  a  very  childish  motive  for  the  commission 
of  so  heinous  a  crime,  so  far  transcending  any  possible  use  to  which  it 
could  be  turned.  The  men  to  whom  it  was  proposed  declined  taking  any 
part  in  the  reckless  enterprise. 

The  relation  between  Brackenridge  and  Bradford  was  merely  professional 
— the  counsel  who  traveled  the  circuit  were  often  engaged  to  assist  in  the 
argument  of  causes,  by  the  resident  members  of  the  bar  in  each  county, 
giving  to  the  latter  a  certain  patronage,  whicB.  made  it  the  interest  of  the 
former  to  cultivate  a  good  understanding,  and  a  kind  of  professional  rela 
tion.  The  connection  with  Marshall,  on  the  other  hand,  was  more  per- 


80  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

sonal  and  political.  They  had  taken  part  with  Bradford,  on  the  same 
side,  in  favor  of  the  Federal  constitution,  when  opposed  to  Gallatin, 
Findley  and  others.  Some  time  before  this,  a  project,  warmly  advocated 
by  Bradford,  for  the  establishment  of  a  new  State,  to  be  composed  of  the 
western  counties  of  Pennsylvania  and  parts  of  Virginia  and  Maryland, 
had  been  opposed  and  defeated  through  the  exertions  of  Brackenridge 
and  Marshall.  It  is  very  possible  that  dim  visions  of  a  new  State  still 
floated  across  the  mind  of  Bradford,  as  an  event  which  might  grow 
$out  of  a  western  insurrection.  Whatever  were  the  designs,  if  any,  now 
concerted  by  Bradford,  they  were  not  communicated  to  Brackenridge,  and 
probably  not  to  Marshall.  It  was  not  pretended  by  Bradford,  in  his  de 
nunciation  of  the  former,  that  there  had  ever  been  any  understanding 
between  them  on  the  subject.  Bradford  and  Marshall,  notwithstanding 
the  opposition  at  the  Mingo  meeting,  perhaps  entertained  a  hope  of  being 
able  to  draw  Brackenridge  in  to  take  part  with  them,  whilst  he  subse 
quently,  at  the  Parkinson's  Ferry  meeting,  or  congress,  resolved  to  avail 
himself  of  that  disposition,  to  turn  them  aside  from  their  treasonable  plans 
and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country.  The  idea  of  stopping  the  mail 
was  not  spoken  of  at  the  Mingo  meeting,  nor  was  it  communicated  to  Col. 
Cook,  or  any  of  those  who  preferred  to  remain  neuter. 

On  the  failure  of  the  first  scheme  of  stopping  the  mail  from  Washing 
ton,  Bradford  determined  to  intercept  that  from  Pittsburgh  to  Philadel 
phia,  in  order  to  find  out  what  was  written  by  persons  in  the  former  place 
to  those  at  the  head  of  the  government.  He  sent  his  cousin,  William 
Bradford,  while  David  Hamilton  sent  an  obscure,  ignorant  man,  of  the 
name  of  John  Mitchel,  who  perpetrated  the  deed.  The  post  was  intercepted 
when  about  ten  miles  from  Greensburg,  on  the  26th  o'f  July,  three  days 
after  the  Mingo  meeting.  The  packets  from  Washington  and  Pittsburgh 
were  taken  out.  They  were  carried  by  Benjamin  Parkinson  to  Washing 
ton,  and  thence,  accompanied  by  Bradford  and  Marshall,  to  Canonsburg, 
a  small  village  seven  miles  distant.  On  the  Washington  packet  being 
opened,  no  letters  on  the  late  affairs  from  any  individuals  of  that  place 
were  found;  but  there  were  some  from  individuals  of  Pittsburgh,  and  as 
eavesdroppers  seldom  hear  any  good  of  themselves,  these  letters  contained 
matters  which  gave  great  offense,  especially  to  Bradford. 

"Various  conjectures  have  been  formed  as  to  the  ultimate  design,  if  any, 
of  that  person ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  his  present  intention  was 
to  involve  as  many,  and  spread  the  flames  as  widely,  as  possible ;  and  this 
desperate  act  of  intercepting  the  mail  was  one  of  the  means  resorted  to 


SELF-CONSTITUTED   CONVENTION.  81 

for  that  purpose.  It  was  an  act  which  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  per 
petrators  were  prepared  to  go  all  lengths.  The  opinion  expressed  by 
Findley,  is  not  far  from  the  truth.  "Immediately  after  the  Mingo  Creek 
meeting,  Bradford  wrote  to  the  principal  persons  in  the  neighboring  coun 
ties  of  Virginia,  pressing  them  in  the  most  urgent  manner  to  send 
delegates  to  the  meeting  which  was  appointed  to  be  held  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry.  His  sending  this  letter,  and  the  style  in  which  it  was  written, 
indubitably  proves  the  improvement  he  designed  to  make  of  the  Parkin 
son  congress.  His  robbing  the  mail,  and  directing  the  rendezvous  at 
Braddock's  Field,  were  calculated  to  inflame  the  minds  of  tho  people 
previously  to  that  meeting,  and  increase  the  number  of  those  who  would 
be  rendered  desperate  by  their  crimes.  In  this  he  was  but  too  successful. 
The  threatening  letters  to  excite  the  people  to  attack  Wells  and  Webster, 
though  they  have  not  been  traced  to  Bradford,  were,  no  doubt,  part  of 
the  plan,  and,  by  their  means,  the  infatuation  was  vastly  extended,  and 
the  number  of  offenses  was  increased  after  the  meeting  at  Mingo  Creek, 
and  before  that  at  Parkinson's  Ferry.  Even  in  Virginia,  an  excise  officer 
had  fled,  and  a  riot  was  committed  at  the  place  of  his  residence/'*  Yet, 
it  speaks  much  in  favor  of  the  excited  population,  that  in  spite  of  these 
pernicious  measures,  so  few  disorders  occurred,  so  unlike  an  European 
"peasant  war."  This  may  be  ascribed  to  the  confidence  reposed  by  the 
people  in  the  representative  meeting  at  Parkinson's  Ferry.  And,  besides, 
there  was  no  aristocratic  class,  distinct  in  interest  from  them,  to  make  war 
upon.  The  French  cry  of  "  peace  to  the  cottage,  and  war  to  the  palace," 
could  have  no  application  where,  out  of  the  towns,  log-cabins  were  the 
only  dwellings  to  be  seen. 

It  is  a  subject  of  curious  reflection,  that  the  first  step  toward  connect 
ing  the  partial  riots  and  violations  of  law  into  a  formidable  insurrection, 
which  if  not  crushed  in  embryro  might  have  endangered  this  great  con 
federacy  of 'States,  then  in  its  infancy — was  taken  in  a  small  country- 
tavern,  by  a  self-constituted,  secret  convention  of  six  men  !  Whether  the 
idea  was  conceived  before  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting,  or  not  until  after 
the  robbery  of  the  mail,  it  is  impossible  to  know.  Its  origin  was  entirely 
unlike  the  resolution  calling  for  a  peaceful  congress,  or  representation, 
publicly  adopted  at  the  Mingo  meeting,  and  was  also  in  direct  conflict 
with  that  resolution ;  but  whether  owing  to  the  expected  congress,  or  to 
the  fact  that  a  mere  military  insurrection  is  at  variance  with  the  genius 
of  our  republics,  certain  it  is,  that  this  alarming  gathering  in  arms  at 

*  Findley,  109. 


82  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

Braddock's  Field,  so  imposing  in  appearance,  was  rendered  by  some 
management  not  only  harmless,  but  even  ludicrous,  as  we  shall  presently 
see.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  that  if  we  should  ever  be  so  unfortunate  as  to 
experience  an  internal  revolution,  it  will  not  assume  a  warlike  appearance 
even  of  this  description.* 

The  self-created  convention  having  read  over  the  letters'  thus  feloni 
ously  obtained,  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of  measures  to  be  adopted. 
The  following  circular,  as  the  result  of  their  deliberations,  with  a  curious 
arrogance,  was  drawn  up  and  signed  by  them,  addressed  to  the  colonels 
and  other  militia  officers  of  the  western  counties,  just  as  if  signers  had 
been  invested  with  the  supreme  authority  in  the  government  of  the  State. 
They  ordered  out  the  militia,  as  if  on  a  tour  of  military  service,  and  this 
by  men  who  held  no  public  office,  civil  or  military  !  And  what  is  strange, 
this  impudent  command,  in  several  regiments,  wa"s  promptly  obeyed  by 
officers  and  men.  In  others,  the  officers  were  obliged  to  lead  the  men 
from  a  regard  to  their  own  personal  safety.  We  give  the  letter  as  drawn 
up,  and  despatched  by  messengers  in  all  directions,  by  this  self-created 
revolutionary  junto : 

"JULY  28th,  1794. 

"SiR — Having  had  suspicions  that  the  Pittsburgh  post  would  carry  with  him 
the  sentiments  of  some  of  the  people  in  the  country,  respecting  our  present  situa 
tion  ;  and  the  letters  by  the  post  being  now  in  our  possession,  by  which  certain 
secrets  are  discovered,  hostile  to  our  interests,  it  is,  therefore,  now  come  to  that 
crisis,  that  every  citizen  must  express  his  sentiments,  not  by  his  words,  but  by  his 
actions.  You  are  then  called  upon  as  a  citizen  of  the  western  country,  to  render 
your  personal  service,  with  as  many  volunteers  as  you  can  raise,  to  rendezvous  at 
your  usual  place  of  meeting, f  on  Wednesday  next,  and  thence  you  will  march  to 
the  usual  place  of  rendezvous  at  Braddock's  Field,  on  the  Monongahela,  on  Friday, 
the  first  day  of  August  next,  to  be  there  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  with  arms 
and  accoutrements  in  good  order.  If  any  volunteers  shall  want  arms  and  ammuni 
tion,  bring  them  forward,  and  they  shall  be  supplied  as  well  as  possible.  Here, 
BIT,  is  an  expedition  proposed,  in  which  you  will  have  an  opportunity  of  displaying 

*  "John  Canon  and  a  Mr.  Speer,  a  storekeeper  in  Canonsburg,  were  invited  to 
the  tavern,  and  the  mail  was  opened.  In  the  course  of  conversation  at  the  tavern, 
it  was  asked  what  would  be  done  with  those  known  to  be  connected  in  the  attack 
and  burning  of  Neville's  house?  Bradford  replied,  'They  would  be  hung,'  and 
suggested,  '  the  only  way  to  protect  them  was  to  involve  the  whole  western  country 
in  the  matter,  and  that  the  numbers  concerned  would  prevent  extreme  measures  on 
the  part  of  the  government.'" — Carnahan,  p.  125. 

f  Braddock's  Field  was  the  place  of  the  annual  brigade  muster,  or  review — each 
regiment  previously  assembled  at  its  own  rendezvous. 


SELF-CONSTITUTED   CONVENTION.  88 

your  military  talents,  and  of  rendering  service  to  your  country.     Four  days  pro 
visions  will  be  wanted  ;  let  the  men  be  thus  supplied. 
We  are,  (signed,) 

J.  CANON,  T.  SPEARS, 

B.  PARKINSON,  L.  LOCKNY, 

D.  BRADFORD,  J.  MARSHALL. 

A.  FULTON,  * 
«To  Col. " 

It  is  difficult  to  know  whether  to  laugh  or  be  sad  at  this  piece  of  mis 
chief  and  folly  !  Our  reflections  would,  perhaps,  lead  us  to  do  injustice 
to  the  intelligence  of  our  fellow-citizens  of  that  period.  Let  us  hope, 
that  with  our  newspaper  press  and  common-schools  of  the  present  day, 
it  would  be  impossible  to  impose  upon  the  people  by  such  absurd  usurpa 
tions  of  authority,  "unknown  to  the  constitution  and  the  laws/7  although 
there  may  be  some  still  ready  to  submit  to  usurpations  without  inquiry, 
where  the  idol  happens  to  humor  the  popular  prejudice  or  antipathiea  of 
the  day. 

At  first,  the  avowed  purpose  of  this  military  gathering  was  to  attack 
the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  to  seize  the  magazines  of  the  garrison,  and  any 
military  equipment  that  might  be  procured  in  the  town.  It  was  also 
contemplated  to  take  the  writers  of  the  offensive  letters,  and  imprison 
them  in  the  jail  of  Washington.  "These/'  says  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "were 
the  objects  contemplated,  according  to  the  information  given  me." 
Whether  it  was  resentment  against  the  writers  which  gave  rise  to  a 
"  march  to  Pittsburgh,  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  these  men,  and  that 
this  drew  with  it  the  idea  of  taking  the  magazines,  or  whether  the  latter 
was  the  primary  object,  and  the  intended  arrests  the  accidental,  I  am  not 
sufficiently  informed.  It  would  seem  probable  that  the  march  to  Pitts 
burgh,  and  the  seizure  of  the  magazine,  would  have  been  at  all  events 
attempted,  as  a  necessary  act  to  furnish  the  means  of  defending  what  had 
been  done,  that  is,  the  intercepting  and  robbing  the  mail.  For  it  is  to  be 
presumed,  if  we  suppose  the  actors  in  this  affair  to  have  had  reflection, 
that  they  had  made  up  their  minds  to  set  the  government  at  defiance ;  in 

*  "Fulton  was  from  Maryland ;  he  was  not  only  a  Federalist,  but  an  open  ad 
vocate  for  the  excise  law,  indeed  the  most  openly  so  of  any  man  I  have  met  with 
in  the  western  counties,  and  an  avowed  friend  of  the  Inspector.  He  kept  a  large 
distillery,  and  expected  by  the  operation  of  the  excise  law  to  have  considerable 
advantage  over  the  small  distillers.  He  had  also  erected  a  brewery.  I  have 
never  been  able  to  account  for  the  inconsistency  of  his  conduct." — Findley,  p.  96. 

For  notice  of  Bradford,  ^Parkinson,  Canon,  Findley  and  Marshall,  see  Notes  at 
the  end  of  this  chapter. 


84  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

that  case,  it  became  them  to  arm  themselves  with  the  means  of  war. 
When  an  officer  disapproved  the  circular  letter,  he  did  not  dare  to  con 
ceal  from  his  battalion  or  company  that  he  had  received  such  a  notice ; 
and  when  communicated,  it  was  the  people  commanding  the  officer,  and 
not  the  officer  the  people.  Call  us  out,  or  we  will  take  vengeance  on  you 
as  a  traitor  to  your  country !  The  whole  country  was  one  inflammable 
mass;  it  required  but  the  least  touch  of  fire  to  inflame  it.  I  had  seen 
the  spirit  which  prevailed  at  the  stamp  act,  and  at  the  commencement  of 
the  revolution  from  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  but  it  was  by  no 
means  so  general  and  so  vigorous  amongst  the  common  people  as  the 
spirit  which  now  existed  in  the  country."  * 

As  soon  as  this  circular  became  known,  strong  remonstrances  were 
made  by  persons  to  Bradford  and  Marshall,  against  it,  with  representa 
tions  of  its  dangerous  tendency;  and  this,  with  such  effect,  that  they 
became  alarmed,  and  wished  to  countermand  their  orders;  but  as  only 
three  days  would  elapse  between  their  date  and  the  time  appointed  for 
the  assemblage,  it  was  too  late  to  put  a  stop  to  it,  although  in  some 
quarters  to  which  the  countermand  was  sent  it  had  its  effect.  The  levity 
of  the  countermand  was  as  ridiculous  as  the  order  was  presumptuous ;  it 
was  in  these  terms  : 

"DEAR  SIR — Upon  receiving  some  late  intelligence  from  our  runners,  we  have 
been  informed  that  the  ammunition  we  were  about  to  seize  was  destined  for  Gen. 
Scott,  who  is  just  going  out  against  the  Indians.  We,  therefore,  have  concluded 
not  to  touch  it ;  I  give  you  this  early  notice,  that  your  brave  men  of  war  need  not 
turn  out  till  further  notice. 

Yours,  &c.  DAVID  BRADFORD. 

"  Col.  DAVID  WILLIAMSON." 

No  sooner  was  the  news  of  this  frivolous  counter  order  rumored  through 
the  town  of  Washington — which  being  in  the  midst  of  a  farming  popula 
tion,  and  entertaining  feelings  more  in  common  with  them  than  those  of 
the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  where  there  was  more  trade  and  more  government 
influence — than  the  people  of  Washington  broke  out  into  a  furious  rage, 
called  a  meeting  at  the  court  house,  and  those  of  the  country  hearing  of 
it,  came  rushing  in,  under  still  greater  excitement.  James  Ross, 
United  States  Senator,  who  then  resided  there,  in  a  speech  of  great 
earnestness  of  two  hours,  endeavored  to  dissuade  the  populace.  Thomas 
Scott,  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Thomas  Stokely,  of  the  State 
Senate,  David  Reddick,  Prothonotary  (clerk  of  the  court),  Henry  Pur- 
viance  and  others  of  the  bar,  exerted  themselves  te  effect  the  same  object, 
*  Incidents,  p.  40,  41. 


PITTSBURGH   IN   DANGER.  85 

Jarnes  Marshall  was  in  earnest  to  retract,  and  spoke  publicly.  Bradford 
seeing  the  violence  of  the  multitude,  by  which  he  was  always  swayed, 
was  more  inflammatory  than  he  had  ever  been  ;  denied  that  he  had  given 
his  consent  to  the  countermand,  and  asked  with  confidence  who  was  the 
scoundrel  who  would  say  he  had  consented !  There  happened  to  be  no 
one  present  who  could  contradict  him,  or  was  willing  to  do  so.  The 
countermand  given  above,  was  afterward  procured  by  Col.  Stokely  in 
the  handwriting  of  Bradford.  It  was  now  carried  by  a  vote  that  the 
march  to  Braddock's  Field  should  proceed.  To  show  their  displeasure  with 
Marshall,  the  door  of  his  house  was  tarred  and  feathered  that  night; 
threats  of  personal  injury  were  thrown  out,  and  he  was  compelled  to  de 
clare  his  readiness  to  go.  Others  were  threatened,  for  a  revolutionary  spirit, 
something  like  that  which  at  that  time  raged  in  France,  appears  to  have 
taken  possession  of  the  uninformed ;  they  threw  aside  all  respect  for  the 
laws,  and  talked  familiarly  of  taking  life  and  violating  the  rights  of  prop 
erty — creating  terror  in  the  minds  of  the  peaceful  on  the  one  hand,  and 
licentiousness  among  the  unprincipled  on  the  other.  Indisposition  of 
pressing  business  was  pretended  to  avoid  going — many  yielded  to  their 
fears,  and  thought  it  safest  to  comply.  Others  were  induced  to  go  with 
the  patriotic  motive  of  endeavoring  to  moderate  the  passions  of  the 
multitude,  and  prevent  the  commission  of  outrages.  Of  the  last  descrip 
tion,  there  were  numbers  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  militia,  who  came 
with  battalions  or  companies,  and  who  accompanied  them  not  for  the  pur 
pose  of  encouraging,  but  if  possible  of  restraining  the  rank  and  file  upon 
whom  the  Jacobin  madness  had  seized.*  The  common  language  of  the 
time  in  the  country  was,  they  were  going  to  take  Pittsburgh;  some  talked 
of  plundering  the  town.  It  was  an  expression  used,  that  as  the  old  Sodom 
had  been  burned  by  fire  from  heaven,  this  second  Sodom  should  be  burnt 
by  fire  from  earth  !  The  shopkeepers  were  told  at  their  counters  by  per 
sons  cheapening  their  goods,  that  they  would  get  them  at  a  less  price  in  a 
few  days.  The  very  women  coming  in  from  the  country  would  say — 

*  Col.  John  Hamilton,  on  receiving  a  circular,  repaired  immediately  to  Washing 
ton  to  countermand  it,  but  arrived  after  the  meeting  had  concluded ;  he  was 
therefore  compelled  to  accompany  his  regiment  from  the  motive  above  mentioned, 
Col.  Cook  concealed  the  circular  from  his  regiment — but  went  to  Braddock's  Field 
with  the  same  intention. 

" Great  exertions,"  says  Findley,  "were  made,  however,  in  communicating  the 
circular  letters,  and  though  many  who  probably  wished  to  suppress  them  durst  not, 
there  were  some  who  did  keep  their  secret,  and  some  clergymen,  and  others  in  the  - 
south  of  Washington  county,  were  active  and  successful  with  their  neighbors  in 
dissuading  them  from  going." — Findley,  p.  97. 

7 


86  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

ft  That  fine  lady  lives  in  a  fine  house,  but  her  pride  will  be  humbled  by 
and  by."  Persons  were  coming  to  the  blacksmiths  with  old  guns  that 
had  lain  by  a  long  time,  to  be  repaired.  Others  were  buying  up  flints 
and  powder  from  the  stores ;  there  were  many  who  were  supposed  to  be 
from  distant  parts,  no  one  in  the  town  knowing  them.  Some  were  sup 
posed  to  be  spies,  to  see  the  condition  of  the  garrison  or  the  town ;  with 
out  appearing  to  have  anything  to  do,  they  were  seen  to  be  lounging  about 
from  place  to  place.  If  it  excites  surprise  in  the  reader  that  there  should 
be  so  many  persons  of  this  lawless  stamp  among  a  peaceful  rural  popula 
tion,  it  must  be  recollected  that  at  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war 
some  of  the  dregs  of  the  army  would  be  emptied  on  the  frontiers,  and 
that  these,  with  many  desperate  as  well  as  enterprising  characters,  would 
seek  the  new  settlements. 

It  was  now  understood  that  preparations  were  every  where  making 
throughout  the  survey,  and  especially  on  the  south  side  of  the  Mon- 
ongahela  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  that  river,  for  the  contemplated 
rendezvous  at  Braddock's  Field.  Major  Butler  had  been  industrious  to 
improve  the  defenses  of  his  garrison ;  Major  Craig,  the  quarter-master, 
and  company  had  removed  into  it  with  his  family.  Col.  Neville  had  pre 
pared  to  defend  himself  in  his  own  house.  Under  these  circumstances  it 
was  thought  advisable  by  the  citizens  to  call  a  town  meeting,  to  consider 
what  was  to  be  done  for  their  own  safety,  and  that  of  the  place  thus 
threatened  with  destruction. 

It  is  still  a  question  what  could  have  been  the  object  of  this  alarming 
movement,  now  that  the  first  idea,  that  of  attacking  the  garrison,  had 
been  abandoned.  After  much  reflection,  it  has  appeared  to  the  writer, 
that  after  making  due  allowance  for  the  difficulty  of  stopping  the  ball 
once  set  in  motion,  as  the  measure  originated  immediately  after  the  Mingo 
Creek  meeting  and  the  intercepting  the  mail,  the  design  of  both  was  to 
furnish  a  pretext  for  a  military  organization  which  would  present  at  once 
a  formidable  front  of  insurrection.  It  would  be  raising  a  standard  of  re 
bellion  in  which  the  whole  western  country  would  be  involved,  and  thus 
be  the  means  of  making  easier  terms  with  the  government,  or  making  it 
the  commencement  of  treasonable  plans,  if  any  such  existed,  and  the  peo. 
pie  found  willing  to  embark  in  them.  It  was  expected  that  the  officer  in 
command  of  the  garrison,  the  officers  of  justice,  and  some  of  the  leading 
inhabitants,  would  make  representations  to  the  Executive,  and  call  for  a 
military  force  to  march  immediately  for  their  protection ;  and  this  would 
make  it  necessary  for  the  rioters  to  prepare  for  their  defense,  by  taking 
the  garrison  and  sacking  and  destroying  the  town.  When  nothing  of  the 


TOWN   MEETING.  87 

kind  was  discovered,  and  the  plans  of  the  leaders  had  changed  in  conse 
quence,  no  other  motive  can  be  discerned  than  the  silly  one  of  making 
war  upon  a  few  individuals  for  some  offensive  expressions  contained  in 
their  private  letters.  However  this  may  he,  those  who  set  the  ball  in 
motion  were  no  longer  able  to  stop  it,  even  if  it  had  been  their  wish  to  do 
so,  and  the  consequence  of  the  disorderly  assemblage  and  disorderly  march 
might  have  been  as  serious  as  at  first  intended.  A  very  large  number  of 
those  who  came  to  Braddock's  Field  were  still  undeceived  as  to  that  inten 
tion,  while  the  mass  had  the  most  vague  and  uncertain  notions  of  what  they 
were  to  do,  or  for  what  purpose  they  were  assembled.  It  was  thought  by 
many  that  some  great  secret,  as  the  circular  expressed  it — some  gunpowder 
plot  against  the  people — had  been  discovered,  and  was  there  to  be  dis 
closed.  Whether  these  conjectures  are  well  or  ill-founded,  it  was  a  most 
mischievous,  as  well  as  foolish  act,  in  the  projectors,  and  which  required 
the  greatest  caution  and  prudence,  on  the  part  of  the  leading  citizens, 
to  avert  the  most  lamentable  consequences. 

A  town  meeting  was  convened  about  dusk  ;  the  whole  town  was  assem 
bled,  General  Gibson  in  the  chair,  and  Matthew  Ernest  secretary.     It 
was  announced  that  persons  had  arrived  from  the  town   of  Washington 
with  a  message  to  the  inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  on  which  a  committee  of 
three,  General  Wilkins,  George  Wallace  and  H.  H.  Brackenridge,  were 
appointed  to  meet  the  messengers.     Those  were,  Messrs.  Baird,  Meetkirk, 
Purviance  and  Blakeney.     These  gentlemen  had  brought  the  mail  which 
had  been  delivered  to  them  by  Bradford  and  Marshall,  and  which  was  to 
be  restored  to  the  post  office,  with  the  exception  of  the  offensive  letters, 
which  they  were  to  retain.     The  letters  were,  from  Col.  Neville  to  Gen. 
Morgan ;  Gen.  Gibson  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania ;  James  Brison, 
Prothonotary,  to  the^  Governor ;  Edward   Day  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury;  Maj.  Butler  to  the  Secretary  at  War.     The  messengers  stated 
that  these  letters  had  rendered  the  writers  obnoxious,  and  that  it  was  de 
termined  by  the  people,  now  on  their  march  to  Braddock's  Field,  to  take 
vengeance  on  them;  and  such  was  their  fury  that  they  appeared  ungov 
ernable,  although  every  possible  means  were  used  to  control  them.     The 
messengers  further  stated  that  a  number  of  the   principal  men  in-  the 
country  had  thrown  themselves  among  them,  in  order,  as  far  as  possible, 
to  restrain  them  from  acts  of  violence,  for  which  they  were  but  too  well 
disposed,  and  that  disposition  likely  to  increase.     The  prevailing  idea 
among  them,  was  to  seize  the  obnoxious  individuals  and  burn  the  town  of 
Pittsburgh ;  and  great  doubts  were  felt  by  the  messengers,  who  now  came 
to  them  as  friends,  of  the  possibility  of  preventing  the  calamity.     It  was 


88  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

with  great  difficulty  they  had  made  their  way  hither,  having  been  stopped 
more  than  once,  and  it  had  required  address  to  enable  them  to  pass,  it 
being  the  desire  of  the  country  people  that  those  of  the  town  should  not 
be  informed  of  their  coming.  In  making  their  way  to  Pittsburgh,  it  was 
the  hope  of  the  gentlemen  from  Washington  to  be  able  to  concert  some 
measure  to  save  the  town,  now  threatened  with  destruction.  They  could 
see  but  two  things  that  could  be  done,  with  any  prospect  of  success  in 
saving  themselves ;  the  first  was,  to  compel  or  induce  the  obnoxious  per 
sons  to  absent  themselves  for  a  time,  under  the  idea  of  banishment  by  the 
citizens ;  and  the  second,  the  march  of  the  latter  in  a  body,  to  meet  the 
assemblage,  as  if  to  make  common  cause  with  them ;  that  in  this  way, 
finding  friends  instead  of  enemies  with  the  people  of  Pittsburgh,  their 
violence  might  receive  a  direction  which  would  render  it  harmless ;  and 
perhaps  they  might  be  persuaded  to  proceed  no  further  than  Braddock's 
Field.  They  thought  it  certain  that  if  this  were  not  done,  or  if  the 
slightest  resistance  were  made,  the  town  would  be  laid  in  ashes.  Brison 
and  Day  were  particularly  obnoxious;  Kirkpatrick  also  was,  from  his 
being  the  supposed  cause  of  M'Farlane's  death;  that  these  were  the  pri 
mary  objects  of  the  popular  resentment,  but  others  were  so  in  a  secondary 
degree.  They  advised  that  all  those  against  whom  this  resentment  was 
directed  should  leave  the  town,  for  the  safety  of  those  who  remained,  and 
as  a  means  of  saving  their  own  property.  It  was  evident  that  the  attempt 
of  any  individual  to  defend  his  house  would  be  worse  than  useless ;  if 
present,  he  would  be  certain  to  lose  his  life,  and  the  burning  of  his  house 
would  terminate  in  a  general  conflagration,  with  the  loss  of  many  other 
lives. 

The  committee  now  reported  the  message  from  Washington,  and  the 
names  of  the  proscribed  were  read.  Day  and  Brison  were  present — 
Neville,  and  probably  Kirkpatrick,  were  there,  as  it  was  supposed  that 
every  one  in  town  who  could  attend  had  taken  part  in  the  meeting.  It 
struck  every  one  present  that  it  would  be  advisable  for  these  to  absent 
themselves,  or  keep  out  of  the  way  until  the  danger  were  past.  There 
was  no  objection  made;  all  seemed  tacitly  to  acquiesce.  It  was  a  man 
oeuvre  which  all  seemed  to  comprehend,  as  the  only  policy  which  could 
be  adopted  under  the  circumstances  for  the  safety  of  the  proscribed  as 
well  as  of  the  rest  of  the  citizens.  To  attempt  a  defense  against  over 
whelming  numbers  of  men  capable  of  being  rendered  infuriate,  would  be 
certain  destruction ;  the  town  could  not  bring  out  more  than  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  and  even  some  of  these  could  not 
be  relied  on ;  so  that  the  joining  the  'insurgents  would  be  a  measure  of 


FEIGNED    BANISHMENT.  89 

safety,  even  as  respected  them.  If  they  attempted  to  use  the  protection 
of  their  wooden  houses,  fire  could  be  put  to  them,  and  the  lives  of  their 
families  would  be  exposed,  without  speaking  of  the  certain  destruction  of 
their  property.  As  to  the  garrison,  it  was  but  a  picketed  inclosure,  at 
the  distance  of  a  mile,  with  an  open  common  between  it  and  the  village  j 
and  at  this  time  the  troops  in  it,  all  numbered,  did  not  exceed  forty  men. 
It  might  afford  a  temporary  refuge  against  Indians,  but  not  against  several 
thousand  riflemen,  urged  on  by  fury,  and  could  have  been  taken  by  a 
siege  of  a  week,  as  it  had  no  supply  of  provisions.  The  state  of  alarm 
among  the  towns  people  may  be  readily  conceived.  It  will  not  do  at  the 
distance  of  sixty  years  to  denounce  them  as  cowards  and  traitors — they 
acted  on  the  principle  of  self-preservation,  which  was  perfectly  justifiable. 
If  the  proscribed  were  put  to  the  inconvenience  of  retiring  for  a  time, 
leaving  their  property  and  families  under  the  protection  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  who  remain ded,  they  were  recompensed  by  the  prospect  of 
security,  in  lieu  of  the  almost  certain  destruction  to  which  they  were 
exposed.  No  disreputation  attended  the  fictitious  banishment;  on  the 
contrary,  they  would  be  regarded  by  the  government  with  favor,  as  objects 
of  persecution  by  the  mob.  It  was  not  an  exile  from  civilization  to  the 
wilderness,  but  from  the  wilderness  to  the  seats  of  civilization,  in  which 
they  would  be  sure  to  meet  with  a  cordial  reception  from  their  fellow- 
citizens,  and  restored  to  their  homes  in  triumph  in  the  course  of  a  few 
weeks,  as  soon  as  the  government  should  put  down  the  insurrection. 

It  was  agreed  that  the  proscribed  should  leave  the  town  ostensibly  as 
if  banished,  and  that  those  who  remained  behind,  some  of  whom  would 
have  been  glad  to  be  banished  also,  should  put  on  a  mask  of  being  with 
the  mob,  called  "the  people,"  and  the  insurgents  at  Braddock's  Field. 
It  was  proposed  that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  conduct  and 
manage  the  part  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  should  act.  This 
committee,  consisting  of  the  number  of  twenty-one,  was  chosen,  with 
power  to  elect  their  chairman.  They  were  composed  of  the  most  respect 
able  and  substantial  citizens ;  it  is  proper  to  record  their  names,  as  their 
descendants  still  continue  to  form  a  large  proportion  of  the  respectable 
part  of  the  population.  They  are  as  follows — George  Kobinson,  (chief 
burgess,)  H.  H.  Brackenridge,  Peter  Audrain,  John  Scull,  (editor  Pitts 
burgh  Gazette,}  John  M' Masters,  John  Wilkins,  (father  of  Gen.  Wilkins 
and  Hon.  William  Wilkins,)  Andrew  M' In  tyre,  George  Wallace,  John 
Irwin,  (merchant,)  Andrew  Watson,  George  Adams,  David  Evans,  Josiah 
Tannehill,  Matthew  Ernest,  William  Earl,  Alexander  M'Nickle,  Col.  John 
Irwin,  James  Clow,  William  Gormly  and  Nathaniel  Irish.  Although  no 


90  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

chairman  was  elected,  the  chief  direction  was  left  by  common  consent  to 
H.  H.  Brackenridge.  It  was  intrusted  to  him  to  draw  up  a  paper,  to  be 
struck  off  from  the  press,  and  sent  forward  to  the  people  at  Braddock's 
Field,  informing  them  of  what  had  been  done,  and  of  the  determination 
of  the  town  to  join  them. 

After  the  meeting  adjourned,  it  was  agreed  by  the  committee  to  appoint 
particular  persons  from  among  the  most  intimate  friends  of  those  who 
were  the  subjects  of  the  fictitious  banishment,  to  wait  on  them,  and  make 
any  further  explanations  that  might  be  deemed  necessary,  and  among  the 
rest,  Kirkpatrick  in  particular.  They  reported  that  the  latter  was  per 
fectly  satisfied  of  the  necessity  of  the  measure,  and  would  set  out  next 
morning.  Brison  and  Day  had  already  in  the  meeting  declared  them 
selves  perfectly  satisfied  to  go ;  the  latter  avowed  that  he  was  pleased  it 
had  fallen  upon  himself,  as  he  had  no  family,  and  intended  to  take  a  ride 
over  the  mountains  at  any  rate,  and  it  would  be  no  great  inconvenience. 
And  yet  all  these  persons,  forgetting  every  circumstance,  and  the  dangers 
which  they  escaped,  through  this  pretended  banishment,  afterward  raised 
a  great  outcry  against  their  fellow-townsmen,  who  had  thus  cruelly  sub 
jected  them  to  a  Siberian  exile  !  They  made  a  great  merit  of  their  suf 
ferings  and  persecutions,  while  feted  and  entertained  by  the  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  !  It  was  well  understood  by  their  friends  and  neighbors  of 
the  town,  that  this  terrible  exile  would  be  attended  with  no  injury  or  dis 
honor,  but  on  the  contrary,  the  means  of  insuring  their  present  safety, 
and  serve  as  a  recommendation  to  the  government.  They  never  thought 
of  asking  themselves,  what  would  have  been  their  situation  if  they  had 
remained  ?  They  would  have  been  compelled  to  fly  for  their  lives,  at  any 
rate  with  a  certainty  of  the  destruction  of  their  property !  They  were 
the  cause,  albeit  the  innocent  cause — still  the  cause — of  the  danger  in 
curred  by  their  fellow-townsmen — and  it  was  on  their  account  that  the 
insurgents  were  now  marching  to  the  town  with  the  intention  of  giving 
it  to  the  flames. 

Late  at  night,  the  committee  having  separated,  Henry  Purviance,  Esq.* 
of  Washington,  came  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  and  expressed  concern  that 
the  gentlemen  of  his  company  from  Washington  had,  as  he  conceived, 

*  Mr.  Purviance  was  an  eminent  lawyer,  and  prosecutor  for  the  State,  a  gen 
tleman  of  high  character.  He  was  a  Federalist  and  a  friend  of  government,  and 
exerted  himself  on  all  occasions  to  prevent  the  discontents  of  the  people  from 
breaking  out  into  open  violence.  When  it  did,  he  was  one  of  the  most  active  in 
endeavoring  to  restore  order  and  submission.  The  family  removed  to  Butler,  where 
they  still  remain  among  its  most  distinguished  citizens. 


FEIGNED   BANISHMENT.  91 

from  motives  of  delicacy,  hesitated  to  express  to  Col.  Neville  and  General 
Gibson  *  the  full  extent  of  the  danger  in  which  they  were ;  that  he  could 
not  conceive  on  what  principle  Col.  Blakeney,f  who  had  undertaken  to 
explain  the  information  in  a  more  specific  manner,  had  omitted  to  speak 
to  those 'gentlemen  ;  that  they  were  certainly  equally  obnoxious  with  the 
others,  and  would  be  equally  unsafe  in  the  event  of  being  found  in  town 
if  the  people  should  march  in,  and  that  it  was  cruelty,  in  effect,  not  to 
inform  them  of  the  real  predicament  in  which  they  stood.  Mr.  Brack- 
enridge  agreed  with  Mr.  Purviance,  and  thought  it  extraordinary  that  the 
distinction  had  been  made,  as  the  letter  of  Gen.  Gibson  was  to  the  same 
effect  as  that  of  Brison,  and  that  of  Neville  was  more  likely  to  offend 
those  who  had  become  the  leaders  of  the  insurrection,  than  any  thing  in 
the  letters  of  the  others  ;  and  this,  coupled  with  his  being  the  son  of  the 
Inspector,  would  place  him  first  on  the  list  of  the  proscribed  by  the  mob. 
It  was  thought,  after  this,  advisable  to  call  the  committee  together  and 
bring  the  subject  before  them,  when  Mr.  Purviance  undertook  the  task  of 
making  the  explanation.  It  was  determined  that  Col.  Neville  and  Gen. 
Gibson  should  in  the  morning  be  made  acquainted  with  their  situation, 
and  that  they  might  then  do  as  they  thought  proper.  This  was  commu 
nicated  to  them  by  Mr.  Purviance.  The  fact  is  conclusive,  that  so  far  as 
respected  the  towns  people,  the  banishment  of  the  proscribed  was  dictated 
by  considerations  of  their  safety  from  the  impending  danger. 

General  Gibson  came  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  the  same  evening,  and  ap 
peared  to  have  a  just  sense  of  his  situation,  and  requested  a  candid  opin 
ion  as  to  his  danger  in  going  to  Braddock's  Field.  Mr.  Brackenridge 
gave  his  opinion  that  it  was  not  safe,  and  expressed  his  surprise  that  Col. 
Neville  had  not  a  just  sense  of  his  danger,  as  he  understood  that  he  had 
even  talked  of  going  to  the  rendezvous.  The  idea  was  a  strange  one,  for 
he  certainly  could  not  expect  to  restrain  the  mob ;  and  as  to  going  there 
under  the  pretense  of  being  an  insurgent,  it  would  place  him  and  his 
townsmen  in  a  curious  predicament.  If  he  had  done  so  and  escaped  with 

*  General  Gibson  was  a  merchant,  and  one  of  the  oldest  settlers  in  the  West. 
His  brother,  Col.  George  Gibson,  fell  in  St.  Glair's  defeat;  his  nephew,  of  the  same 
name,  is  still  in  the  United  States  service,  as  an  officer  of  high  rank.  Judge 
Gibson,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  also  his  nephew. 

f  Col.  Blakeney  was  a  revolutionary  officer  of  distinction,  a  Federalist,  and  an 
ardent  supporter  of  the  government  and  the  laws.  His  opinions  on  this  subject 
were  so  well  known,  that  on  the  withdrawal  of  the  army  sent  out  to  quell  the  in 
surrection,  he  was  placed  in  special  command  of  the  corps  of  militia  who  were 
continued  in  service  until  order  was  entirely  restored.  He  was  a  friend  to  the 
Nevilles. 


92 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


life,  it  might  have  had  the  effect  of  preventing  the  "connection"  from  rep 
resenting  the  town  committee,  and  all  those  who  went  to  Braddock's  Field, 
as  traitors  !  The  Colonel  was  persuaded  not  to  think  of  going ;  it  is 
inexplicable  how  he  could  have  seriously  thought  of  it.  His  going 
would  have  defeated  the  plan  adopted  by  the  people  of  the  town,  on  the 
advice  of  their  fellow-citizens  from  Washington ;  for  the  insurgents  would 
naturally  ask,  can  you  be  in  earnest,  and  yet  bring  these  obnoxious  per 
sons  along  with  you  ?  It  was  even  doubtful  as  to  Gen.  Wilkins,  who  had 
been  the  most  popular  man  in  the  country ;  but  that  popularity,  often  so 
fickle,  had  left  him  on  a  sudden,  in  consequence  of  an  advertisement  in 
which  he  said  he  would,  as  Commissary  of  Supplies,  purchase  only  duty- 
paid  whiskey !  This  gentleman  determined  to  risk  the  going,  as  he  was  the 
senior  militia  officer,  and  would  be  in  command  of  the  Pittsburgh  troops.* 
Here  we  see  the  workings  of  democracy  on  a  small  scale,  an  Athens  or 
Sparta  in  miniature,  or  Rome  in  its  infancy;  and  we  see  characters  on 
the  stage,  deliberations  and  incidents,  worthy  the  pen  of  Livy.  They  are 
not  less  instructive  than  the  doings  of  great  commonwealths,  where  the 
passions  and  interests  of  men  are  at  work  among  a  greater  number.  It  is 
such  workings  which  give  interest  to  the  histories  of  great  communities 
as  well  as  small  ones,  and  it  is  the  minuteness  of  detail  which  constitutes 
the  charm  of  the  narrative. 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    IV. 


Judge  Addison  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  on  the 
subject  of  Robbing  the  Mail, 

"JANUARY  18,  1795. 
"  SIR  : — I  have  been  pursuing  the  plan 
for  robbing  the  mail,  and  can  trace  it  no 
higher  than  Bradford.  It  was  proposed 
by  him  to  Marshall,  on  their  way  to 
Mingo  meeting  -  house  ;  Baldwin  and 
David  Hamilton  were  in  company,  and  it 
was  put  on  them  to  execute  it.  The  ob 


ject  to  be  obtained,  was  to  know  the 
opinions  of  the  people  on  the  business 
carried  on.  The  post  to  be  robbed  was 
the  post  from  Washington  to  Pittsburgh; 
and  it  was  only  when  Baldwin  and  Hamil 
ton  sent  word  that  they  could  not  perform 
their  part,  and  when  it  was  then  too  late 
to  intercept  the  mail  to  Pittsburgh,  that 
the  plan  was  changed  to  what  was  really 
executed.  Bradford  sent  his  cousin  Wil- 


*  Gen.  Wilkins,  son  of  John  Wilkins,  Esq.  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  of  the  town, 
was  a  Revolutionary  officer,  and  one  of  the  manliest  of  manly  men.  Yet  even 
his  going  there,  although  his  attachment  to  the  administration  of  Washington 
and  Hamilton  was  beyond  all  question,  did  not  escape  the  insinuations  of  the 
"  connection."  His  steady  friendship  to  Mr.  Brackeuridge  was  the  great  cause  of 
their  displeasure. 


RESOLUTIONS,   AFFIDAVITS,    &C. 


93 


Ham,  and  David  Hamilton,  I  believe,  sent 
John  Mitchel,  who  executed  the  business. 
My  information  is  from  a  good  source, 
and  may  be  depended  on.  The  matter, 
I  believe,  was  not  talked  of  at  the  Mingo 
Creek  meeting-house,  nor  did  Edward 
Cook  know  anything  of  it. 

ALEXANDER  ADDISON." 

David  Bradford  to  the  inhabitants  of  Mon- 

ongahela —  Virginia. 
"  WASHINGTON,  Aug.  6,  1794. 
"GENTLEMEN: — I  presume  you  have 
heard  of  the  spirited  opposition  given  to 
the  excise  law  in  this  State.  Matters 
have  been  so  brought  to  pass  here,  that 
all  are  under  the  necessity  of  bringing 
their  minds  to  a  final  conclusion.  This 
has  been  the  question  amongst  us  some 
days :  «  Shall  we  disapprove  of  the  con 
duct  of  those  engaged  against  Neville, 
the  excise  officer,  or  approve  ?'  Or  in 
other  words,  '  Shall  we  suffer  them  to  fall 
a  sacrifice  to  Federal  prosecution,  or  shall 
we  support  them  ?  '  On  the  result  of 
this  business  we  have  fully  deliberated, 
and  have  determined  with  head,  heart, 
hand  and  voice,  that  we  will  support  the 
opposition  to  the  excise  law.  The  crisis 
is  now  come — submission  or  opposition ; 
we  are  determined  in  the  opposition — we 
are  determined  in  future  to  act  agreeably 
to  system  ;  to  form  arrangements,  guided 
by  reason,  prudence,  fortitude  and  spirited 
conduct.  We  have  proposed  a  general 
meeting  of  the  four  counties  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  have  invited  our  brethren  in 
the  neighboring  counties  in  Virginia  to 
come  forward  and  join  us  in  council  and 
deliberation  on  this  important  crisis, 
and  conclude  upon  measures  interesting  to 
the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Virginia.  A  notification  of  this 
kind  may  be  seen  in  the  Pittsburgh 
paper.  Parkinson's  Ferry  is  the  place 
proposed,  as  most  central,  and  the  14th 
of  August,  the  time. 


"We  solicit  you  by  all  the  ties  that 
an  union  of  interests  can  suggest,  to 
i  come  forward  to  join  with  us  in  our  de 
liberations.  The  cause  is  common  to  us 
all ;  we  invite  you  to  come,  even  should 
you  differ  with  us  in  opinion ;  we  wish 
you  to  hear  our  reasons  influencing  our 
conduct. 

Yours,  with  esteem, 

DAVID  BRADFORD." 

Resolutions  of  the  Town  Meeting,  %\st  of 

July,  1794. 

"At  a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Pittsburgh,  on  Thursday  evening,  July 
31st,  1794,  to  take  into  consideration  the 
present  situation  of  affairs,  and  declare 
their  sentiments  on  this  delicate  crisis, 

"A  great  majority,  almost  the  whole 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  assem 
bled.  It  being  announced  to  the  meet 
ing  that  certain  gentlemen  from  the 
town  of  Washington  had  arrived,  and 
had  signified  that  they  were  intrusted 
!  with  a  message  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
]  town  relative  to  present  affairs,  a  com- 
|  mittee  of  three  persons  were  appointed 
to  confer  with  them,  and  report  the  mes 
sage  to  the  meeting.  The  persons  ap 
pointed  were  George  Wallace,  H.  H. 
Brackenridge  and  John  Wilkins,  Jr.;  these 
gentlemen  made  a  report  to  the  meeting,  to 
wit:  that  in  consequence  of  certain  letters 
sent  by  the  last  mail,  certain  persons 
were  discovered  as  advocates  of  the 
excise  law,  and  enemies  to  the  interests 
of  the  country,  and  that  a  certain  Ed 
ward  Day,  James  Brison,  and  Abraham 
Kirkpatrick,  were  particularly  obnox 
ious,  and  that  it  was  expected  by  the 
country  that  they  should  be  dismissed 
without  delay  ;  whereupon  it  was  resol 
ved  it  should  be  so  done  ;  and  a  commit 
tee  of  twenty-one  were  appointed  to  see 
this  resolution  carried  into  effect. 

"  Also,  that  whereas  it  is  a  part  of  the 
message  from  the  gentlemen  of  Washing- 


94 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


ton,  that  a  great  body  of  the  people  of 
the  country  will  meet  to-morrow  at  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  in  order  to  carry  into  effect 
measures  that  may  seem  to  them  advisa 
ble  with  respect  to  the  excise  law,  and 
the  advocates  of  it, 

"Resolved,  That  the  above  committee 
shall,  at  an  early  hour,  wait  upon  the 
people  on  the  ground,  and  assure  the 
people  that  the  above  resolution,  with 
respect  to  the  proscribed  persons,  has 
been  carried  into  effect. 

"Resolved,  also,  That  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town  shall  march  out  and  join 
the  people  on  Braddock's  Field,  as  breth 
ren,  to  carry  into  effect  with  them  any 
measure  that  may  seem  to  them  advisa 
ble  for  the  common  cause. 

"  Resolved,  also,  That  we  shall  be 
watchful  among  ourselves  of  all  char 
acters  that  by  word  or  act  may  be  un 
friendly  to  the  common  cause  ;  and  when 
discovered  will  not  suffer  them  to  live 
amongst  us,  but  they  shall  instantly  de 
part  the  town. 

"Resolved,  That  the  above  committee 
shall  exist  as  a  committee  of  information, 
and  correspondence,  as  an  organ  of  our 
sentiments  until  our  next  town  meeting. 

"  And  that  whereas,  a  general  meeting 
of  delegates  from  the  townships  of  the 
country  on  the  west  of  the  mountains, 
will  be  held  at  Parkinson's  Ferry  on  the 
Monongahela,  onthe!4th  of  Augustnext, 

"  Resolved,  That  delegates  shall  be 
appointed  to  that  meeting  ;  and  that  the 
9th  of  August  next  be  appointed  for  a 
town  meeting,  to  elect  such  delegates. 

"Resolved,  also,  That  a  number  of  hand 
bills  be  struck  off  at  the  expense  of  the 
committe,  and  distributed  among  the  in 
habitants  of  the  town,  that  they  may 
conduct  themselves  accordingly." 

From  Findley's  History — p.  94. 
"  Col.  Marshall  had  been  an  early  set 
tler  in  the  western  counties,  and  a  useful 


citizen  during  the  course  of  the  late  war 
with  Britain,  and  the  territoral  contro 
versy  with  Virginia.  He  was  successive 
ly  Register,  High  Sheriff,  member  of  the 
ratifying  convention,  (of  the  Federal  con 
stitution),  of  the  Legislature,  County 
Lieutenant,*  and  again  Register  in  Wash 
ington  county ;  and  was  respectable  for 
the  discretion  he  discovered  in  the  dis 
charge  of  the  duties  of  the  respective 
offices  he  filled.  In  the  ratifying  con 
vention,  he  voted  in  favor  of  amendments 
previous  to  ratification,  but  refused  to 
sign  the  reasons  of  the  minority.  Mod 
eration  was  thought  to  have  been  a  lead 
ing  trait  in  his  character.  He  is  an  in 
dustrious  man,  and  possesses  property  to 
a  large  amount.  From  these  circum 
stances,  the  part  he  took  in  the  insur 
rection  was  truly  surprising.  He  had 
come  from  the  north  of  Ireland  in  his 
youth." 

'•  David  Bradford  had  been  deputy  of  the 
Attorney  General  of  the  State,  from  the 
time  that  Washington  had  been  erected 
into  a  separate  county.  He  was  origi 
nally  from  Maryland,  where  he  studied 
law,  and  had  been  a  member  of  the  Vir 
ginia  Assembly  before  the  settlement  of 
boundary  line  of  the  State,  and  still 
practiced  law  in  some  of  the  courts  of 
that  State.  He  had  favored  the  plan  of 
forming  a  new  State.  At  the  time  of 
the  adoption  of  the  Federal  government 
he  was  one  of  its  most  zealous  advocates 
in  that  country." 

"Benjamin  Parkinson,  a  Pennsylya- 
nian  by  birth,  has  always  resided  in  that 
State.  He  also  was  a  Federalist,  and 
had  supported  General  Neville's  interest 
formerly  ;  was  reputed  a  good  citizen, 
a  man  of  influence  in  his  neighborhood ; 

*  The  office  of  County  Lieutenant  was  one  o  f 
dignity,  but  fell  into  disuse  after  the  Revolution. 
It  was  established  by  Henry  VIII.  It  was  the 
duty  of  the  king's  lieutenant,  to  hold  the  military 
force  of  the  county  in  array.— 2  Blackstoue,  411. 


BIOGRAPHICAL   NOTICES. 


95 


had  been  a  justice  of  the  peace  before  the 
revision  of  the  constitution  of  the  State, 
was  President  of  the  Mingo  Creek  Asso 
ciation,  and  one  of  the  committee  who 
superintended  the  operations  in  the 
attack  on  Neville's  house." 

"  J.  Canon  was  from  Chester  county, 
Pennsylvania,  had  long  been  a  respectable 
citizen  south  of  the  Monongahela,  lived 
in  the  town  called  by  his  name,  had  at 
tached  himself  to  the  government  of 
Virginia,  and  favored  the  idea  of  a  new 
State.  He  was  afterward  a  member  of 
the  Legislature,  and  was  an  early  advo 
cate  for  the  Federal  constitution,  and  a 
supporter  of  General  Neville's  interest 
in  the  country." 

"  Fulton  was  from  Maryland  ;  he  was 
not  only  a  Federalist,  but  an  open  advo 
cate  of  the  excise  law,  indeed  the  most 
openly  so  of  any  I  have  met  with  in  the 
western  counties,  and  was  an  avowed 
friend  of  the  Inspector.  He  kept  a  large 
distillery,  and  expected  by  the  opera 
tions  of  the  excise  to  have  considerable 
advantage  over  the  small  distillers.  He 
had  also  erected  a  brewery.  I  have 
never  been  able  to  account  for  the  in 
consistency  of  his  conduct." 

William  Findley  was  born  in  the  north 
of  Ireland,  came  to  this  country  young, 
and  served  with  credit  during  the  Revo 
lutionary  War.  He  was  one  of  the  ear 
liest  settlers  in  the  West  as  a  farmer. 
Being  a  man  of  considerable  intelligence, 
and  reading,  and  having  a  turn  for  pub 
lic  speaking,  he  soon  took  part  in  poli 
tics,  and  was  elected  to  the  Legislature. 
Here  he  came  in  conflict  with  H.  H. 
Brackenridge,  who  was  elected  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  the  new  county  of 
Allegheny  struck  off  from  Westmoreland, 
which  was  represented  by  Findley. 
They  came  in  collision  on  various  occa 
sions,  especially  on  the  subject  of  a  loan 
office,  for  which  the  people  of  the  West 


were  clamorous — Findley  supported  and 
Brackenridge  opposed  the  law.  When 
the  latter  was  urged  to  support  what 
he  regarded  as  of  a  very  pernicious  ten 
dency,  he  was  told  that  the  people  called 

for  it,  "D n  the  people,"  said  he, 

"  what  do  they  know  about  such  things." 
This  hasty  speech  was  reported  against 
him,  and  a  handle  made  of  it.  A  long 
paper  war  ensued  between  him  and  Find- 
ley,  which  laid  the  foundation  of  a  per 
sonal  as  well  as  political  enmity.  They 
differed  also  on  the  subject  of  the  Feder 
al  constitution,  Findley  taking  sides  with 
Gallatin.  Findley  was  one  of  those 
who  took  part  in  the  meetings  two  years 
before  the  outbreak.  He  attacks  Ham 
ilton  with  severity  in  his  book.  He  was 
one  of  the  earliest  to  oppose  the  Federal 
administration,  but  was  deficient  in  firm 
ness  of  purpose.  When  the  vote  on 
Jay's  treaty  was  taken,  he  left  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  avoid  giving  his 
vote,  and  was  brought  up  by  the  sergeant- 
at-arms.  As  to  his  history  of  the  insur 
rection,  in  the  simple  statement  of  facts, 
he  would  not  knowingly  deviate  from 
truth,  but  his  prejudices  were  strong, 
and  his  personal  enmity  biassed  his  judg 
ment.  His  book  was  written  the  year 
after  that  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  of  which 
he  makes  occasional  use,  while  he  en 
deavors  in  a  sneaking  way  to  undervalue 
the  author  and  detract  from  his  merits. 
Instances  of  this  are  given  in  the  pro 
gress  of  this  work. 

Extract  from   the  Affidavit  of  Adamson 

Tannehill. 

"  That  on  the  evening  preceding  the 
meeting  at  Braddock's  Field,  the  inhabi 
tants  of  Pittsburgh  generally  assembled 
to  consult  on  what  measures  were  neces 
sary  to  pursue  on  the  occasion.  That 
before  the  people  had  proceeded  to  take 
the  matter  up  in  any  order,  it  was  an 
nounced  to  them  that  three  or  four  gen- 


96 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


tlemen  had    arrived    from  Washington 
county,  with  some  alarming  information 
respecting  the  meeting  of  the  people  on  j 
the    next    day    at     Braddock's     Field,  i 
George    Wallace,     John    Wilkins,     Jr., 
and    H.    H.    Brackenridge,   Esq.,   were  | 
immediately  named  to  wait  on  them.     On 
the  return  of  these  gentlemen  they  in 
formed  the  people  there  assembled,  that  | 
in  consequence  of  letters  being  intercep-  | 
ted  in  the  mail  which  had  been  taken,  j 
that  certain  persons  were  proscribed  as  j 
obnoxious   to   the  people  who  were  to  i 
assemble  at  Braddock's  Field  on  the  next  I 
day ;  viz.    James  Brison,  Edward  Day, 
and    Abraham    Kirkpatrick,    and    that  i 
nothing  short  of  their  expulsion  would  ! 
satisfy  the  people   and  save  the  town.  | 
The  question  was  then  put  by  the  chair 
man,    General    Gibson,    whether    they 
should  be  expelled  or  not  ?  which  was 
declared  in  the  affirmative.     The  mode 
of  expulsion  was  the  next  consideration, 
which  was  to  be  done  by  a  committee  of 
twenty-one,  the  choice  of  whom  was  vest 
ed  in  the  chairman,  who  named  them  gen-  I 
erally;  the  chairman  was  named  as  one  of  i 
the  committee  himself,  ( his  name  set  down 
by  the  secretary,  Matthew  Ernest,)  and 
he  appeared  to  acquiesce  in  the  appoint 
ment.     The  deponent  understood  at  the 
time,   that    a    private    suggestion    was 
made  the  chairman  by  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
that  he,  the  chairman,  was  also  obnox 
ious  ;  on  which  he  supposed  his  name  to 
be  erased,  Mr.  Brackenridge  not  think 
ing  it  prudent  that  he  should  be  of  the 
committee  in  going  to  Braddock's  Field, 
and  might  induce   suspicion  of  our  sin 
cerity  in  having  him  of  the  committee. 
This  the  deponent  understood  from  Mr. 
Brackenridge  on  the  same  evening. 

"  Two  of  the  persons  proscribed  were  at 
the  meeting,  viz.  James  Brison  and  Ed 
ward  Day,  who  appeared  to  acquiesce  in 
the  expulsion,  considering  it  for  their  own 


safety  as  well  as  that  of  the  town,  from  the 
manner  they  expressed  themselves ;  and 
further,  that  the  particular  friends  of 
these  gentlemen  were  pointed  out  to  con. 
suit  them  on  the  expedience  of  their  re 
moval.  The  deponent  believes  that  it 
was  perfectly  understood  at  the  time,  to 
be  the  most  politic  thing  that  could  be 
done  on  the  occasion,  in  order  to  take 
away  any  pretense  from  the  rioters  at 
Braddock's  Field,  of  coming  to  the  town 
to  seize  them,  and  do  other  injuries  ;  and 
that  the  same  policy  and  necessity  led 
the  people  generally  to  Braddock's  Field. 
The  deponent  was  one  of  the  committee  to 
Braddock's  Field,  and  on  the  route  there 
Mr.  Brackenridge  expressed  himself  to 
the  deponent  to  the  following  effect : 
that  after  all  that  had  been  done,  he  did 
not  consider  it  as  perfectly  certain  that 
we  might  not  suffer  violence  from  the 
fury  of  the  people,  on  account  of  the 
prevailing  odium  against  the  town, 
knowing  that  however  far  we  had  car 
ried  the  appearance  of  union  in  senti 
ment  with  the  rioters,  they  would  see 
through  the  mask,  and  treat  us  ill  on 
the  first  approach.  Under  these  impres 
sions,  Brackenridge  proposed  advancing 
with  a  flag;  the  deponent  objected  to  it, 
and  observed  that  it  was  best  not  to  seem 
to  distrust.  Mr.  Brackenridge  then  de 
clined  it. 

"  That  during  the  whole  of  the  insur 
rection,  so  far  as  the  deponent  had  know 
ledge,  Mr.  Brackenridge  conducted  him 
self  as  a  friend  to  the  government,  and 
showed  great  anxiety  to  have  peace  and 
good  order  restored  to  the  country. 
That  his  apprehensions  appeared  natural 
and  unaffected.  The  deponent  has  fur 
ther  heard  the  citizens  of  Pittsburgh  gen 
erally  speak  of  him  in  the  most  favorable 
manner,  for  his  activity  and  address  in 
saving  the  town" 


AFFIDAVITS,    AC. 


97 


Extract  from   the  Affidavit    of   William 

MeetkirJc. 

"  We  accordingly  went  to  Pittsburgh. 
When  we  arrived  there  a  number  of  peo 
ple  came  to  the  house  where  we  put  up, 
to  inquire  of  us  if  we  knew  what  object 
the  people   had   in   view   that  were   to 
assemble  at  Braddock's  Field?     We  in 
formed  them  that  it  was  in  consequence 
of  letters  that  had  been  found  in  the 
mail,  written  by  several  persons  in  that 
place   to   government,    misstating   their 
conduct  (as  they  termed  it),  and  that  the 
people   conceived  them   to  be  very  ob 
noxious  characters,    particularly   Major 
Kirkpatrick,  Mr.  Brison  and  Mr.  Day ; 
and  it  was  our  opinion  that  if  some  of 
those  who  had  written  the  letters  did  not 
leave  the  town,  that  it  was  in  danger  of 
being  destroyed  from  the  apparent  rage 
of  the  people.     The  same  evening  there 
was  a  town  meeting  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  place,  as  we  understood,  to  take 
into  consideration  what  was  best  to  be 
done  for  their  own  safety.     On  hearing 
that  we  had  come  to  town,  they  appointed 
a  committee,  consisting   of  Mr.   Brack- 
enridge,  Gen.  Wilkins  and  Judge 'Wallace, 
to  confer  with  us,  and  to  have  our  opin 
ion   on   the    subject.     We  produced   to 
them  the  letters  that  had  been  taken  out 
of  the  mail,  viz.  Major  Butler  to  Gen. 
Knox  ;  Gen.  Gibson  to  Governor  Mifflin ; 
Mr.  Brison  to  the  same  ;  Col.  Neville  to 
Gen.  Morgan,  and  one  without  signature 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  the 
handwriting  of  Edward  Day  ;  which  were 
read  in  their  presence.     They  asked  us 
what  we  thought  was  the  intentions  of 
the  people  that  were  to  assemble  at  Brad 
dock's  Field  the  next  day  ?     We  gave  it 
as  our  opinion,  that  the  town  was  in  im 
minent  danger  of  being  destroyed  if  some 
of  the   obnoxious   characters   were  not 
sent   away,   for  that  we   ourselves  had 
been  insulted  on  the  road  coming  there 
by  some  people,  when  they  understood 


we  were  going  to  Pittsburgh ;  for  they 
said  we  were  going  there  as  spies  to  tell 
the  people  to  get  out  of  the  way,  and 
that  we  ought  to  be  taken  prisoners,  and 
they  actually  raised  a  party  to  follow  us 
for  that  purpose,  as  we  were  afterward 
informed.  After  which  they  returned 
to  the  meeting  and  gave  the  information 
'rom  us,  in  consequence  of  which  they 
entered  into  resolutions  to  expel  certain 
persons,  and  which  was  afterward  pub 
lished  in  handbills." 

Extractfrom  the  statement  of  Col.  Blakeney. 

"  We  produced  the  letters  which  were 
to  be  considered  obnoxious;  they  were 
read,  and  the  committee  were  told  by  us 
to  make  what  use  they  might  think  prop 
er  of  them  until  to-morrow,  as  we  had  to 
produce  them  at  Braddock's  Field.  The 
names  of  the  obnoxious  characters  were 
given  by  us,  viz.  Major  Kirkpatrick, 
Mr.  Brison  and  Mr.  Day.  I  mentioned 
to  the  committee  that  we  had  no  real 
business  at  that  time  but  to  save  the 
town.  And  if  you  did  not  comply  with 
what  was  related,  by  the  Lord,  your 
town,  as  I  believed,  would  be  laid  in 
ashes,  and  those  persons  probably  massa 
cred.  I  remember  one  question  put  by 
the  committee,  '  What  will  you  advise  to 
do  for  the  real  safety  of  the  place  ?' 
Answer — Send  off  these  characters ;  take 
your  arms  in  your  hands  and  meet  the 
people  at  Braddock's  Field  to-morrow. 

"  Col.  Presley  Neville  was  present  the 
most  of  the  time.  1  remember  the  con 
versation  with  Col.  Neville  ;  he  asked  us 
to  give  him  a  pass,  or  passport,  so  that 
he  might  leave  the  place  and  travel  with 
out  being  molested.  I  replied  that  we 
were  not  invested  with  any  such  powers, 
that  we  were  not  committee  men,  and 
that  we  came  of  our  own  accord  to  in 
form  the  people  of  Pittsburgh  of  the  im 
pending  danger  they  were  in  ;  neverthe 
less,  he  repeated  this  desire  to  have  a 


98 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


passport  of  us  the  next  morning.  True 
it  is,  had  it  been  in  my  power,  nothing 
would  have  given  me  greater  pleasure, 
as  I  always  considered  him  an  old  fast 
friend.  Yet  I  felt  hurt  at  his  request, 
and  more  so  on  the  repetition  of  it,  after 
the  answer  I  had  given  him." 

The  foregoing  extracts,  taken  from  af 


fidavits  published  in  the  appendix  to  the 
"Incidents,"  sufficiently  sustain  the  ac 
count  given  in  the  text.  Those  papers, 
together  with  the  statements  of  James 
Ross,  Mr.  Purviance,  and  Mr.  Reddick  and 
others,  to  the  same  effect,  will  appear  in 
full  as  notes  to  other  chapters  in  the 
progress  of  this  work.  The  foregoing  is 
deemed  sufficient  for  the  present. 


CHAPTER    V. 

THE    ASSEMBLAGE    AT    BRADDOCK's   FIELD  —  DIFFICULTY    OF    SAVING   THE    TOWH. 

THE  people  of  Pittsburgh,  having  come  to  the  determination  already 
related,  set  out  early  in  the  morning  of  the  first  of  August,  1794,  for  the 
place  of  rendezvous  —  the  committee  of  twenty-one,  composed,  as  already 
mentioned,  of  the  most  respectable  citizens,  being  on  horseback,  unarmed, 
and  followed  by  the  militia  of  the  town,  numbering  two  hundred  and  fifty, 
under  the  command  of  Gen.  Wilkins.  It  was  not  without  misgiving  that 
they  reflected  on  the  hazard  of  the  experiment  of  joining  several  thousand 
armed  men,  whose  purpose,  (if  any  they  had,)  at  least  of  a  large  portion 
of  them,  was  to  burn  and  plunder  their  town.  But  the  towns  people  be 
lieved  that  this  fraternization  and  display  of  willingness  to  join  in  what 
ever  project  was  on  foot,  would  turn  aside  the  mischief  of  this  methodical 
mob  from  them  and  contribute  to  prevent  injury  to  others.  Many,  at  the 
same  time,  indulged  a  hope  that  the  multitude  (or  army  as  it  was  called,) 
could  be  persuaded  to  proceed  no  further  than  they  then  were,  as  the  idea  of 
attacking  the  garrison  had  been  abandoned,  and  the  obnoxious  characters, 
whose  presence  now  formed  the  only  pretext  for  the  march,  had  left  the 
town  or  were  supposed  to  have  done  so.  About  six  hundred  of  the  Pitts 
burgh  resolutions  had  been  struck  off,  and  being  sent  through  the  Wash 
ington  committee  and  distributed  among  the  people,  were  reported  to  have 
produced  a  favorable  impression.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Pitts- 
burghers  marched  into  the  field. 

"  On  approaching  the  scene,"  says  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "  my  feelings 
were  by  no  means  pleasant.  I  was  far  from  thinking  myself  secure  from 
personal  danger.  I  knew  I  had  stood,  in  general,  well  with  the  country 
before  this  period ;  but  I  had  given  myself  a  stab  as  to  popularity,  by  what 
I  had  said  at  the  Mingo  meeting-house.  I  had  understood  that  a  current 
of  obliquy  ran  strong  against  me  from  that  quarter." 

Besides  this,  there  were  persons  who  entertained  unfriendly  feelings 
toward  him  from  previous  causes ;  two  of  them,  M'Farlane,  the  brother 
of  him  that  had  been  killed,  and  Benjamin  Parkinson,  he  knew  would  be 
there  as  leaders.  The  prevailing  idea  among  the  people  was,  that  all  law 


100  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

for  the  time  was  dissolved,  as  on  the  extreme  frontier  when  lynch  law 
rules  the  hour.  There  was  no  notion,  under  the  circumstances,  that  there 
could  be  anything  wrong  in  bringing  a  man  to  speedy  end  by  the  limb  of  a 
tree  and  hanging  him,  if  obnoxious  to  the  people.  Although  he  had  been 
on  friendly  terms  with  Bradford  before,  he  did  not  know  his  standing  at 
present.  He  might  be  suspected  of  having  related  his  treasonable  speech 
at  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting,  which  had  been  communicated  to  govern 
ment  by  the  writers  of  the  intercepted  letters,  and  who  had  drawn  upon 
them  the  resentment  of  Bradford.  If  he  should  make  inquiries  into  this 
matter,  on  the  ground,  it  might  place  him  in  an  awkward  predicament,  as 
he  had  in  fact  given  the  information  with  the  others  who  had  accom 
panied  him.  It  might  not  be  easy  to  save  themselves  from  the  tyrant  of 
the  day.  Under  these  apprehensions  for  himself  and  the  committee,  he 
thought  of  advancing  with  a  white  flag,  and  placed  a  white  handkerchief 
on  the  end  of  a  whip  for  the  purpose,  but  a  moment's  reflection  impelled 
him  to  take  it  down,  as  it  would  show  distrust  and  mar  the  plan  which 
had  been  adopted.  These  fears  may  appear  unreasonable  at  this  distance 
of  time,  but  not  to  one  who  has  seen  a  large  and  enraged  multitude,  under 
the  command  of  one  as  mad  as  themselves,  or  under  no  command  at  all. 
In  the  first  case,  they  will  execute  whatever  the  leader  dictates ;  in  the 
other,  what  any  one  may  suggest.  In  the  present  instance,  Bradford  would 
have  great  power,  but  the  people  would  have  more,  and  there  was  rea 
son  to  fear  both.  As  to  burning  the  town,  possibly  it  was  more  talked  of 
than  intended ;  but  the  talking  of  it  would  lead  to  the  act,  contrary  to  the 
wishes  of  many  of  the  talkers.  Such  is  the  history  of  the  human  mind, 
when  men  are  in  a  state  of  anarchy. 

The  account  of  the  assemblage  will  be  given  in  the  words  of  the  author 
of  the  "  Incidents/'  whose  graphic  descriptions  have  been  in  great  part 
adopted  by  Hamilton  in  his  report. 

"  The  ground  where  Braddock  fought,*  is  on  the  east  side  (right  bank) 
of  the  Monongahela,  and  on  the  same  side  with  the  town  of  Pittsburgh. 
The  militia  from  Washington  had  therefore  to  cross  the  river  in  order  to 
come  upon  the  ground.  They  had  crossed  in  great  numbers,  at  the  same 
ford  where  Braddock  did,  and  were  now  on  the  ground.  They  were 
dressed  in  what  we  call  hunting  shirts,  many  of  them  with  handkerchiefs 
on  their  heads ;  it  is  in  this  dress  they  equip  themselves  against  the  In 
dians.  They  were  amusing  themselves  with  shooting  with  balls  at  marks, 
and  firing  in  the  air  at  random  with  powder  only.  There  was  a  continual 

*At  the  time  of  the  assemblage  it  was  the  private  property  of  Geo.  Wallace,  Esq. 
one  of  the  committee. 


BRADDOCK'S  FIELD.  101 

discharge  of  guns,  and  constant  smoke  in  the  woods  and  along  the  bank 
of  the  river.  There  appeared  great  wantonness  of  mind,  and  a  disposition 
to  do  anything  extravagant.  We  had  advanced  within  the  camp,  as  it 
was  called,  when  the  committee  halted  and  waited  for  Gen.  Wilkins,  at 
the  head  of  the  Pittsburgh  militia,  to  approach.  I  saw  him  march  by 
us,  and  discovered  in  his  countenance  a  sufficient  evidence  of  a  sense 
of  danger;  though  I  knew  him  to  be  a  man  of  great  personal  intrepidity, 
yet  I  did  not  wonder  at  his  apprehensions.  Nothing  but  his  appearing  at 
the  head  of  the  militia  could  have  saved  him.  I  wa&  .{fafofcfog  of  his" 
danger,  when  I  turned  my  head  a  moment,  and  was  struck  with  the  sight 
of  the  very  man  I  was  most  afraid  of,  Andrew  M'F^r.iarte,  ]U^t.bv  me* 
He  was  dressed  in  a  blue  coat,  with  a  dark  visage,  lowering  countenance, 
and  a  rifle  in  his  hand,  looking  at  me.  I  eyed  him  in  my  turn,  but  did 
not  venture  to  speak.  I  trusted  to  his  fear  of  the  people,  as  he  did  not 
know  perfectly  how  I  stood  with  them ;  after  some  time  he  turned 
about  and  went  away. 

"  The  next  object  that  arrested  my  attention  was  Bradford,*  walking 
before  a  number  of  battalions  that  had  just  crossed  the  river,  and  were 
ranged  on  the  bank  to  be  viewed  by  him.  I  was  solicitous  to  know  what 
my  reception  would  be.  I  knew  that  from  his  going  on  to  the  intercept 
ing  the  mail,  and  the  procuring  of  this  movement  of  the  people  without 
my  knowledge,  he  had  not  expected  my  assistance,  and  his  not  commu 
nicating  his  intentions  discovered  a  distrust  of  me.  But  I  found  our 
proceedings  in  Pittsburgh  had  satisfied  him,  for  he  advanced  and  spoke 
to  me.  The  usual  questions  by  him,  and  every  one  else,  were,  had  we 
sent  away  those  men  ?  Was  there  no  danger  of  their  coming  back  ?  Our 
usual  answer  was,  they  are  gone — they  will  not  be  suffered  to  come  back. 
Epithets  of  indignity  were  sometimes  used  respecting  them,  to  mask  our 
sentiments  the  better.  It  was  said  by  them  that  more  must  go.  Every 
one  from  Pittsburgh  that  I  heard  speak  at  all,  assented  to  every  thing 
that  was  said ;  for  it  was  a  part  of  the  system  adopted,  and  we  trusted  to 
the  arrangements  that  could  be  made  to  soften  all  matters  and  prevent  in 
jury  to  any  one,  in  proportion  as  we  ourselves  could  acquire  confidence 
with  the  leaders  or  the  multitude. 

*  "David  Bradford  assumed  the  office  of  Major  General ;  mounted  on  a  superb 
horse,  in  splendid  trappings,  arrayed  in  full  martial  uniform,  with  plumes  floating 
in  the  air  and  sword  drawn,  he  rode  over  the  ground,  gave  orders  to  the  military 
and  harangued  the  multitude.  Never  was  mortal  man  more  flattered  than  was 
David  Bradford  on  Braddock's  Field.  Every  thing  depended  on  his  will.  The  in 
surgents  adored  him,  paid  him  the  most  servile  homage,  in  order  to  be  able  to  con 
trol  and  manage  him."— Carnahan,  p.  127. 

8 


102  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

"  Having  been  some  time  on  the  ground,  T  fell  in  with  Benjamin  Par 
kinson,  the  other  person  of  whom  I  had  been  personally  apprehensive. 
He  was  in  a  group  of  men  whom  I  knew  to  be  warm  in  the  cause.  I  ad 
vanced  with  great  appearance  of  confidence  and  frankness  of  manner, 
and  saluted  them.  I  was  received  with  cordiality,  and  thought  myself 
very  fortunate.  All,  or  most  of  them,  had  been  at  the  conflagration  of 
the  house  of  the  Inspector,  and  had  heard  me  at  the  Mingo  meeting 
house  ;  but  the  Pittsburgh  handbill,  and  my  appearance  on  the  ground 
now  to  join.tbjem,  had  effaced  the  unfavorable  impression. 

"  They  sat  in  a  group  on  the  ground,  each  with  his  rifle  in  his  hand, 
-or  l^ing  by. him.  ,  I  sat  with  them.  The  conversation  turned  upon  the 
burning  of  the  house ;  and  they  expressed  great  rage  against  Kirkpatrick, 
who  had  been  the  cause  of  burning  it,  and  the  death  of  James  JVT  Far- 
lane,  by  his  refusing  to  let  the  house  be  searched  for  the  Inspector's  com 
mission  and  his  papers.  They  expressed  resentment  against  Major  Butler, 
for  sending  out  soldiers  to  the  house  of  the  Inspector.  They  had  inquired 
for  Ormsby,  who  had  accompanied  Neville,  the  younger,  and  the  Marshal 
from  Pittsburgh.  I  said  he  was  upon  the  ground,  but  was  scarcely  worth 
inquiring  after.  He  was  an  inconsiderate  young  man,  that  would  go  any 
where.  He  had  gone  there  and  had  come  here,  and  it  was  little  matter 
what  he  did.  That  we  had  heard  in  what  manner  they  had  treated  him 
when  they  had  him  a  prisoner ;  that  they  had  taken  his  horse  and  pistol 
and  hanger  from  him  ;  and  put  him  on  the  bare  back  of  a  colt  to  ride,  as  a 
steed  congenial  with  his  years  and  discretion.  I  had  heard  something  of 
this,  but  whatever  might  have  been  the  case,  I  was  disposed  to  give  them 
the  impression  that  I  was  diverted  with  the  circumstance,  and  therefore 
put  them  on  the  relation  of  the  circumstances,  and  laughed  immoderately ; 
but  concluded  that  he  had  been  sufficiently  punished  by  his  apprehension 
on  that  occasion ;  and  that  he  had  gone  there  without  the  knowledge  of 
his  parents,  and  had  come  with  their  approbation  here,  it  was  not  worth 
while  to  mind  him ;  it  was  agreed  that  it  was  not.  I  did  not  know  that, 
in  the  meantime,  the  young  man  had  been  on  the  point  of  assassination. 
Fifteen  men  had  painted  themselves  black,  as  the  Indian  warriors  do 
when  they  go  to  war.  They  had  gone  in  search  of  Ormsby.  Zedick 
Wright,  of  Peter's  Creek,  had  discovered  it,  and  having  a  good  will  for 
the  family,  or  from  motives  of  humanity,  made  haste  to  give  him  the  in 
telligence  of  it,  a  few  minutes,  not  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  when  they  were 
seen  to  pass  by  openly  in  pursuit  of  him.  He  made  his  way  to  Pitts 
burgh  in  the  course  of  the  day,  by  devious  routes,  and  lay  concealed  in 
the  barracks  of  the  old  garrison  until  the  whole  cavalcade  was  over. 


BRADFORD'S  POWER.  103 

"I  was  greatly  disconcerted  on  one  occasion,  in  the  course  of  the  day. 
by  James  lloss,*  of  Washington.  It  was  the  first  time  I  had  seen  him  on 
the  ground,  when  sitting  with  two  or  three  others  at  the  root  of  a  tree ; 
passing  by,  he  said  to  me,  within  a  smile,  l  You  have  got  a  great  deal  of 
subtlety,  but  you  will  have  occasion  for  it  all/  I  was  alarmed,  and  looked 
about  to  see  who  must  have  heard  him.  There  were  none  near  but  those 
just  with  me,  whom  I  knew,  and  who  were  wearing  the  mask  also.  But 
I  gave  him  to  understand  that  he  had  alarmed  me,  for  he  could  not 
know  the  character  of  those  with  me.  He  said  he  did,  and  considered 
that  before  he  spoke.  Talking  of  the  arrangements  made,  he  thought  the 
business  well  managed  on  the  part  of  the  town  ;  and  that  nothing  else 
could  have  saved  lives  and  property. 

"  People  were  coming  in  from  every  quarter  all  that  day,  generally 
armed ;  but  some  without  arms.  It  was  impossible  to  know  the  real  sen 
timents  of  almost  any  one  amongst  the  multitude — how  far  they  were 
there  from  necessity,  or  of  choice.  Every  man  was  afraid  of  the  opinions, 
of  another.  Sometimes  a  word  dropped,  which  might  be  construed  away 
if  not  well  taken,  would  lead  to  a  confidence.  The  great  bulk  of  the 
people  were  certainly  in  earnest ;  and  the  revolutionary  language  and  the 
ideas  of  the  French  people  had  become  familiar.  It  was  not  tarring  and 
feathering,  as  at  the  commencement  of  the  revolution  from  Great  Britain, 
but  guillotining — that  is,  putting  to  death  by  any  way  that  offered.  1 
am  persuaded  that  even  if  Bradford  himself,  that  day,  had  ventured  to 
check  the  violence  of  the  people,  in  any  way  that  was  not  agreeable  to 
them,  and  had  betrayed  the  least  partiality  for  the  excise  law,  or  perhaps 
even  of  a  remission  of  his  zeal  against  it,  he  would  have  sunk  in  an  in 
stant  from  his  power,  and  they  would  have  hung  him  on  the  first  tree  ! 
Yet,  he  was  weak  enough  not  to  have  foreseen  this ;  it  had  been  an  argu 
ment  used  with  him,  in  dissuading  from  a  perseverance  in  the  measure 
undertaken,  that  no  man  could  calculate  the  consequences  of  putting  the 
mass  in  motion  with  arms  in  their  hands.  His  answer  was,  that  he  could 
say  to  them,  '  hitherto  shalt  thou  go,  and  no  further/  Certain  it  is,  that 
his  influence  was  great.  I  saw  a  man  wade  into  the  river,  lift  cold  water 
from  the  bottom  of  the  channel  and  bring  it  in  his  hat  to  him  to  drink. 
Applications  were  made  to  him  that  day  for  commissions  in  the  service. 

"  Nevertheless,  whatever  his  idea  might  have  been,  he  would  have  seen 
the  extent  of  his  power,  if  he  had  ventured  to  tell  the  people  that  they 

*  Mr.  Ross,  TJ.  S.  Senator,  then  resided  in  Washington,  and  had  come,  like  many 
others,  with  a  view  of  exerting  himself  to  control  the  people.  He  was  afterward 
one  of  the  Commissioners  to  offer  an  amnesty  to  the  insurgents. 


104  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

should  return  without  going  on  to  Pittsburgh.  It  was  the  object  of  all 
men  who  were  apprehensive  of  the  consequences,  to  dissuade  from  this ; 
but  it  appeared  very  doubtful,  through  the  whole  day,  whether  or  not  it 
was  practicable.  It  was  afterward  found  that  it  was  not. 

"I  had  seen  Gen.  Wilkins  through  the  day;  he  had  remained  close 
with  the  Pittsburgh  people,  and  ventured  little  through  the  multitude. 
On  his  first  coming  he  had  gone  up  to  Bradford,  apprehensive  that  he 
might  denounce  him,  and  addressed  him,  t  Sir,  have  you  any  thing 
against  me  ?'  '  No/  said  he.  This  resolute  behavior  probably  prevented 
him  from  having  any  thing  to  say. 

"  Toward  the  evening,  there  was  a  council  of  the  Pittsburgh  commit 
tee.  It  had  been  represented  to  them,  and  was  the  fact,  that  the  people 
of  the  town,  not  expecting  to  detain  that  night,  had  brought  no  provis 
ions  with  them ;  it  was  suggested  that  they  might  be  suffered  to  return 
to  town,  and  be  at  the  place  of  rendezvous  early  in  the  morning.  It  was 
thought  expedient,  and  orders  were  given  accordingly.  .On  its  being 
known  that  the  people  of  Pittsburgh  were  going  home  for  the  night, 
there  was  a  great  clamor  in  the  camp.  It  was  said  they  were  about  to 
desert  the  cause,  and  in  fact  never  had  been  sincere  in  it.  The  fact  is, 
there  were  persons  among  them  shrewd  enough  to  discover  this.  Some 
would  say  they  were  pleased  with  our  address,  but  would  rather  have  had 
us  all  in  concert.  '  You  have  acted  well,  but  we  understand  you ;  we 
give  you  credit  for  your  management/  It  would  be  answered  :  l  What ! 
do  you  doubt  our  sincerity  T  They  would  say,  '  We  do  not  dispute  your 
good  policy/ 

"  Finding  the  effect  of  the  departure  of  the  Pittsburgh  people,  it  was 
thought  desirable  to  countermand  the  leave  given.  I  rode  after  them  in 
great  haste  and  turned  them  to  the  field,  with  orders  not  to  leave  it,  let 
their  want  of  food  be  what  it  might,  rather  than  produce  a  dissatisfaction 
with  the  people  on  the  ground,  and  bring  them  irregularly  and  in  bad 
humor  to  the  town.  It  will  be  asked,  whence  had  I  this  authority?  And 
how  was  I  obeyed  so  readily  ?  I  was  of  the  committee  to  whom  the  power 
had  been  intrusted  of  conducting  all  the  affairs  on  this  occasion. 

"  On  my  return  with  the  Pittsburgh  people,  I  saw  James  Marshall,  for 
the  first  time,  on  the  ground.  I  saw  he  was  greatly  hurt  in  his  mind,  at 
the  trouble  he  had  brought  upon  us ;  and  had  great  solicitude  with  re 
gard  to  the  event.  I  explained  to  him  the  dissatisfaction  that  had  taken 
place  at  the  departure  of  our  people,  and  wished  him  to  ride  through  the 
camp  and  give  information  that  he  saw  us  all  returned.  He  mounted  his 
horse,  with  his  rifle  in  his  hand,  and  set  out  to  do  it. 


THE  TAKING  THE  GARRISON.  105 

"  In  the  course  of  the  day,  a  great  subject  of  conversation  had  been  the 
taking  of  the  garrison.  It  would  seem  to  have  been  the  original  object 
of  the  movement,  but  had  been  laid  aside.  On  what  principle,  I  do  not 
know  ;  whether  on  the  ground  of  the  difficulty  of  accomplishing  it,  or  the 
projectors  of  the  enterprise  hesitating  to  make  war  so  directly  on  the 
United  States.  I  should  rather  think  it  was  the  danger  of  the  enterprise 
that  operated  on  the  mind  of  Bradford  ;  for  he  would  naturally  reflect 
that  he  could  not  avoid  taking  a  part  in  the  attempt  himself,  and  I  have 
no  idea  that  he  was  a  man  of  courage  under  certain  danger.  The  reason 
ostensibly 'assigned  at  the  relinquishrnent  of  this  object,  was,  that  it  was 
found  the  military  stores  in  the  garrison  were  intended  for  the  cam 
paign  against  the  Indians,  and  it  would  be  improper  to  derange  the  ope 
rations  of  that  campaign  by  seizing  them.  This  part  of  the  enterprise 
had  been  abandoned  by  the  projectors  of  it,  but  the  rumor  had  gone 
abroad,  and  it  was  not  generally  known  to  the  people  that  it  was  aban 
doned.  The  «query  every  where  was,  were  we  to  take  the  garrison  ?  I 
answered  always,  that  we  were.  The  query  then  was,  could  we  take  it  ? 
It  was  answered,  no  doubt  of  it.  But  at  a  great  loss  ?  Not  at  all — not 
above  a  thousand  killed  and  five  hundred  mortally  wounded.  This  loss, 
to  the  more  thinking  part,  appeared  very  serious.  Various  modes  were 
proposed  of  taking  it ;  some  thought  of  providing  stakes  with  sharpened 
points,  and  rushing  up  with  these  and  putting  them  into  the  port-holes, 
obstruct  the  firing  from  them,  while  others  were  cutting  away  the  pick 
ets.  In  the  meantime  others,  with  their  rifles,  taking  off  the  men  at 
the  guns  in  the  blockhouses  of  the  bastions,  as  the  Indians  took  off  the 
artillery  men  at  St.  Glair's  expedition.  I  was  asked  what  was  my  plan 
of  taking  it  ?  I  suggested  the  undermining  and  blowing  up  a  bastion  ; 
but  they  would  fire  upon  the  diggers ;  besides,  it  wasted  powder.  To 
some  complaining,  that  called  out  so  hastily  they  were  not  well  supplied 
with  powder,  I  proposed  starving  out  the  garrison ;  but  these  were  ap 
prehensive  they  would  starve  out  themselves.  After  night  I  had  a  great 
deal  of  conversation  on  this  subject,  in  the  bushes  and  at  the  sides  of  the 
fences — laying  our  heads  together  and  whispering.  I  was  for  the  most 
desperate  measures,  but  admitted  that  much  blood  must  be  lost. 

"About  midnight,  I  rode  through  the  camp  where  the  people  were 
lying  at  the  fires  in  their  blankets  or  without.  I  made  a  pretense  of  in 
quiring  for  the  Pittsburgh  battalion,  and  this  with  a  view  at  the  same  time 
to  let  them  know  that  the  Pittsburgh  people  were  still  on  the  ground. 
My  principal  object  was  to  ascertain  the  determination  of  the  people  with 
regard  to  their  coming  to  Pittsburgh.  I  found  the  universal  sentiment  to 


106  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

be,  that  they  would  see  the  town.  There  was  little  sleep  in  the  camp.  The 
firing  and  shouting  had  ceased,  but  there  was  a  continued  conversation. 

"  Coming  up  to  a  fire,  a  person  to  whom  I  was  known  accosted  me.  'Is 
Kirkpatrick  gone  ?'  said  he.  He  is  gone.  •'  And  why  the  devil  did  you 
let  him  go  V  said  a  person  starting  up  behind  him.  The  question  came  so 
suddenly  upon  me,  that  I  was  a  little  struck  with  it ;  but  recovering,  I 
replied  that  it  was  no  fault  of  mine  that  he  went  away ;  I  would  rather 
have  kept  him  here,  and  punished  him  by  the  law.  This  was  the  truth, 
for  I  was  prosecuting  at  that  very  time  for  misdemeanor.  The  enrage  or 
enraged  man,  as  I  may  call  him,  made  no  reply ;  but  the  person  who  first 
spoke  to  me  gave  me  a  touch  on  the  side  and  said,  '  Come,  take  a  dram,  we 
will  not  detain  you/  This  I  understood  to  be  a  hint  to  go  away. 

"I  give  this  incident,  because  that  having  mentioned  it  afterward,  it 
was  used  as  a  proof  that  I  had  endeavored  to  influence  the  people  against 
Kirkpatrick  by  talking  of  punishing  by  law.  It  is  true  the  man  deserves 
my  resentment,  nevertheless  I  had  too  much  regard  for  my  own  feelings 
and  the  opinion  of  the  public  to  avail  myself  of  that  occasion  to  do  him  an 
injury.  But  my  loose  expression  in  the  case  mentioned  was  equivocal, 
and  was  understood  by  them  as  it  was  intended  to  be  understood,  viz.  to 
the  circumstance  which  was  the  ground  of  their  resentment,  the  defend 
ing  Neville's  house ;  my  insinuation  was  that  it  was  punishable  by  law. 
The  thought  was  new  to  the  man,  and  it  occupied  his  mind  for  the  mo 
ment. 

''Passing  on  to  a  range  of  fires,  I  found  Hamilton's  battalion.  This 
had  arrived  late  in  the  evening ;  it  had  been  long  expected,  and  was 
called  the  *  bloody  battalion/  The  greatest  part  of  it  had  been  at  the 
burning  of  the  Inspector's  house.  We  expected  desperate  measures  when 
these  came.  It  was  commanded  by  John  Hamilton,  a  man  very  moderate 
and  reasonable,  and  who  was  disposed  to  restrain  the  people  from  acts  of 
violence,  and  with  that  view  had  come  with  them.  Daniel  Hamilton,  his 
cousin,  was  the  first  that  accosted  me,  and  wishing  to  serve  me  the  people, 
called  out,  '  This  is  a  true  whig.  But  what  do  you  think  of  that  d — d 
fellow,  James  Koss  ?  He  has  been  here  and  all  through  the  camp,  per 
suading  the  people  not  to  go  to  Pittsburgh  !'  I  saw  now  that  it  was  in 
vain  to  oppose  the  going,  and  it  was  better  to  acquiesce  and  say  they  should 
go.  In  that  case  there  would  be  more  management  of  them  than  if  they 
came  in  spite  of  opposition.  I  saw  this,  and  took  my  part  decidedly. 
'  D — n  the  fellow/  said  T,  l  what  business  has  he  with  Pittsburgh  ?  The 
people  of  Pittsburgh  wish  to  see  the  army ;  and  you  must  go  through  it, 
and  let  the  d — d  garrison  see  that  we  could  take  it  if  we  would.  It  will 


COMMITTEE   OF   OFFICERS.  107 

convince  the  government  that  we  are  no  mob,  but  a  regular  army,  and  can 
preserve  discipline  and  pass  through  a  town  like  the  French  and  American 
armies  in  the  course  of  the  last  war,  without  doing  the  least  injury  to  per 
sons  or  property  ?'  There  was  a  general  acclamation,  and  all  professed  a 
determination  to  molest  no  one.  Returning  to  a  farm  house,  just  by  the 
camp,  where  some  of  our  committee  were,  I  communicated  the  result  of 
my  observations.  Some  of  them  had  been  through  the  camp  in  the  same 
manner,  and  had  the  same  impressions  that  I  had,  with  regard  to  the  im 
possibility  of  preventing  the  people  from  coming  to  town." 

The  foregoing  is  given  in  the  words  of  the  author  of  the  "  Incidents  ;" 
it  is  the  minuteness  of  the  details  which  gives  it  its  greatest  value.  The 
reader  is  placed  in  the  very  midst  of  the  scene  which  passes  before  his 
eyes;  he  shares  the  author's  feelings,  and  profits  by  his  profound  reflec 
tions  drawn  from  human  nature.  More  than  one  topic  is  presented  for  the 
study  of  our  peculiar  institutions,  and  the  genius  of  our  American  people. 
If  they  have  improved  since  that  day,  it  is  simply  from  the  increase  in  the 
proportionate  number  of  enlightened  individuals,  and  the  greater  spread 
of  knowledge  and  education. 

In  the  morning,  a  council  consisting  of  the  principal  officers  was  con 
vened  in  the  camp,  and  it  was  agreed  to  form  a  committee,  to  be  composed 
of  three  from  each  regiment,  to  deliberate  on  what  was  to  be  done.  Gen. 
Wilkins,  H.  H.  Brackenridge  and  John  M' Masters  were  chosen  for  Pitts 
burgh.  In  order  that  the  deliberations  might  be  more  free,  it  was  pro 
posed  to  retire  to  some  distance,  which  they  did,  to  a  shady  ground  in 
the  woods.  Edward  Cook  was  appointed  chairman,  but  no  secretary  was 
chosen.*  Bradford  opened  the  meeting  by  stating  the  cause  of  their 
assemblage  in  arms,  viz.  in  order  to  chastise  certain  persons  who  had 
avowed  sentiments  friendly  to  the  excise  laws ;  that  their  sentiments 
had  come  to  light  through  the  vigilance  of  some  persons  who  had  inter 
cepted  the  mail,  and  found  their  letters;  that  these  letters  would  speak 
for  themselves.  Here  taking  out  the  letters  from  his  pocket,  he  read  them  : 
from  Major  Butler  of  the  garrison,  giving  an  account  of  the  outrages  com 
mitted,  and  his  sense  of  their  atrocity;  from  Neville  the  younger,  allud 
ing  to  the  authors  of  the  disturbance,  and  applying  to  them  the  epithet 

*Hildreth  says  (see  Craig's  History,  p.  252,)  that  Gallatin  was  appointed  sec 
retary.  He  was  not  there  at  all.  Craig  ought  to  have  known  better.  The  three 
or  four  pages  he  extracts  from  Hildreth,  on  the  subject  of  the  insurrection,  con 
tain  almost  as  many  errors  as  they  contain  lines.  Craig  and  Hildreth  are  of  that 
class  of  old  Federalists,  who,  like  the  ancient  nobility  in  France,  never  learn  and 
never  forget  anything. 


108  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

of  rascals ;  from  Edward  Day,  suggesting  a  project  for  carrying  the 
excise  law  into  operation;  from  Gen.  Gibson,  stating  a  motion  of  Brad 
ford,  at  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting,  to  support  the  outrages  committed; 
from  the  prothonotary  Brison,  to  the  same  effect.  At  the  authors  of 
these  two  last  letters  he  appeared  particularly  enraged,  as  distinguishing 
him  at  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting,  and  representing  him  as  making  such 
a  motion.  Addressing  himself  to  Mr.  Brackenridge — "  Were  not  you 
there/'  said  he;  "did  I  make  such  a  motion?"  " I  looked  at  the  man 
with  astonishment,  (says  Mr.  Brackenridge  in  the  "  Incidents/*)  is  it 
possible,  thought  I,  that  you  did  not  know  the  scope  of  your  harangue  ? 
You  did  not  make  the  motion,  but  you  supported  it,  and  that  is  all  the  in 
accuracy  in  the  statement  in  the  letter.  But  is  it  possible  you  would  regard 
the  being  distinguished  to  the  government  as  supporting  violent  counsels, 
when  you  have  distinguished  yourself  so  effectually  in  the  very  act  of 
obtaining  these  letters  ?  However,  it  was  no  time  to  explain ;  it  would 
involve  myself  and  put  it  out  of  my  power  to  save  others,  to  enter  into 
an  altercation  with  the  Robespierre  of  the  occasion,  by  stating,  as  the 
fact  was,  that  if  he  did  not  make  the  motion,  he  supported  it.*  I  there 
fore  evaded  it,  by  saying  that  the  statement  in  the  letter  was  not  accurate, 
but  that  might  be  the  fault  of  the  information  given  the  writers.  It  was 
answered,  that  it  became  them  to  be  more  cautious  in  giving  credit  to  infor 
mation  ;  and  at  all  events  it  evinced  a  disposition  unfriendly  to  the  people, 
to  be  communicating  information  to  the  government  of  what  they  were 
about.  There  was  no  answering  this."  The  reader  must  reflect,  that 
Mr.  Brackenridge  was  placed  in  a  situation  where  the  least  imprudence 
on  his  part  would  not  merely  involve  himself,  but  many  others;  his  fellow 
townsmen,  whose  fate  was  extremely  critical. 

Bradford  having  read  the  letters,  and  put  them  up  again,  said,  there  is 
another  person  who  is  an  object  of  resentment  with  the  people,  Major 
Craig;  he  has  had  the  insolence  to  say,  that  if  the  Inspector's  office  is 
shut  up  in  the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  he  will  open  it  in  his  own  house. 
Calling  on  the  deputation  from  Pittsburgh,  said  he,  "  Have  any  of  you 
heard  this?"  It  was  answered  in  the  negative.  Mr.  Brackenridge  said 
that  he  had  neither  heard  it  from  him  nor  from  others,  but  stated  some 
thing  respecting  the  Major's  uneasiness  and  alarm — his  taking  down  the 
notice  on  the  door,  and  giving  the  fragments  to  Capt  Long  !  He  caused 
a  laugh  at  the  expense  of  the  Major  •  thinking  to  save  him,  as  well  as 

*It  is  very  possible  that  it  may  have  been  designed  by  Bradford  to  bring  on  a 
row,  which  would  end  in  getting  rid  of  the  whole  Pittsburgh  delegation.  A  vio 
lent  altercation  would  have  led  to  fatal  consequences. 


THE   LETTER  WRITERS.  109 

the  Pittsburgh  people  by  substituting  mirth  in  the  place  of  the  angry 
feelings  which  prevailed.  He  also  admits  that  he  had  some  little  malice 
in  this  piece  of  merriment,  on  account  of  the  Major  having  accused  the 
towns  people  of  cowardice  in  not  going  out  to  defend  the  Inspector's 
house  in  the  country.  Bradford  said  that  the  language  of  the  Major  had 
been  the  talk  of  the  camp. 

It  was  now  the  question,  what  should  be  done  with  these  men  ?  It  was 
resolved  that  the  question  should  be  taken  with  respect  to  them  sin 
gly.  The  case  of  Major  Butler  was  considered  first;  his  offense  was  two 
fold — the  interfering  with  the  civil  authority  of  the  people,  by  sending  a 
military  force  to  the  house  of  the  Inspector ;  and  by  his  correspondence 
with  the  government.  There  was  no  one  so  rash  as  to  defend  these  acts ; 
but  it  was  observed  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  that  being  an  officer  of  the 
United  States,  Major  Butler  was  amenable  to  the  Executive  for  every 
thing  unconstitutionally  done ;  and  that  on  a  representation  to  the 
President,  there  could  be  no  question  but  that  he  would  remove  him 
from  the  command  in  the  district.  It  would  be  most  advisable,  there 
fore,  to  take  no  order  in  his  case,  but  postpone  it  until  the  meeting  at  Parkin 
son's  Ferry,  and  then  remonstrate  to  the  Executive,  and  procure  his  recall, 
which  was  agreed  to.  The  amusing  inconsistency  of  petitioning  the  Presi 
dent  for  the  removal  of  a  subordinate  officer,  by  persons  in  arms  against  the 
government,  does  not  appear  to  have  struck  any  one,  nor  does  it  appear 
that  so  transparent  a  piece  of  management  on  the  part  of  Brackenridge 
led  to  any  suspicion  of  his  design. 

The  case  of  Major  oraig  was  next  taken  up.  It  was  observed  by  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  that  it  was  true  that  there  certainly  was  ground  of  suspi 
cion  that  he  had  been  over  zealous  in  favor  of  the  excise  law;  neverthe 
less  it  might  be  bad  policy  to  order  him  of  the  country  at  this  time,  for 
in  his  capacity  as  Quarter-Master,  he  had  the  care  of  the  military  stores 
that  were  intended  for  the  Indian  campaign ;  that  it  might  derange  these 
operations,  and  give  offense  to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  who  were  also 
against  the  excise  law.  But  he  was  also  an  officer  of  the  United  States, 
appointed  by  Gen.  Knox,  the  Secretary  at  War,  and  the  same  steps  might 
be  taken  against  him  as  against  Major  Butler.  The  only  difficulty  in  this 
case,  was  to  whom  the  representation  should  be  made,  to  the  Secretary  at 
War  or  the  President?  James  Ross,  who  happened  to  be  near,  was  ap 
pealed  to,  and  he  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  the  Secretary  at  War  was  the 
proper  authority  to  be  addressed.  The  effect  of  the  appointment  of  a  del 
egation  to  meet  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  was  seen  in  the  two  foregoing 
instances,  in  the  disposition  to  refer  to  its  decisions  as  the  highest  author- 


110  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

ity  instituted  by  the  people  themselves,  although  existing  only  in  future. 
It  also  furnished  a  good  excuse  for  giving  the  go-by  to  subjects  not  other 
wise  manageable.  It  was  wise  to  refer  such  questions  to  that  higher  au 
thority,  as  it  took  away  the  disposition  of  the  people  to  act  hastily,  or  from 
sudden  impulse. 

The  next  cases  were  those  of  the  two  other  writers,  Neville  and  Gibson. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  spoke  in  their  behalf  also,  but  it  was  discovered  that 
the  people  were  growing  impatient  at  this  special  pleading  of  the  Pitts 
burgh  lawyer.  With  regard  to  Gibson,  he  observed,  that  he  was  a  man 
of  an  inoffensive  disposition,  and  could  do  little  harm  go  or  stay ;  being 
engaged  in  trade,  to  be  compelled  to  leave  home  might  injure  not  only 
himself  but  others,  and  that  banishment,  in  his  case,  could  do  no  good. 
As  to  Neville,  he  had  used  harsh  language,  but  under  the  influence  of 
passion,  and  in  a  letter  to  a  relation.  Some  ill  humor  was  now  manifested  : 
there  were  speakers  for  and  against ;  a  man  leaning  on  his  knees,  with  his 
chin  on  the  head  of  his  staff  and  a  slouched  hat  on  his  head,  spoke  softly 
but  with  great  eagerness,  for  Neville — but  at  this  moment  a  Capt.  Mur 
ray,  a  young  Irishman,  not  long  in  the  country,  with  great  liveliness  of 
manner,  came  forward,  dressed  in  a  light  sky-blue  camblet  coat,  leather 
overalls,  buff  waistcoat,  and  a  cutlass  by  his  side.  He  had  not  been 
present  until  that  moment.  In  fact,  fresh  battalions  of  militia  were  con 
tinually  arriving,  and  as  they  arrived  they  chose  deputies  to  the  commit 
tee.  Murray  wishing  to  make  up  for  lost  time,  was  very  active  now,  and 
understanding  that  the  question  was  for  the  banishmennt  of  a  certain 
individual,  was  very  strenuous  for  the  banishment./  If  it  had  been  hang 
ing,  it  would  have  been  the  same  thing  •  for  the  man  had  no  resentment 
personally  or  politically,  but  simply  wished  to  distinguish  himself,  and 
engage  in  the  revolution. 

"  I  felt  little  or  no  concern/'  says  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "  in  the  case  of 
Neville,*  for  I  did  not  see  it  to  be  of  any  consequence  to  him  whether  he 
was  to  go  or  stay.  I  rather  thought  it  was  his  interest  to  be  sent  away, 
and  I  had  understood  that  it  was  his  wish  to  get  out  of  the  country.  He 
actually  expressed  himself  to  that  effect  to  the  messengers  from  Wash 
ington,  f  who  came  with  the  intercepted  mail,  and  applied  to  them  for  a 
passport,  mistaking  their  authority.  I  had  seen  him  the  morning  of 

*He  was  a  man  of  leisure,  and  passed  much  of  his  time  in  Philadelphia.  At 
this  time  he  was  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature,  and  was  summoned  there  short 
ly  after  to  attend  a  special  session.  Craig  speaks  most  pathetically  of  his  exile. 

f  See  Col.  Blakeney's  statement,  of  whom  he  requested  a  passport !  Yet  he  made 
a  great  outcry  about  his  banishment. 


COMMITTEE   OF   OFFICERS.  Ill 

our  march  to  Braddock's  Field,  and  with  as  much  anxiety  of  countenance 
as  a  man  could  discover,  who  could  conceive  his  life  to  be  in  danger — 
his  expression  was,  f  The  only  thing  I  think  of  is  to  escape  assassination/ 
Well — I  thought  of  nothing  but  this,  the  saving  of  his  life  and  property. 
For  Gibson  I  was  concerned  ;  not  that  I  thought  it  would  ultimately  be 
of  any  damage  to  him  to  be  banished,  but  I  supposed  his  feelings  would 
be  hurt  for  the  present,  and  he  might  think  it  of  consequence  to  be  sent 
away. 

"I  was  standing  by  Bradford  at  this  time — turning  to  him,  I  observed 
with  some  warmth,  '  The  sending  away  these  people  is  a  farce }  it  will  be 
the  best  recommendation  they  can  have  to  the  government ;  they  will  get 
into  office  acd  be  great  men  by  it ;  it  is  better  to  let  them  stay  and  be  in 
significant  where  they  are ;  you  coufd  not  have  done  a  better  thing  to  those 
that  are  gone  than  to  have  sent  them  off/  My  language  was  candid,  and 
his  answer  especially  so.  '  But/  said  he;  l  the  people  came  out  to  do  some 
thing,  and  something  they  must  do/  I  now  saw,  that  whatever  his  theory 
might  have  been  with  regard  to  the  extent  of  his  power  over  the  people, 
his  feelings  for  his  own  safety  corrected  his  vanity;  and  he  saw  the  ne- 
cessity  of  giving  a  tub  to  the  whale.  He  had  heard  the  declamation  of 
Murray,  viz.  that  we  must  be  firm,  and  clear  the  country  of  disaffected  per 
sons,  &c.;  and  conceiving  that  Murray,  being  just  fresh  from  the  camp, 
had  brought  its  sensibilities  with  him,  he  was  unwilling  to  relax  in  his 
disposition  with  regard  to  the  expulsion  —  we  ought  to  be  firm,  said  he, 
and  unanimous." 

At  the  first  withdrawing  of  the  committee,  and  taking  their  station  in 
the  woods,  they  were  followed  by  numbers  of  outsiders.  The  committee 
being  opened,  it  was  moved,  and  the  chairman  was  directed  to  inform  the 
people,  that  it  was  their  wish  to  deliberate  in  private,  and  the  chairman 
addressed  them  to  this  effect.  Some  went  away,  but  others  remained,  and 
accessions  were  certainly  made  by  new  comers.  In  spite  of  all  that  could 
be  done,  there  was  a  gallery  of  riflemen  around  them.  About  a  dozen 
came  up  from  the  camp,  and  having  listened  a  little,  leaning  with  their 
rifles  on  a  log,  while  the  committee  was  still  deliberating  on  the  cases  of 
Gibson  and  Neville  —  "  Gentlemen,"  said  one  of  them,  "  do  something 
speedily,  or  we  will  go  to  execution  ourselves/'  This,  with  the  disposi 
tion  discoverable  in  the  committee,  induced  the  Pittsburghers  to  think  it 
not  advisable  to  delay  the  determination  in  the  cases  just  mentioned,  lest 
the  multitude  should  go  on,  and  the  committee,  of  course,  break  up  with 
out  any  determination  at  all ;  and  in  that  case,  no  resolution  having  been 


112  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

passed  and  announced  with  regard  to  these  persons,  they  would  be  left  to 
the  mercy  of  the  mob.  Under  these  impressions,  the  Pittsburgh  mem 
bers  consulting  aside,  were  of  opinion  that  it  was  best  to  say  at  once  that 
they  would  be  sent  away,  and  they  themselves  would  engage  to  have  it 
done ;  but  requested  eight  days  for  them  to  be  ready.  Some  one  of  the 
members  proposed  to  refer  the  case  to  the  Parkinson  Ferry  meeting,  but 
that  was  rejected.  This  undertaking  of  the  Pittsburghers  to  expel  their 
fellow  townsmen,  was  not  well  received ;  their  wish  to  do  so  was  distrust 
ed,  and  led  to  the  inquiry  whether  those  who  were  said  to  have  left  the 
town,  were  actually  gone  or  not  ?  It  was  affirmed  by  the  towns  people 
that  they  were  gone,  and  that  they  had  crossed  the  Allegheny  river  the 
preceding  evening.  They  were  anxious  to  satisfy  the  doubt,  whffeh  seem 
ed  to  be  growing  serious,  and  might  have  terminated  badly,  when  for 
tunately  a  young  man  who  had  just  come  from  the  camp,  announced  that 
one  of  the  spies  employed  in  the  Indian  war  had  just  come  in,  and 
brought  an  account  that  they  had  seen  Brison  and  Kirkpatrick  ten  miles 
on  the  Sandusky  road.  Though  not  true,  it  answered  the  purpose.  It 
was  now  stipulated  that  they  should  not  be  permitted  to  come  back.  Mr. 
Brackenridge  told  the  people  that  if  they  did  come  back  they  might  seize 
him  in  their  place  ;  some  one  said,  "  Remember  the  pledge." 

Bradford  now  moved  that  the  troops  should  go  on  to  Pittsburgh  ; 
"  Yes,"  said  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "by  all  means  ;  and  if  with  no  other  view, 
at  least  to  give  a  proof  that  the  strictest  order  can  be  preserved  and  no 
damage  done.  We  will  just  march  through,  and  making  a  turn  come  out 
on  the  Monongahela  bank,  and  taking  a  little  whiskey  with  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  town,  the  troops  will  embark  and  cross  the  river."  These 
words  thus  carelessly  spoken,  became  the  order  of  the  day,  there  being  no 
other  orders  issued  by  any  other  officer  or  commander.  James  Ross  at 
this  moment  stepping  from  another  part  of  the  committee,  whispered  to 
Mr.  Brackenridge,  "The  veil  is  getting  too  thin,  I  fear  it  will  be  seen 
through."  But  the  committee  had  risen  and  were  going  away.  "It  is 
well  for  you,"  said  Benjamin  Parkinson,  "that  the  committee  has  broken 
up  in  such  a  hurry ;  you  would  have  been  taken  notice  of,  you  gentlemen 
of  Pittsburgh.  Give  us  whiskey !  we  don't  want  your  whiskey."  "  I 
considered  his  umbrage  at  these  words,"  says  Mr.  Brackeuridge,  "as  no 
more  than  a  pretense  for  a  quarrel,  and  was  alarmed,  but  made,  in  the 
softest  manner,  an  explanation  that  I  meant  no  more  than  that  we  should 
drink  together,  and  not  any  offense  whatever ;  and  that  it  would  affect  me 
in  the  most  sensible  manner,  if  anything  inadvertently  said  by  me  should 


MARCH  TO   PITTSBURGH.  113 

intercept  harmony  and  injure  the  cause.  I  got  him  to  seem  satisfied ; 
but  I  rather  suppose  he  had  begun  to  suspect  me  of  not  being  in  earnest 
in  the  cause,  and  that  this  was  the  real  ground  of  his  resentment." 

The  situation  was  a  delicate  one  for  those  who  were  obliged  to  seem 
what  they  were  not.  Parkinson  was  a  bully,  but  like  such  had  more 
show  of  desperate  courage  than  reality.  The  safety  of  those  who  were 
thus  compelled  to  act  so  difficult  a  part,  lay  in  the  shortness  of  time  that 
the  insurgents  were  assembled  together — they  did  not  yet  know  how  far  to 
confide  in  each  other — or  what  support  they  could  count  upon,  and  how 
far  others  were  supported.  The  same  collection  of  persons  remaining  to 
gether  only  a  few  days,  in  all  probability  would  have  exhibited  a  different 
character. 

The  Pittsburgh  committee,  in  the  mean  time,  had  sent  messengers  to 
Major  Butler  to  inform  him  of  the  state  of  things,  and  that  the  garrison 
would  not  be  disturbed.*  Others  were  despatched  to  have  boats  ready  for 
crossing  the  river,  and  refreshments  on  the  ground  where  they  would  halt, 
so  as  to  leave  no  pretext  for  leaving  the  ranks.  Some  of  the  towns  people 
had  gone  home,  alarmed  at  the  idea  of  the  march,  in  order  to  put  out  of 
the  way  some  of  their  most  valuable  articles.  Some  buried  their  books 
and  papers.  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  given  orders  the  day  before  for  his 
papers  to  be  carried  out  of  town.  Officers  in  the  mean  time  had  been  ap 
pointed  :  Colonels  Cook  and  Bradford  generals ;  Colonel  Blakeney  officer 
of  the  day ;  Mr.  Brackenridge  led  the  army  as  guide,  from  his  perfect 
knowledge  of  the  country  and  the  roads.  In  this  order  this  extempo 
rized  army  entered  the  town  by  the  Fourth  Street  Road,  keeping  out  of 
sight  of  the  garrison;  marching  down  the  main  street  to  the  Monongahela, 
the  whole  body  then  passing  along  the  river,  and  about  four  o'clock  halted 
on  the  plain  to  the  east  of  the  town,  the  property  of  Mr.  Brackenridge. 
Here  every  possible  provision  had  been  made  that  the  short  space  of  time 
allowed.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  besides,  had  placed  refreshments  on 
tables  before  their  doors.  As  soon  as  the  Pittsburgh  militia,  who  march 
ed  in  the  rear,  could  be  dismissed  from  the  ranks,  they  were  employed  in 
carrying  water  to  the  plain.  Members  of  the  committee  set  the  example 
by  carrying  water  and  whiskey  to  these  "  Whiskey  Boys,"  as  they  have 
since  been  called.  "  I  was  employed  with  the  rest,"  says  the  writer  of 
the  "Incidents,"  "  very  busily.  I  thought  it  better  to  be  employed  in 
extinguishing  the  fire  of  their  throats  than  of  my  house  ;  most  other  per 
sons  thought  in  the  same  manner."  In  spite  of  all  that  could  be  done, 

*  It  afterward  appeared  that  a  message  to  the  same  effect  had  been  transmitted 
by  Bradford. 


114  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

straggling  companies  left  the  ground,  came  into  the  town,  and  were  ex 
tremely  insulting  and  troublesome.  The  taverns,  by  order  of  the  commit 
tee,  had  been  closed,  but  the  tavern-keepers  were  obliged  to  distribute 
gratis.*  According  to  the  best  estimates,  the  number  which  entered  the 
town  was  4,500 — about  a  fourth  part  had  returned  home  from  Braddock's 
Field — so  that  the  whole  number  assembled  there  was  about  7,000.  It  is 
probable,  that  all  who  marched  were  provided  with  arms  and  well  acquaint 
ed  with  their  use.  Here  was  without  doubt  a  formidable  army,  which  it 
would  have  been  the  extreme  of  folly  in  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  militia 
of  the  town  to  attempt  to  resist.  And  yet  the  historian  of  Pittsburgh, 
Neville  B.  Craig,  and  his  father,  Major  Craig,  hang  over  them  the  impu 
tation  of  cowardice  and  treason  for  not  making  the  attempt !  The  charge 
is  not,  indeed,  made  in  direct  terms,  but  the  inference  from  their  lan 
guage,  as  well  as  from  their  silence,  is  irresistible.! 

Great  activity  was  used  by  well  disposed  persons  to  preserve  order. 
General  Bradford  left  all  to  his  officers,  giving  himself  little  trouble.  He 
had  retired  to  an  arbor  to  cool  himself  in  the  shade,  and  receive  the  hom 
age  of  his  flatterers,  to  whom  he  expatiated  on  his  great  achievement,  the 
expulsion  of  the  obnoxious  characters  !  It  was  an  object  of  moment  for 
the  safety  of  the  town,  to  have  the  multitude  thrown  across  the  river  as 
speedily  as  possible.  There  were  but  three  or  four  boats  that  could  be 
collected  from  the  ferries,  and  it  would  take  a  long  time  to  transport  so 
great  a  number  with  these.  But  it  was  remembered  that  the  horse,  which 
was  about  a  third  of  the  number,  could  ford  the  river,  and  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  being  acquainted  with  the  ford,  undertook  to  lead  them  across,  which 
he  did  near  the  junction  of  the  rivers.  The  foot,  in  the  mean  time,  at 
least  the  greater  part,  had  crossed  in  boats. J 

*  "  Incidents,"  p.  66.  Mr.  Brackenridge  says  it  cost  him  four  barrels  of  whiskey 
for  his  share. 

f  See  notes  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 

J  There  is  an  anecdote  related  by  Combe,  in  his  phrenological  tour,  that  is  similar 
to  the  foregoing,  although  on  a  smaller  scale.  Before  the  late  war  between  this 
country  and  England,  a  mob  had  gone  on  board  a  British  vessel  in  the  port  of  Phil 
adelphia,  taken  off  the  rudder,  and  were  dragging  it  along  the  street  with  the  in 
tention  of  repairing  to  the  residence  of  the  British  consul  and  breaking  his  windows. 
A  gentleman  of  address  and  some  personal  influence  joined  them,  and  affected  to 
aid  in  dragging  the  rudder,  but  taking  advantage  of  a  pause  to  rest  addressed  them 
in  the  following  manner:  "  Fellow  citizens,  let  us  pcove  to  those  insolent  British 
that  we  are  not  a  rabble  of  disorderly  persons,  as  they  represent  us,  but  a  calm, 
reflecting  people.  Instead  of  insulting  them,  let  us  give  three  cheers  before  the 
consul's  house,  and  lock  up  this  rascally  piece  of  British  timber  in  one  of  the  rooms 


DANGER   OF   THE   TOWTTr — —^  115 


Notwithstanding  the  greatest  exertion,  a  hundred  or  two  had  remained 
in  town ;  these  were  in  concert  with  some  of  those  who  had  crossed  the 
river,  and  who  were  to  burn  some  farm  buildings  belonging  to  Kirkpat- 
rick,  on  Coal  Hill,  opposite  the  town,  which  was  to  be  the  signal  for  those 
in  town  to  set  his  house  on  fire.  It  was  also  said,  that  the  house  of  the 
company  where  Day  was  clerk,  was  to  be  fired.  Gibson's  house,  Neville's, 
Brison's,  and  probably  Major  Craig's,  were  to  be  burnt.  The  burning  of 
these  would  probably  have  caused  the  destruction  of  the  whole  town. 
A  company,  commanded  by  a  Capt.  Riddle,  dressed  in  yellow  hunting- 
shirts,  were  seen  in  the  evening  parading  the  town,  as  having  something 
in  view,  and  appeared  to  be  bent  on  mischief.  About  nine  o'clock  at 
night  the  alarm  was  given  that  they  were  about  to  burn  Kirkpatrick's 
house.  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  just  returned  from  bringing  over  all  the 
boats  to  the  town  side,  when  the  river  was  lighted  up  by  the  flames  from 
the  hill.  He  met  General  Wilkins  marching  in  haste  at  the  head  of  the 
Pittsburgh  militia,  for  the  purpose  of  defending  the  house,  and  thus 
addressed  them  :  "  This  will  not  do — it  is  contrary  to  the  system  we 
have  hitherto  pursued,  and  which  has  been  successful.  Keturn  and  lay 
down  your  arms.  If  a  drop  of  blood  is  shed  between  the  town  and  the 
country,  it  will  never  be  forgiven.  It  will  be  known  that  there  is  a 
tumult  in  the  town,  between  the  inhabitants  and  the  country  people,  and 
those  that  have  crossed  the  river,  many  of  them  will  return  and  we  shall 
fall  a  sacrifice.  If  the  houses  are  to  be  defended,  it  must  be  by  the 
people  of  the  country  themselves." 

In  fact,  a  number  of  the  country  people  were  in  arms  to  defend  the 
house.  Col.  Cook,  James  Marshall,  and  a  brother  of  Maj.  M'Farlane 
who  had  fallen,  had  gone  down.  He  had  been  called  upon,  on  the  prin 
ciple  tnat  having  the  greatest  cause  of  resentment  against  Kirkpatrick, 
if  he  should  oppose  the  burning,  others  could  not  insist  on  it.  General 
Wilkins  and  his  militia  advanced  no  further,  and  Mr.  Brackenridge  pro 
ceeded  to  those  who  were  endeavoring  to  burn  the  house,  and  appealed 
to  them  in  a  manner  which  those  of  the  worst  feeling  among  them 

of  the  State  House,  and  then  disperse."  The  suggestion  was  adopted  and  literally 
obeyed.  At  night  the  rudder  was  secretly  conveyed  back  to  the  ship  by  order  of 
the  mayor.  It  would  have  been  of  no  use  to  attempt  direct  opposition  ;  and  yet 
Mr.  Brackenridge  was  assailed  for  not  making  a  direct  and  useless  opposition  to 
the  march  to  Pittsburgh !  We  are  told  by  sage  moralists  that  we  are  on  no  account 
to  countenance  wrong,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  intention,  or  what  mischief  it 
may  prevent.  If  we  see  a  madman  in  pursuit  of  another  with  a  drawn  sword,  we 
must  not  set  him  on  a  wrong  direction,  although  to  save  life,  for  this  would  be  a 
violation  of  truth! 


116  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

could  not  resist.  He  showed  them  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  burn 
the  house  of  Kirkpatrick  without,  at  the  same  time,  burning  that  of  Col. 
O'Hara,  which  was  close  by,  both  built  of  wood.  That  they  knew  the 
Colonel  was  from  home  with  General  Wayne,  fighting  the  Indians ;  to  de 
stroy  his  property  under  such  circumstances,  would  be  an  act  for  which 
they  would  never  forgive  themselves.  If  the  house  must  be  destroyed,  let  it 
be  pulled  down,  not  burned.  If  it  be  pulled  down,  he  would  be  the  first  to 
pull  off  a  board.  But  why  give  themselves  the  trouble ;  the  Pittsburgh 
people  would  pull  it  down  and  throw  it  into  the  river.  It  was  perhaps 
mainly  owing  to  the  determined  stand  of  Col.  Cook,  Marshall  and  M' Far- 
lane,  that  the  house  was  saved.  The  offer  to  throw  the  house  into  the 
river,  was  another  of  those  circumstances  brought  up  afterward  against 
Mr.  Brackenridge,  entirely  omitting  the  attending  circumstances.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  his  interference  had  considerable  effect  at  the  crisis,  and 
especially  in  arresting  the  onset  of  the  Pittsburgh  militia,  which  in  all 
likelihood  would  have  brought  on  a  hostile  conflict. 

Col.  O'Hara  was  Quarter-Master  General.  He  was  one  of  the  earliest 
settlers  in  the  West,  and  more  identified  with  the  growth  and  prosperity 
of  Pittsburgh  than  any  other  individual.  He  was  a  man  of  strong  natural 
mind,  of  equal  enterprise  and  business  talent.  He  left  his  descendants 
the  largest  estate  in  Pittsburgh,  arising  chiefly  from  the  increase  in  value 
in  real  estate  acquired  at  an  early  period.  He  was  the  first  to  establish 
some  of  those  manufactures  on  which  the  wealth  of  Pittsburgh  rests  at 
this  day.  Both  houses  spoken  of  stood  near  the  bank  of  the  Mononga- 
hela,  and  separated  from  each  other  only  by  a  paling,  and  it  was  impossible 
to  burn  the  one  and  at  the  same  time  prevent  the  flames  from  being  com 
municated  to  the  other.  They  both  stood  fifty  years  after  their  escape  from 
the  danger  of  this  threatened  conflagration,  and  were  only  pulled  down  a 
few  years  ago,  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  other  buildings.  They  were 
occupied  by  descendants  of  Kirkpatrick  and  O'Hara. 

The  representations  made  to  the  government  by  its  agents  being  partial 
and  incorrect,  produced  false  impressions,  and  did  injustice,  especially  by 
omitting  all  explanatory  circumstances,  by  which  means  facts  may  be 
made  to  tell  greater  falsehoods  than  falsehood  itself.  The  praise  was  al 
most  universally  given  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  of  having  saved  the  town 
by  his  activity  and  address.  He  was,  in  fact,  the  life  and  soul  of  all  the 
measures  which  were  put  in  practice,  and  without  which  it  would  have 
been  doomed  to  destruction.  The  writer  of  this,  in  his  youth,  has  heard 
this  repeated  by  the  people  of  the  town,  a  thousand  and  a  thousand 
times  j  and  yet  by  some  of  his  malignant  enemies,  Mr.  Brackenridge  was 


MOB    DISPERSES, 


117 


held  up  as  the  chief  insurgent,  and  at  one  moment  narrowly  escaped 
being  sent  to  Philadelphia  in  irons,  for  his  pains  in  saving  the  town  and 
the  West  from  the  horrors  of  civil  war  ! 

By  the  next  day  the  formidable  host  had  almost  entirely  disappeared, 
and  the  inhabitants  once  more  breathed  freely  after  their  escape  from  the 
imminent  peril  which  threatened  them.* 


NOTES   TO    CHAFER   V. 


The  author  of  the  "  Incidents"  placed 
in  an  appendix  to  his  book,  numerous 
affidavits  and  statements,  either  as  proof 
of  facts,  or  in  corroboration  of  his  own 
personal  narrative.  The  inconvenience 
of  this  plan  is,  that  the  reader  after 
reading  the  text  will  seldom  be  induced 
to  peruse  the  whole  of  the  documents  by 
themselves.  The  author  of  this  history 
adopted  a  different  mode  of  giving  these 
papers,  in  the  way  of  notes  to  each  chap 
ter,  in  which  mode  they  would  be  more 
likely  to  secure  attention.  But  instead  of 
giving  the  whole  of  each  paper  at  once, 
he  has  only  extracted  such  portions  as 
relate  to  the  matter  of  that  chapter.  To 
have  pursued  a  different  course,  it  would 
have  led  to  awkward  repetition,  and  as  it 
is,  some  repetition  is  unavoidable.  He  has 
made  an  exception  in  the  cases  of  the 
statements  of  Messrs.  James  Ross,  Judge 
Addison,  John  Iloge,  and  some  others, 
which  cover  the  whole  ground  of  the 
insurrection.  He  repeats,  that  there  is  no 


instance  of  a  mere  historical  work  bet 
ter  sustained  by  what  approaches  to 
judicial  evidence ;  for  to  historical  truth, 
the  narrow  rules  of  evidence  do  not  ap 
ply — rules  which  were  invented,  as  is  al 
leged,  to  exclude  falsehood,  but  which, 
we  say  again,  more  frequently  exclude 
the  truth.  Evidence  has  been  defined  to 
be  "that  which  makes  clear" — which 
produces  conviction  and  belief,  and  this 
from  its  probability,  vraisemblance,  and 
the  character  of  the  witness.  The  evi- 
|  dence  in  the  present  case  is  not  ex  parte, 
but  given  under  very  peculiar  circum 
stances.  The  enemies  of  the  author  of 
the  "Incidents,"  endeavored  to  fix  cer 
tain  imputations  on  him ;  he  boldly  chal 
lenged  them  to  appear  at  the  bar  of  pub 
lic  opinion,  and  there  confront  him. 
The  proceeding  was  analogous  to  that  of 
a  court  of  equity,  where  one  party 
i  makes  his  statements,  which  others  are 
j  called  upon  to  answer  or  contradict,  if 
[  they  can ;  when  no  contradiction  or  de- 


*The  following  is  preserved  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  partly  as  a  literary  curiosity, 
and  partly  to  show  the  confused  ideas  among  the  people,  of  the  object  of  the  as- 
semblage  at  Braddock's  Field: 

ADVORTUSMENT. 

Notis  is  hearby  givin  to  the  publig  that  thare  was  a  par  of  portmantles  lost  last  time  I  went  with  the 
rovue  from  Braddicks  ground  to  Pisburg  betwen  the  nine  mild  mn  aud  the  too  mild  run,  with  pur- 
visbins  in  them  and  haukenther  in  them.  But  I  care  for  noting  but  the  sadlebags  every  person  that 
his  fond  them  will  send  them  to  Elizabettown,  or  live  them  at  Mr.  Wadsins  tavrin  Pisburg  so  that 
the  oner  may  get  them  shall  have  risnuble  charges  paid  for  there  truble. 

SUPTEMBRER  2,   1794. 

9 


118 


WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 


nial  follows,  the  bill  is  taken  pro  confesso. 
There  was  every  opportunity  that  could 
be  desired,  afforded  to  the  other  party, 
to  contest  the  allegations,  and  he  or  they 
were  challenged  to  contest  them.  But 
they  were  silent  at  the  time,  and  it  was  not 
until  sixty  years  after  the  publication  of 
the  book,  that  one  of  the  descendants  of 
the  "  Neville  connection,"  Neville  B. 
Craig,  undertook  to  question  the  facts, 
on  the  narrow  technical  ground,  that  the 
statements  were  exparte.  This  is  no  ob 
jection  even  in  the  highest  judicial  tri 
bunal,  a  court  of  chancery — but  there  is 
no  such  rule  applicable  to  historical  evi 
dence — the  very  idea  is  an  absurdity, 
and  only  proves  the  ignorant  and  con 
tracted  mind  of  him  who  suggested  it. 
The  historian  of  Pittsburgh  has  nothing 
i to  urge  but  vulgar  and  unmeaning  epi- 
'thets,  such  as  scoundrel,  black-hearted 
villain,  and  other  manifestations  of  mal 
ice,  which  only  recoil  upon  himself;  and 
which  can  have  no  effect  on  men  possess 
ing  a  proper  sense  of  justice,  honor,  or 
gentlemanly  manners,  none  of  which  pro 
perties  are  evinced  by  the  self  styled  his 
torian. 

Letter  of  Major  Craig  to  the  Secretary  at 

War. 

Craig,  in  his  book,  page  253,  gives  a 
letter  from  his  father  to  (Jen.  Knox,  on 
the  subject  of  the  Braddock's  Field  oc 
currence,  prefaced  with  Jhe  remark  that, 
"it  was  no  doubt  a  fortunate  circum 
stance  that  Major  Butler  commanded  at 
that  time."  Why  so?  As  it  was  not  the 
intention  of  the  rioters  to  attack  the 
fort,  what  difference  did  it  make  whether 
Major  Butler,  or  any  other  officer,  was 
in  command  ?  It  is  well  it  was  not  at 
tacked — forty  men  in  a  wooden  stockade, 
against  five  thousand  riflemen  !  The  let 
ter  is  aa  follows — a  sense  of  propriety  and 
ordinary  judgment  would  have  forbidden 
its  publication,  by  the  historian  at  least : 


"  On  the  first  inst.  a  numerous  body 
cf  armed  men  assembled  at  Braddock's 
Field,  continued  there  till  yesterday, 
their  number  increasing,  it  is  said,  to 
four  thousand  five  hundred,  being  joined 
by  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Pitts 
burgh,  and  commenced  their  march  about 
nine  o'clock,  as  it  was  confidently  report 
ed,  with  the  design  of  attacking  the  fort. 
But  some  of  the  leaders  being  informed 
that  every  possible  means  had  been  taken 
for  its  defense,  they  prudently  conclud 
ed  to  postpone  the  attack,  and  sent  a 
flag  to  inform  the  commandant  that  they 
intended  to  march  peaceably  by  the  fort 
into  Pittsburgh,  cross  the  Monongahela, 
and  return  home.  Major  Butler  inti 
mated  to  the  flag  bearer,  that  their  peace 
able  intentions  would  be  best  manifested 
by  passing  the  fort  at  a  proper  distance  ; 
they  therefore  took  another  road  into 
town." 

The  foregoing  contains  several  impor 
tant  errors.  First,  as  to  the  simple  fact 
to  the  joining  the  insurgents  by  the  Pitts- 
burghers,  it  was  true — but  unexplained 
by  giving  the  circumstances,  and  the  quo 
ammo,  would  be  a  falsehood  ;  for  it  con 
veyed  the  idea  that  they  were  also  insur 
gents,  and  such  must  have  been  the  idea 
conveyed  to  General  Knox.  If  Major 
Craig  possessed  ordinary  intelligence,  he 
would  have  known  better,  as  he  certainly 
did.  He  at  least  knew  that  Gen.  Wilk- 
kins,  who  commanded,  was  no  insurgent. 
Was  James  Ross  an  insurgent?  For  he 
too  was  there. 

The  second  error  is  the  statement  that 
they  desisted  from  the  attack,  on  ac 
count  of  hearing  that  Major  Butler  had 
prepared  for  defense,  when  in  fact,  they 
had  already  relinquished  the  idea  for 
other  reasons.  As  to  the  silly  bragga 
docio  message  ascribed  to  Major  Butler, 
such  a  message  might  have  been  sent  by 
a  corporal  or  a  sergeant,  but  not  by  a 
brave  officer,  and  man  of  sense,  "by 


MAJOR    CRAIG. 


119 


passing  the  fort  at  a  respectable  dis 
tance."  What -was  that  distance?  The 
public  highway  passed  within  fifty  yards 
of  the  walls  of  the  stockade,  and  they  cer 
tainly  had  a  right  to  pass  there  without 
the  leave  of  the  commander.  We  have 
here  a  sample  of  the  accuracy  of  the 
representations  made  to  the  government. 
It  may  be  asked  where  were  Neville, 
Kirkpatrick,  and  the  other  proscribed 
persons,  during  the  march  ?  Major  Craig 
and  his  family  were  in  the  fort,  and  it  is 
to  be  presumed  that  the  others  were  there 
also.  Their  houses  in  town  were  vacant, 
or  only  occupied  by  servants.  If  the 
citizens  had  not  yielded  to  the  storm, 
under  the  advice  and  direction  of  the 
insurgent  Brackenridge,  these  houses 
would  have  been  the  first  to  be  given  to 
the  flames. 

The  historian  has  given  us  another 
paper,  much  worse  than  this,  and  it  is  a 
felicitous  instance  of  that  strange  obli 
quity  of  mind  which  distinguishes  him. 
His  mental  and  moral  vision  seem  to 
present  things  to  him  in  a  strange  dis 
torted  manner,  like  objects  seen  by  the 
natural  eye  in  looking  through  a  broken 
pane  of  glass. 

"  So  general  was  the  combined  influ 
ence  of  actual  disaffection  upon  one  por 
tion  of  the  community,  and  dread  of  the 
violence  of  the  turbulent  among  the 
others,  that  the  writer  has  often  heard 
Major  Craig  say,  that  out  of  the  family 
connection  of  General  Neville,  and  out 
of  the  employees  of  the  government, 
James  Baird,  a  blacksmith,  and  James 
Robinson,  the  father  of  William  Robin 
son,  Jr.  were  the  only  persons  in  Pitts 
burgh  on  whom  reliance  could  be  placed 
under  all  circumstances." 

James  Baird,  the  blacksmith,  and 
James  Robinson,  were  the  only  persons 
out  of  the  "Neville  connection"  that  could 
be  relied  on  under  all  circumstances! 
For  cool  effrontery,  it  would  be  difficult 


to  match  this.  I  am  unwilling  to  believe 
that  Major  Craig  would  ever  use  such 
language,  and  rather  ascribe  it  to  the 
blundering  stupidity  of  bis  son.  The 
two  individuals  named  were,  no  doubt, 
good  citizens  and  worthy  men,  although 
of  humble  rank ;  but  why  exalt  them  at 
the  expense  of  all  the  other  inhabitants 
of  the  town  ?  Their  names  are  not 
among  the  committee  of  twenty-one,  and 
we  must  suppose  that  they  were  not  in 
the  ranks  under  the  command  of  Gen. 
Wilkins ;  but  were  they  better  citizens 
and  more  trustworthy  than  the  two 
Wilkins,  or  than  George  Wallace,  Mat 
thew  Ernest,  Col.  Irvine,  and  others  ? 
Was  not  the  historian  aware  of  this 
sweeping  denunciation,  as  traitors,  of 
the  whole  town  ?  Was  he  not  aware, 
that  a  different  interpretation  might  pre 
sent  another  idea,  viz.  that  the  Neville 
connection  was  held  in  little  respect  or 
consideration,  by  their  townsmen,  with 
the  exception  of  the  two  persons  named, 
and  the  government  employees  ?  But  this 
would  not  be  just.  They  were  neither 
held  in  odium  by  their  fellow  citizens, 
nor  did  they,  or  Craig,  hold  them  in  such 
low  estimation.  The  blunder  must  be 
attributed  to  N.  B.  Craig. 

Extract  from  the  Deposition  of  Adamson 

Tannehill. 

"The  deponent  hath  further  heard 
the  citizens  generally  speaking  of  him, 
H.  H.  Brackenridge,  in  the  most  favora 
ble  manner,  for  his  activity  and  address  in 
saving  the  town." 

From  the  Affidavit  of  Peter  Audrain. 

"  In  general,  the  deponent  can  say, 
that  in  the  affair  of  Braddock's  Field, 
Mr.  Brackenridge  acted,  as  far  as  this 
deponent  knows,  with  good  policy  to 
save  the  town  ;  and  on  other  occasions,  to 
get  an  amnesty  for  the  people,  and  save 
them  from  a  war  with  the  government." 


120 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


From  the  Affidavit  of  George  Robinson. 

"The  deponent  has  been  at  other 
meetings  since,  in  the  town  of  Pitts 
burgh,  and  heard  Mr.  Brackenridge's 
sentiments  on  various  occasions,  and 
observed  his  conduct,  and  can  say,  to  the 
best  of  his  knowledge,  that  with  respect 
to  the  people  that  were  expelled  from 
the  town,  and  every  thing  else  that  was 
done,  he  acted  from  no  selfish  motive  oj 
resentment  or  disposition  to  hurt  any 
man,  but  from  motives  of  policy  to  mod 
erate  matters  and  prevent  mischief;  anc 
this  deponent  knows  this  to  be  the  gen 
eral  sentiment  of  the  people  of  Pitts 
burgh,  and  they  consider  themselves  indebt 
ed  to  his  policy  in  a  great  degree  for  the 
safety  of  the  town,  in  the  affair  of  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  where  we  were  led  to  appre 
hend  plunder  and  destruction  from  the 
fury  of  the  people  that  had  met  there.' 

Extract   from    the    Affidavit   of    William 

Meetkirk. 

"  We  went  next  morning  to  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  with  a  great  number  of 
people  from  Pittsburgh  in  company. 
When  we  came  there,  I  discovered  a 
great  number  of  people  much  dissatis 
fied,  on  account  that  Col.  Neville  and 
Gen.  Gibson  were  not  also  expelled.  I 
was  chosen  one  of  the  committee  which 
did  not  meet  until  the  next  morning ; 
when  Mr.  Bradford  produced  the  letters 
that  had  been  kept  out  of  the  mail,  and 
read  them  before  the  committee  himself. 
He  appeared  much  dissatisfied  that  Col. 
Neville  and  Gen.  Gibson  were  not  sent 
away ;  for  he  said  they  were  as  obnox 
ious  to  the  people  as  any  of  them  that 
were  gone,  and  that  they  ought  not  to  be 
suffered  to  remain  in  the  country  ;  for 
they  were  enemies  of  the  people  and 
must  be  sent  off.  It  was  motioned  for 
them  to  be  suffered  to  remain  until  the 
meeting  that  was  to  be  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry  on  the  14th  of  August,  and  for 


them  to  come  forward  to  the  meeting, 
and  endeavor  to  exculpate  themselves 
from  the  charges  that  were  against  them, 
but  it  was  overruled.  Mr.  Brackenridge 
spoke  particularly  against  the  expulsion 
of  Gen.  Gibson,  by  observing  that  he  was 
a  man  advanced  in  years,  and  that  he 
always  had  conceived  him  to  be  a  man 
who  could  do  little  harm,  and  therefore 
thought  he  might  be  suffered  to  remain, 
as  he  was  far  fronj  being  a  dangerous 
man,  in  his  opinion.^  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
in  my  opinion,  seemed  to  have  a  strong 
desire  that  the  expulsion  of  both  Gen. 
Gibson  and  Col.  Neville  should  be  at 
least  postponed  until  the  meeting  above 
alluded  to,  in  order  to  give  them  an  op 
portunity  to  acquit  themselves  of  the 
charges  that  the  people  had  advanced 
against  them.  It  was  all  overruled,  and 
I  believe  through  the  interposition  of 
Mr.  Bradford. 

"Mr.  Bradford  then  spoke  concerning 
the  expulsion  of  Major  Craig;  for  he 
had  been  informed  that  Major  Craig 
should  have  said,  (immediately  after  the 
burning  of  Gen.  Neville's  house,)  that  he 

would  let   the  d d  rascals   see   that 

the  excise  law  should  be  enforced,  for 
that  he  would  open  an  office  of  inspec 
tion  in  his  own  house.  Mr.  Bradford 
was  requested  to  give  his  author,  he  re 
plied  that  he  could  not  recollect,  but  that 
he  heard  it  mentioned  among  the  people. 
It  was  then  referred  to  the  gentlemen,  the 
committee  who  represented  the  people  of 
Pittsburgh,  Mr.  Wilkins,  Mr.  M'Masters 
and  Mr.  Brackenridge  ;  it  appeared  that 
neither  of  them  could  give  any  informa 
tion  on  the  subject.  It  was  then  mo 
tioned  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  or  seconded 
by  him,  that  if  Major  Craig  was  to  be 
immediatly  expelled,  it  would  lead  in  all 
probability  to  defeat  the  measures  of 
government  in  their  operations  against 
the  Indians,  for  Major  Craig  having 
charge  of  the  whole  quarter -master's 


AFFIDAVITS. 


121 


stores  then  at  Pittsburgh,  then  if  he  was 
then  sent  away,  and  nobody  there  to  sup 
ply  his  place,  it  might  be  attended  with 
very  bad  consequences  to  the  community. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  said  it  would  be  much 
better  to  suspend  the  expulsion  of 
Major  Craig  at  this  time,  and  wait  for  an 
opportunity  of  applying  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  to  have  him 
removed  from  office,  and  some  other  per 
son  appointed  in  his  place.  No  objection 
was  made  to  that  proposition  by  any 
member  of  the  committee,  and  after 
some  trifling  business  more  the  commit 
tee  rose." 

Extract  from   the  Deposition  of  Matthew 

Ernest. 

11  The  deponent  was  present  when  the 
committee  of  twenty-one  drew  up  cer 
tain  resolves  to  be  sent  to  the  people  at 
Braddock's  Field ;  it  was  perfectly  under 
stood  that  these  resolves  were  not  seri 
ous,  but  for  the  moment,  and  the  using 
the  expression  '  common  cause,'  in  one 
of  the  resolves,  produced  a  general 
laugh.  In  general,  this  deponent  can 
say  that  the  whole  business  of  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  as  far  as  respects  the  town 
of  Pittsburgh,  was  a  mask,  and  the  ex 
pelling  certain  persons,  was  for  their  own 
sakes,  as  well  as  for  the  safety  of  the 
town.  This  deponent  was  present  at  the 
meeting  of  the  committee  of  twenty-one, 
who  were  called  upon  to  furnish  Gen.  Gib 
son  and  Col.  Neville  with  passports  and 
a  guard  when  they  left  the  town  of 
Pittsburgh.  That  double  passports  were 
made  out  for  them,  dictated  by  Mr. 
Brackenridge — a  private  and  a  public 
one ;  a  public  one  for  the  sake  of  the 
country,  through  which  they  had  to  pass, 
and  a  private  one  for  the  people  else 
where,  to  show  the  real  cause  of  their 
going  away.  In  all  this  the  deponent 
could  discover  nothing  but  good  will,  and 
a  disposition  to  save  those  gentlemen." 


Statement  of  Mr.  J3ron,  a  French  gentle 
man  of  information,  who  had  resided 
some  time  at  Pittsburgh. 
"  Having  been  forced  by  some  circum 
stances  to  remain  in  Pittsburgh  during 
the  time  of  the  disturbances  which  have 
lately  agitated  that  country,  I  was  pres 
ent  at  a  town  meeting  which  was  con- 
vocated  upon  the  news  of  a  large  party 
of  country  people  assembled  at  a  place 
called  Braddock's  Field,  whose  intention 
was  to  come  to  town  the  next  day  to  lay 
their  hands  on  several  people  of  Pitts 
burgh,  and  destroy  the  place  if  they 
should  meet  with  any  resistance ;  and  I 
heard  the  discourse  held  by  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  on  that  instance,  in  which  he  con 
trived  to  persuade  the  interested  to  quit 
the  town  in  the  shortest  time,  to  save 
themselves  and  the  people  from  the  dan 
ger  which  was  presented  to  them ;  and 
he  advised  the  citizens  to  join  the  other 
part  of  the  people  at  the  rendezvous, 
that  they  might  be  induced  to  believe 
them  to  be  in  their  party ;  but  particu 
larly  expressing,  that  far  from  wishing 
them  to  undertake  any  thing  against  the 
government,  these  measures  were  only 
tending  to  furnish  time  to  concert  with 
the  government  for  means  to  recall  the 
tranquility.  I  was  the  more  struck  by 
this  insinuation,  that,  (from  the  little 
time  I  had  been  in  the  country,  and  the 
imperfect  knowledge  I  had  of  that  busi 
ness,)  I  was  supposing  there  existed 
a  coalition,  whose  end  was  to  obtain  the 
redress  of  grievances,  which  I  did  hear 
every  day  to  be  complained  of  in  that 
country  against  the  government.  I 
thought  I  discovered  a  defect  of  good 
faith  in  Mr.  Brackenridge,  in  this  re 
spect,  and  that  he  was  rather  inclined  to 
support  the  government  than  to  assist 
the  people  ;  but  the  rest  of  the  business 
having  soon  demonstrated  that  the  peo- 
j  pie  in  that  country  were  acting  without 
!  any  sense  in  their  undertaking,  I  per- 


122 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


ceived  that  he  was  acting  not  against  the 
people,  but  against  the  measures  they 
did  employ;  and  I  have  often  heard  the 
inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh  acknowledge 
that  his  skillful  policy  had  saved  the  place 
from  the  greatest  danger.  I  have  given 
the  foregoing  statements  of  opinons  and 
facts,  asserting  them  on  my  word  of 
honor. 

GEORGE  BRON. 
PHILADELPHIA,  24th  Aug.  1794." 

Although  somewhat  out  of  the  order 
of  the  incidents  of  the  Insurrection,  it 
'has  been  thought  convenient  to  insert  in 
this  place  the  statements  of  Gen.  Wil- 
kins,  and  that  of  Mr.  Henry  Purviance. 

General  Wilkins'  Statement. 
PITTSBURGH,  7th  April,  1795. 

"SiR — You  desire  me  to  detail  the 
circumstances  which  led  to  the  expulsion 
of  the  citizens  of  Pittsburgh  by  the 
committee  of  battalions  on  Braddock's 
Field.  As  far  as  it  came  within  my 
knowledge,  I  shall  do  it  with  pleasure. 
David  Bradford,  who  seemed  to  have  all 
the  power  and  to  exercise  it  in  a  very 
tyrannical  manner,  opened  the  business 
by  relating  the  preceding  conduct  of  the 
people,  the  robbing  the  mail,  and  read 
and  commented  on  the  more  obnoxious 
letters.  He  charged  the  writers  with 
having  misstated  the  facts,  and  to  have 
misrepresented  his  conduct  and  the  con 
duct  of  the  people  to  government.  He 
was  warmly  supported  by  many  present, 
who  were  calling  out  for  liberty  whilst 
they  were  violently  disposed  to  exercise 
great  tyranny  against  those  who  thought 
different  from  themselves. 

"  The  writers  of  the  letters  had  most 
of  them  mentioned  Mr.  Bradford's  name 
in  an  unfavorable  manner,  which  was  the 
cause  of  his  immediate  resentment ;  and 
their  banishment  was  the  consequence. 
The  popular  fury  was  sure  to  be  directed 


against  any  man  who  offended  him  dur 
ing  his  reign.  A  motion  was  made  to 
expel  Colonel  Neville  and  General  Gibson, 
whose  letters  had  been  interrupted  in  the 
mail,  against  whom  Bradford  had  pre 
viously  declaimed  with  great  vehemence. 
It  was  thought  by  many  people  present, 
friendly  to  those  two  gentlemen,  that 
they  might  be  saved  by  the  question  of 
their  banishment  being  postponed  until 
the  meeting  which  was  to  be  soon  after 
at  Parkinson's  Ferry. 

"  To  accomplish  this  object,  a  motion 
was  made  to  refer  the  case  of  General 
Gibson  to  that  place.  This  motion  was 
supported  by  you ;  but  opposed  and 
overruled  by  Bradford  and  others. 
David  Bradford  moved  in  •  addition  to 
these  two,  that  Major  Craig  should  be 
expelled,  saying  it  was  reported  that  he 
had  offered  his  house  for  an  office  of 
inspection,  should  another  not  be  found. 
Bradford  called  on  the  Pittsburgh  mem 
bers  to  know  if  this  was  true.  You  an 
swered  it  was  not  true  ;  and  stated  some 
circumstances  tending  to  show  the  false 
hood  of  the  report.  But  notwithstand 
ing,  Bradford  and  others  pressed  for  his 
banishment,  which  in  order  to  obviate, 
you  mentioned  that  it  would  be  an  injury 
to  the  expedition  then  carrying  on  against 
the  Indians,  as  he  had  charge  of  the 
stores  for  the  use  of  the  troops ;  and 
proposed  that  the  committee  should  ad 
dress  the  Secretary  at  War  to  remove 
him,  which  I  considered  as  management 
on  your  part  to  save  Major  Craig. 

"It  was  determined  that  the  people 
should  march  to  Pittsburgh.  Every 
person  belonging  to  the  town  was  under 
great  anxiety  for  their  families  and  prop 
erty.  The  town  had  every  thing  to  fear 
from  a  violent  mob  of  armed  men,  led  by 
a  few  inconsiderate  fools.  Previous  to 
the  rising  of  the  committee,  some  of  the 
most  violent  exclaimed,  that  Major  Kirk- 
patrick,  and  Mr.  Brison,  and  Mr.  Day, 


HENRY    PURVIANCE. 


123 


had  not  gone  away ;  or  if  they  had,  it  j  I  can  certify,  and  were  it  necessary  at 


was  only  for  a  day  or  two,  and  that  they 
would  return.  The  Pittsburgh  members 
alarmed  lest  the  suspicions  might  induce 
the  mob,  when  they  came  to  town,  to 
search  for  these  gentlemen,  not  knowing 
what  the  consequence  of  such  a  search 
might  be,  pledged  themselves  that  they 
were  gone  and  would  not  return. 

"I  never  heard  you  express  a  wish  for 
the  banishment  of  any  individual.  I 
have  often  heard  you  say  that  the  peo- 


this  time,  could  depose  as  follows  : 

"I  resided  at  Washington  during  the 
disturbances  which  lately  took  place  in 
the  four  western  counties  of  Pennsylva 
nia,  but  was  occasionally  at  some  of  the 
public  meetings  which  were  held  in  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  same,  in  consequence 
of  those  disturbances.  I  have  had  fre 
quent  opportunities  of  observing  the 
conduct  of  those  who  were  most  con- 
spicuous  in  exciting  the  commotion,  but 


pie  had  essentially  served  those  that  had  !  never  had   the  least  reason  to  suspect 


been  banished;  that  government  would 
consider  them  as  martyrs,  and  reward 
them. 

"  I  remember  it  was  arranged  previous 
to  the  election  of  delegates  for  the  meet 
ing  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  to  chose  those 
that  were  most  friendly  to  government. 


him  of  any  privity  or  concert  with  those 
leaders.  On  the  contrary,  from  the 
period  of  my  first  conversation  with  him 
on  the  subject,  which  was  on  the  evening 
that  the  intercepted  mail  was  carried 
from  Washington  to  Pittsburgh,  through 
out  the  whole  of  the  transaction,  he  ex- 


You  mentioned  to  me  that  you  meant  to    pressed   uniformly  to  me  sentiments  in 
propose  at  the  meeting,  the  sending  com-  I  opposition  to  the  violence  and  outrages 

which  were  taking  place.     My  communi 
cations  with  him  were  frequent,   and   I 


missioners  to  the  Executive,  to  consult 
means  to  compose  the  disturbances. 
You  expressed  a  wish  of  being  one  of 
the  commissioners  yourself.  You  showed 
me  an  address  you  had  drawn  up,  to  be 
proposed  at  the  meeting,  to  be  sent  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States. 
You  often  declared  to  me  that  if  the  vio 
lence  continued,  you  were  determined  to 
leave  the  county  and  go  to  Philadelphia. 
I  had  daily  opportunities  of  observing 
your  conduct,  and  conversing  with  you, 
and  never  had  a  doubt  but  that  you  were 
influenced  by  the  purest  motives,  and 
was  anxious  for  the  restoration  of  order 
and  the  laws. 

I  am  sir,  &c.        JOHN  WILKJNS." 


am  persuaded  with  the  most  perfect  con 
fidence  and  sincerity  on  his  part.  Some 
were  made  in  company  with  James  Ross, 
Esq.  and  others  without  the  presence  of 
any  third  person ;  but  in  either  situation, 
was  that  of  a  strong  disapprobation  of 
the  madness  and  folly  which  had  taken 
place. 

"  On  the  morning  that  the  intercepted 
mail  was  brought  to  Washington,  im 
mediately  on  hearing  of  it  I  went  to  Mr. 
Bradford's  house,  and  in  a  few  words 
requested  him  to  explain  to  me  the  mean 
ing  of  what  I  had  heard.  His  reply  to 
we  was,  '  We  have  discovered  that  there 
are  traitors  and  aristocrats,  (this,  I  think, 
was  the  language,  for  it  made  a  strong 
impression  on  me,)  who  are  forming 
schemes  to  trample  on  the  liberties  of 
the  people;'  and  other  conversation  to 

I 
asked  him  who  they  were,  and  what  had 


Henry  Purviance  to   Hugh  H.    Bracken- 
ridge.* 

"In  answer  to  certain  queries  proposed 
to   me  by  Hugh  H    Brackenridge,  Esq. 

*  Mr.  Purviance,  receiving  his  appointment  after  j  that  effect  immaterial  to  be  related. 
the  Insurrection,  was  at  the  time  of  writing  this 
communication,  District  Attorney  for  the  county  of 

Washington.  '  been    discovered  ?     He    answered,    that 


124 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


there  was  a  certain  Mr.  Day,  and  a  cer 
tain  Mr.  Brison,  also  a  certain  General 
Gibson,  who  did  not  stand  very  fair,  and 
that  Presley  Neville  had  not  behaved 
very  well.  I  may  err  as  to  the  precise 
word?,  but  am  pretty  certain  as  to  the 
substance,  and  to  the  persons  above  men 
tioned.  The  letters  were  not  shown  to 
me  by  Mr.  Bradford,  nor  did  he  proceed 
to  detail  to  me  what  the  particulars  ot 
the  discovery  was.  The  letters  were 
read  the  same  day  at  a  town  meeting  in 
Washington,  and  also  the  next  day,  and 
the  writers  of  them  denounced  as  aris 
tocrats,  and  deserving  punishment. 

"  When  I  went  in  company  with  those 
who  carried  the  mail  from  Washington 
to  Pittsburgh,  which  was  the  day  previ 
ous  to  the  assemblage  of  the  people  at 
Braddock's  Field,  I  certainly  apprehend 
ed  great  danger  of  mischief  to  the  town, 
and  also  to  the  persons  whose  letters  had 
occasioned  the  summoning  of  the  people 
to  Braddock's  Field.  My  opinion  was, 
that  the  best  mode  of  averting  this  dan 
ger,  was  for  those  people  themselves  to 
retire.  General  Gibson  and  Col.  Neville 
can  perhaps  remember  my  communica 
ting  to  them  my  sentiments  to  this  effect. 
Though  I  felt  all  its  harshness  with  re- 
epect  to  the  individuals  themselves,  who 
were  thus  obliged  to  relinquish  their 
families  and  country,  I  compared  it 
with  what  appeared  to  me  the  very 
probably  dangerous  consequences,  which 
were  to  result  to  the  persons,  and  proper 
ty  of  those  persons,  and  of  the  inhabi 
tants  of  Pittsburgh,  for  their  omitting  to 
do  so. 

"  I  was  present  at  the  conference  be 
tween  the  gentlemen  who  took  the  inter 
cepted  mail  to  Pittsburgh,  and  the  dele 
gates  from  the  town  meeting  at  that 
place  then  sitting.  As  well  as  I  can 
recollect,  Col.  Neville  was  there,  if  not 
all  the  time,  certainly  a  part  of  it,  and 
while  the  business  on  which  the  former 


i  had  come  was  explained,  which  was  done 
in  a  few  words,  and  the  letters  which 
have  been  mentioned  were  shown. 

"  The  gentlemen  from  Washington,  at 
this  conference  certainly  omitted  to  men 
tion  the  names  of  Gen.  Gibson  and  Col. 
Neville,  as  persons  obnoxious  on  account 
of  their  letters,  as  being  in  personal 
danger ;  or  that  their  removal  was  neces 
sary  for  the  safety  of  the  town.  My 
reason  for  remembering  this,  is  that  I 
was  astonished  at  the  omission,  and  felt 
the  greatest  apprehensions  for  these  two 
gentlemen,  and  considered  them  as  in 
danger,  if  they  should  be  kept  ignorant 
of  their  real  situation.  I  also  was  alarm 
ed  for  the  safety  of  the  town,  if  the 
measures  recommended  by  the  gentlemen 
who  carried  the  mail,  and  by  myself  also, 
viz.  « that  those  whose  letters  had  ren 
dered  them  obnoxious  should  retire,'  was 
not  adopted  as  to  the  whole  of  them. 

"  I  refrained  with  some  difficulty  from 
mentioning  it  to  Col.  Neville,  and  was 
persuaded  that  a  very  dangerous  delicacy 
toward  him  on  account  of  his  presence, 
and  no  other  cause,  had  prevented  the 
mention  of  his  name.  I  also  felt  myself 
in  a  situation  too  delicate  to  interfere 
thus  far  in  the  business  ;  as  I  had  only 
gone  to  Pittsburgh  accidentally,  in  com 
pany  with  those  who  had  the  custody  of 
the  mail,  and  was  not  considered  as  one 
to  whom  the  business  was  in  any  degree 
committed.  My  uneasiness,  however, 
increased  so  much  during  the  evening, 
that  I  determined  to  interfere  for  what 
I  conceived  to  be  the  safety  of  the  town, 
as  well  as  of  Gen.  Gibson  and  Col.  Nev 
ille.  I  called  upon  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
at  near  12  o'clock  that  same  night ;  told 
aim  of  the  omission,  and  my  opinion  of 
ts  consequences.  He  immediately  pro 
ceeded  to  call  together  as  many  of  the 
members  of  the  town  committee  as  could 
be  found.  This  was  done.  They  met  at 
his  house  perhaps  in  an  hour  and  a  half, 


HENRY    PURVIANCE. 


125 


and  I  then  communicated  to  them  what 
I  have  above  stated  to  have  been  omitted, 
and  I  think  that  I  also  mentioned  Major 
Craig,  as  one  in  similar  circumstances 
with  the  other  two  gentlemen,  and  told 
them  my  opinion  of  the  consequences. 
It  is  my  belief  that  it  was  solely  in  con 
sequence  of  my  interfering  in  this  man 
ner,  that  those  gentlemen  first  came  to 
know  that  they  were  considered  as  in 
danger,  and  that  General  Gibson  and 
Col.  Neville  were  informed  of  their 
being  considered  as  obnoxious.  What 
took  place  at  Braddock's  Field  the  next 
day  in  the  committee,  confirmed  my 
opinion  of  the  night  before  with  respect 
to  them. 

"  I  certainly  did  not  observe  in  Mr. 
Brackenridge  at  any  time  during  the 
business,  the  least  symptoms  of  ill  will 
or  malignant  disposition  toward  those 
two  gentlemen  last  mentioned.  I  remem 
ber  shortly  after  the  above  transaction, 
something  like  the  following  to  have 
taken  place  between  Mr.  Brackenridge 
and  myself:  I  mentioned  to  him,  (in 
consequence  of  my  having  frequently 
heard  that  he  was  on  bad  terms,  if  not 
with  Col.  Neville,  with  some  of  the  con 
nections  of  the  family,)  that  it  was  prob 
able  the  banishment  of  Col.  Neville,  and 
perhaps  I  might  have  mentioned  the 
burning  of  General  Neville's  property, 
would  by  some  be  attributed  to  his  means. 
He  replied  that  he  supposed  it  might  be 
so,  but  that  it  would  be  a  great  mistake  ; 
for  if  he  had  meant  to  serve  them,  he 
could  not  do  it  more  effectually  than  by 
such  conduct ;  that  it  would  make  their 
fortunes,  as  the  government  would  cer 
tainly  pay  them  well  for  all  loss  or  in 
jury. 

"My  opinion  of  his  conduct  in  public 
at  the  Red  Stone  meeting,  where  the 
terms  of  accommodation  proposed  by  the 
commissioners  were  discussed,  was  that 
it  was  influenced  by  the  sincerest  desire 


to  procure  the  accession  of  that  com 
mittee  to  the  terms  proposed,  and  his 
I  speech  on  that   occasion   contained  the 
|  most  unequivocal    declarations    of    his 
|  sense  of  the  propriety  and  necessity  of 
accepting  them. 

"  In  private  I  do  not  recollect  to  have 
had  any  communication  with  him  at  that 
time,  or  to  have  made  any  remarks  upon 
his  conduct  or  conversation  out  of  the 
committee. 

"At  Braddock's  Field,  as  at  Redstone, 
I  had  little  communication  with  Mr. 
Brackenridge.  He  was  engaged  as  a 
member  of  the  committee,  and  of  course 
principally  taken  up  with  those  who 
were  most  immediately  concerned  in  the 
transactions  of  the  day.  I  rode  in  com 
pany  with  him  from  Pittsburgh  to  Brad 
dock's  Field  on  the  day  that  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  town  went  to  meet  the  peo 
ple  there  assembled,  and  had  some  con 
versation  with  him  on  the  road,  relative 
to  the  business,  in  which  conversation 
his  mind  appeared  to  me  strangly  im 
pressed  with  the  alarming  situation  of 
this  country,  and  his  sentiments  and  in 
tentions  to  be  such  as  I  wished  to  find 
them.  My  opinion  of  his  conduct  on 
that  day,  formed  partly  from  my  subse 
quent  conversation  with  himself  on  the 
various  transactions  of  it,  and  partly 
from  conversation  with  James  Ross, 
Esq.  and  others  there  present,  respect 
ing  the  same,  is  that  it  had  for  its  object 
the  averting  danger  from  the  town  of 
Pittsburgh. 

"  My  opinion  of  the  whole  of  his  con 
duct  throughout  the  insurrection  in 
this  country,  I  shall  give  without  re 
serve  :  It  appeared  to  me  to  have  two 
objects — to  arrest  the  progress  of  the 
present  violence,  and  to  procure  an 
amnesty  for  that  already  committed,  and 
thus  prevent  the  flame  from  spreading 
beyond  that  country  in  which  it  origina 
ted.  Though  in  some  instances  during 


126 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


the  transactions,  my  opinion  differed 
from  his  with  respect  to  the  measures 
adopted  for  the  accomplishment  of  par 
ticular  points,  I  never  entertained  any 
doubt  of  the  propriety  of  the  principle 
which  actuated  him. 

"Whatever   may  be  the  solidity   or 
justness  of  this,  or  any  other  opinion, 


I  have  here  given  of  Mr.  Brackenridge's 
conduct  and  principles,  in  the  disturban 
ces  of  the  western  country,  I  can  with 
safety  vouch  for  the  sincerity  with  which 
it  is  given ;  and  he  is  at  liberty  to  make 
any  use,  either  public  or  private,  of 
these  sentiments  in  reply  to  his  queries. 
HENRY  PUEVIAKCE." 


CHAPTER    VI. 

ACTS    OF    VIOLENCE    FOLLOWING    THE    ASSEMBLAGE  AT  BRADDOCK's    FIELD — TOM   THE 
TINKER — DELEGATES    TO    PARKINSON'S    FERRY. 

FINDLEY  expresses  the  opinion,  that  the  assemblage  at  Braddock's  Field, 
and  the  presence  of  so  many  persons  of  standing  and  reputation,  appa 
rently  giving  it  countenance,  was  attended  with  very  bad  consequences. 
This  is  probably  true ;  it  was  an  evil,  and  if  those  who  contrived  it  were 
aware  of  the  effects  which  might  have  followed,  they  deserved  the  most 
exemplary  punishment.  It  was  an  affair  of  a  most  reckless  character.  But 
with  respect  to  those  who  attended  it,  from  the  laudable  motive  of  pre 
venting  or  lessening  the  evils  likely  to  attend  the  lawless  gathering,  a 
more  philosophical  historian  would  draw  a  wide  distinction.  Findley 
himself  was  not  there,  and  the  remark  may  be  regarded  as  an  excuse  for 
his  absence,  when,  according  to  the  celebrated  law  of  Solon,  it  is  the  duty  of 
every  citizen  to  take  part.  Perhaps  he  was  governed  by  abstract  consid 
erations  of  moral  propriety.  Such  considerations  are  often  pernicious  in 
real  life,  where  mixed  questions  of  right  and  of  expediency  so  often  occur; 
and  the  course  to  be  pursued  must  be  determined  by  the  inquiry,  wheth 
er  the  evils  attending  the  unyielding  perseverance  in  what  may  be  abso 
lutely  right  in  the  abstract,  are  not  vastly  greater  than  those  arising  from 
a  compromise  with  circumstances.  Findley  enumerates  the  bad  effects,  yet 
admits  that  it  was  necessary  to  temporize  on  the  occasion.  No  one  could 
pretend  that  it  was  in  itself  a  good  thing,  but  only  a  choice  of  evils,  and 
it  is  every  day's  experience,  that  we  are  compelled  at  times  to  make  that 
choice.  Your  uncompromising  men  are  children  or  bigots  in  the  affairs 
of  the  world.*  Let  any  one  imagine  the  effect  of  burning  the  town,  and 
of  the  blood  which  would  have  been  shed  in  its  defense !  If  so  much 
madness  and  desperation  were  occasioned  by  the  destruction  of  Neville's 
house,  how  much  greater  fury  would  have  followed  the  destruction  of  the 
town,  not  to  speak  of  the  misery  and  distress  of  the  population,  and  the 
loss  of  many  lives  ! 

*  A  learned  Judge,  Addison,  on  the  trial  of  Norris  Morrison,  and  others,  1795, 
said:  "When  there  was  real  danger,  all  the  town  went  to  Braddock's  Field" — 
regarding  this  case  as  one  of  necessity  for  self-preservation. — Addison's  Reports, 
p.  276. 


128  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

Although  the  popular  rage  was  thus  deprived  of  the  aliment  requisite 
to  feed  its  fury,  yet  its  manifestations  were  sufficiently  deplorable.  Some 
thing  of  the  French  revolutionary  epidemic  had  seized  on  a  portion  of 
the  people,  but  this  was  entirely  independent  of  any  influence  of  the  so 
ciety  of  Mingo  Creek,  or  that  in  the  town  of  Washington.*  They  were 
both  very  circumscribed  and  limited  in  their  influence;  and  the  latter  had  no 
concern  or  part  in  the  insurrection.  The  imputations  of  this  kind  are 
supported  by  no  evidence  whatever.  As  to  the  former,  although  it  had 
no  direct  bearing  on  the  disturbances,  yet  the  tendency  of  the  principles 
of  the  Mingo  Creek  Society  no  doubt  had  the  effect  to  lessen  the  respect 
for  law  and  government  in  its  immediate  neighborhood.  The  hot-bed  of  the 
insurrectionary  violence  was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  residence  of  the  Inspector, 
and  of  the  offices  in  the  survey,  and  in  a  great  measure  accompanied  with 
personal  hostility  to  the  officers.  Parts  of  Westmoreland,  Allegheny  and 
Fayette  counties,  were  comparatively  peaceful.  The  opposition  to  the  ex 
cise  law  was  not  everywhere  equally  violent,  but  it  was  everywhere  preva 
lent.  No  one  dared  to  defend  it  openly,  and  none  ventured  to  condemn 
the  excesses  which  had  been  committed.  One  of  the  first  evidences  of 
excitement  was  the  erection  of  what  was  called  "  liberty  poles,"  with  flags 
and  emblazonings.  This  was  generally  practiced  in  the  revolutionary 
war,  and  was  regarded  as  an  indication  of  popular  rising  on  some  common 
cause.  Whether  derived  from  the  ancient  Druidical  custom  of  erecting 
<*  May  poles/'  or  from  some  German  or  Swiss  custom,  it  is  impossible  to 
say.  They  were  then  regarded  as  ominous  indications  of  popular  move 
ment  pointing  toward  insurrection,  treason,  or  rebellion,  while  they  point 
ed  toward  the  heavens  !  At  the  present  day,  they  are  among  the  harmless 
means  of  giving  vent  to  party  differences,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  will  ever 
be  regarded  as  only  peaceful  emblems  of  that  salutary  diversity  in  opinion 
which  is  the  life  of  our  free  institutions. 

A  few  days  only  had  elapsed  after  the  affair  of  Braddock's  Field,  when 
a  party  proceeded  to  the  residence  of  Wells,  the  collector  for  Fayette  and 
Westmoreland  counties,  burned  his  house,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrance 
of  the  more  prudent  of  them,  and  compelled  him  to  resign  his  commis 
sion  ;  at  the  same  time  requiring  him  to  take  an  oath  not  to  hold  the 
office  in  future.  The  party  which  committed  this  outrage  appeared  to  be 

*The  Democratic  Society  of  Washington  was  instituted  in  April,  1794.  Hildreth 
says  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  a  member.  This  is  an  error ;  he  never  was  a  member 
of  any  such  societies.  When  the  word  error  is  used  here,  perhaps  a  much  more 
emphatic  word  would  be  more  appropriate.  The  Mingo  Creek  Society  was  institu 
ted  some  time  before.  See  the  note  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


"TOM  THE   TINKER."  129 

of  a  much  more  savage  and  revolutionary  character  than  that  which  per. 
petrated  the  destruction  of  the  house  of  Neville;  few  or  none  of  the  better 
class  joining  with  the  indention  of  restraining  or  moderating  their  violence, 
being  fearful  of  being  present  at  the  commission  of  acts  now  condemned 
by  the  moral  sense  of  the  community.  Threatening  letters  were  sent  into 
the  southern  and  central  part  of  Westmoreland  county,  and  a  comparatively 
small  party,  some  of  them  from  Bedford,  went  against  Webster,  the  col 
lector  of  Bedford  county.  He  made  no  resistance,  but  brought  out  his 
papers,  tore  them  up  and  trod  upon  them.  Some  were  disposed  to  tar  and 
feather  him,  and  others  attempted  to  burn  his  stacks  of  grain ;  but  by  the 
interference  of  the  more  moderate,  he  was,  after  some  indignity,  finally 
suffered  to  go  free.  It  is  alleged  that  in  his  case  there  were  circumstances 
besides  his  connection  with  the  excise,  which  had  exasperated  the  people. 
That  he  had  abused  his  official  station,  and  used  it  as  the  means  of  op 
pression,  having  seized  without  the  authority  of  law  the  whiskey  of  poor 
men  on  the  road,  while  on  their  way  across  the  mountains  to  purchase  their 
small  supply  of  salt  and  iron.*  The  general  impression  seemed  to  be, 
that  the  execution  of  the  excise  laws  was  now  suspended  by  the  immediate 
act  of  the  people ;  and  yet,  in  other  respects,  there  was  no  disregard  of 
the  authority  of  magistrates,  although  a  general  feeling  of  insecurity  pre 
vailed.  Mr.  Brackenridge  says :  "  Liberty  poles,  with  inscriptions  and 
devices  were  raised  everywhere ;  such  as  '  an  equal  tax,  and  no  excise ;' 
' united  we  stand,  divided  we  fall;'  with  a  snake  divided  for  a  device. 
I  met  no  man  that  seemed  to  have  an  idea  that  we  were  to  separate  from 
the  government,  or  to  overthrow  it,  but  simply  to  oppose  the  excise  law ; 
and  yet  the  people  acted  and  spoke  as  if  they  were  in  a  state  of  revolution  ! 
They  threatened  life  and  property  familiarly.  Addison,  the  Judge  of  the 
district,  was  then  absent  in  Philadelphia,  and  a  report  having  been  spread 
that  he  had  encouraged  the  Marshal  to  serve  process,  they  threatened  to 
prevent  his  return."  The  alarm  was  general,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  all  restraint  of  law  would  have  been  thrown  off,  but  for  the  contem 
plated  assemblage  of  an  authority  emanating  directly  from  themselves, 
and  which  kept  in  check  the  prevailing  tendency  to  anarchy. 

About  this  time,  the  term  of  "Tom  the  Tinker,"  came  into  very  gen 
eral  use.  Pasquinades  were  put  up  on  trees  in  the  highways,  or  in  other 
conspicuous  places,  over  the  signature  of  *'  Torn  the  Tinker,"  threatening 
individuals,  or  admonishing  them  on  the  subject  of  the  excise  law.  These 
letters  threatening  to  burn  houses  and  barns,  produced  great  alarm  among 
the  peacefully  disposed,  over  the  whole  country.  In  the  march  from 

*  Findley,  p.  107. 


130  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

Braddoek's  Field,  the  acclaim  was,  «  Huzza  for  <  Tom  the  Tinker  !'  "  It 
was  not  now,  are  you  whig  or  tory,  but  are  you  a  Tom  the  Tinker's  man  ? 
Every  one  was  willing  to  be  thought  so ;  and  somp  had  afterward  trouble 
to  wipe  off  the  imputation  to  the  contrary.  Advertisements  sometimes 
appeared  averring  the  falsehood  of  the  charge  of  favoring  the  odious  excise 
law.* 

Although  the  danger  which  threatened  the  town  of  Pittsburgh  seemed 
for  the  present,  at  least,  to  be  past,  yet  the  inhabitants  were  far  from  think 
ing  themselves  safe.  They  knew  the  temper  of  the  country  people,  espe 
cially  toward  the  proscribed  persons,  and  that  they  might  at  any  moment 
be  excited  to  return  in  sufficient  numbers  to  burn  the  town,  and  as  likely 
at  night  as  in  the  day  time.  The  garrison  shared  in  the  common  appre 
hension.  The  commander  labored  to  improve  its  defenses,  and  laid  in  two 
months  provisions  in  case  of  siege.  The  danger  of  the  town  arose  from 
the  supposed  want  of  good  faith  on  its  part  in  the  banishment  of  the  pro 
scribed  ;  it  was  believed  by  many  to  be  only  a  sham,  and  that  the  real  in 
tention  was  to  protect  them  from  harm  until  they  could  reappear  with 
safety,  f  This  was  no  doubt  the  truth,  but  their  own  safety  made  it  a 
serious  matter  to  conceal  it.  To  the  obnoxious  persons,  it  was  an  act  of 
injustice  and  injury,  especially  to  those  who  had  families  to  protect,  and 
business  to  transact.  But  then  if  the  measure  had  not  been  adopted,  the 
necessity  of  which  was  at  first  clearly  seen  by  the  objects  of  it  themselves, 
they  would  have  fallen  the  victims  —  their  property  first  doomed  to  de 
struction,  and  if  unable  to  effect  their  escape,  their  lives  would  have  paid 
the  forfeit.  It  was  principally  on  their  account  that  danger  still  hung 

*  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  this  writing  of  "Tom  the  Tinker:" 

"  In  taking  a  survey  of  the  troops  under  my  command,  in  the  late  expedition 
against  that  insolent  exciseman,  John  Neville,  I  find  there  were  a  great  many  delin 
quents  now  amongst  those  who  carry  ou  distilling.  It  will  therefore  be  observed, 
that  '  Tom  the  Tinker '  will  not  suffer  any  certain  class,  or  set  of  men,  to  be  ex 
cluded  the  service  of  this  my  district,  when  notified  to  attend  on  any  expedition  in 
order  to  obstruct  the  execution  of  the  law,  and  obtain  a  repeal  thereof. 

"  And  I  do  declare  upon  my  solemn  word,  that  if  such  delinquents  do  not  come 
forth  on  the  next  alarm,  in  equipments,  and  give  their  assistance  as  in  them  lies,  in 
opposing  the  execution,  and  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  excise  laws,  he,  or  they,  will 
be  deemed  as  enemies,  and  standing  opposed  to  the  virtuous  principles  of  republi 
can  liberty,  and  shall  receive  punishment  according  to  the  nature  of  the  offense, 
and  that  at  least  consumption  of  his  distillery." 

Notices  like  this  were  sometimes  addressed  to  particular  persons,  accompanied 
with  threats  of  burning  their  houses,  barns,  or  bodily  harm. 

f  The  inhabitants  were  not  too  confident  that  there  were  net  some  among  them 
selves  too  ready  to  join  the  "  Whiskey  Boys." 


FABLE  OF  THE  TWO  TRAVELERS.  131 

over  the  town ;  it  was  therefore  a  choice  of  evils  in  which  there  was  DO 
room  to  hesitate.  Mr.  Brackenridge,  in  his  usual  vein  of  wit,  illustrates 
the  predicament  of  the  proscribed,  by  a  fable  of  Pilpay,  whether  original 
with  himself,  or  taken,  as  he  asserts,  from  an  Eastern  collection  called  the 
Negaristan,  it  is  not  material. 

"  Two  travelers  passing  by  a  pool  on.  the  side  of  the  road,  one  of  them 
missing  a  foot,  fell  in.  The  surface  of  the  pool  was  some  feet  beneath 
the  level  of  the  bank,  and  of  itself  deep ;  laying  hold  of  the  bank,  he 
struggled  to  get  up,  but  it  was  steep  and  he  could  not.  His  companion 
extending  himself  on  his  breast,  and  reclining  over  the  bank  of  the  pool, 
and  reaching  down  his  hands,  got  hold  of  the  hair  of  the  other,  and 
with  some  difficulty  extricated  him  from  the  pool.  But  in  dragging 
him  against  the  bank,  by  some  means  an  eye  was  injured,  so  as  to  lose 
the  sight  thereof.  The  rescued  man  conceived  himself  entitled  to  dam 
ages  against  his  companion,  who  had  thus  without  his  request  dragged 
him  out.  He  claimed  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  dinars.  The  cause  came 
before  the  cadi,  who  was  puzzled,  and  took  the  opinion  of  a  famous  law 
yer,  Ala  Joseph. 

"  The  decision  recommended  by  Ala  Joseph  was,  that  the  injured  man 
should  have  his  selection  of  two  things ;  either  to  go  back  to  the  pool, 
from  which  he  had  been  rescued,  and  take  his  chance  of  getting  out, 
or  be  satisfied  with  the  act  of  his  companion,  and  the  consequence  of  it, 
even  though  no  application  for  assistance  had  been  made,  and  his  con 
sent  to  be  dragged  out  formally  obtained."* 

Two  days  after  the  alarming  march  of  the  Whiskey  Boys  from  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  it  was  rumored  that  Kirkpatrick  had  been  seen  in  town.  The 
rumor  was  traced  to  one  of  the  inhabitants,  on  which  the  committee  was 
called  upon  to  inquire  of  that  person,  and  to  admonish  him  in  case  he  had 
circulated  a  false  report.  As  the  committee  was  assembling,  Major  Craig 
and  Col.  Neville  were  met  coming  from  the  garrison,  and  on  being  inter 
rogated,  acknowledged  that  Kirkpatrick  was  then  in  the  garrison,  having 
returned  to  town.  The  fact  caused  indignation  in  the  committee ;  they 
considered  themselves  ill  used,  after  the  exertions  they  had  made  to  save 
Kirkpatrick,  and  the  dangers  to  which  they  had  been  exposed  on  his  ac 
count  and  that  of  his  connections,  and  resolved  that  Craig  and  Neville 
should  be  seized  in  his  stead.  The  former  returned  to  the  garrison ;  the 

*  It  has  been  seen  that  great  complaints  were  made  against  the  towns  people,  by 
the  proscribed,  for  their  civil  treatment  of  the  proscribed,  in  their  saving  their 
lives  and  property. 


182  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

latter  caine  before  the  committee,  but  in  contemptuous  manner  smoking 
his  cigar ;  but  seeing  they  were  in  earnest,  he  expressed  himself  with  dis 
cretion,  and  stated  that  Kirkpatrick  had  returned  for  want  of  an  escort, 
having  been  dogged  by  a  party  from  whom  his  life  was  in  danger.  The 
committee  undertook  to  furnish  the  escort,  which  was  done;  and  he  es 
caped  by  a  circuitous  way,  until  he  reached  the  mountains,  where  he  took 
the  direct  road  to  Philadelphia, 

While  this  affair  was  before  the  committee,  but  before  it  was  generally 
known,  the  people  of  the  town  hearing  of  the  return  of  Kirkpatrick,  talk 
ed  of  seizing,  and  some  were  of  waylaying  and  shooting  him.  On  being 
informed  of  this,  the  committee  called  a  town  meeting,  in  the  evening,  in 
order  to  impress  upon  the  people  the  impropriety  of  entertaining  such 
ideas.  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  requested  to  address  them,  which  he  did 
at  considerable  length,  denouncing  in  strong  terms  the  purposed  intention 
in  the  case  of  Kirkpatrick,  and  enlarging  upon  the  false  impression  among 
many  persons  that  all  law  was  at  an  end.  "  It  is  only  the  excise  law," 
said  John  Wilkins,  the  elder  (who  was  much  of  a  humorist),  "  that  is  re 
pealed  by  the  people." 

Edward  Day  had  gone  down  the  river;  Brison  was  concealed  a  few 
days  at  the  house  of  Robert  Galbraith,  Esq.  the  prosecuting  attorney, 
who  resided  a  few  miles  out  of  town.  The  country  getting  wind  of  it,  col 
lected  in  a  mob,  and  surrounded  the  house  at  night,  and  insisted  on  search 
ing,  but  in  the  meantime  he  had  left  the  place.  Gibson  and  Neville,  at 
the  instance  of  the  Pittsburgh  committee  at  Braddock's  Field,  had  been 
allowed  ten  days  to  prepare  for  their  departure,  with  passports  for  their 
security.  This  comedy  of  banishment  resembled  the  barring  out  of  the 
school  master  during  the  holidays ;  the  banished  were  sure  to  return  with 
the  force  that  would  come  to  put  down  the  insurrection,  and  with  the  recom 
mendation  of  having  been  martyrs  for  the  sake  of  the  government.  In  order 
to  enhance  this  merit,  it  afterward  appeared  that  they  took  pains  to  ex 
aggerate  their  sufferings,  denouncing  the  towns  people,  as  well  as  the  in 
surgents,  as  the  cause,  observing  a  profound  silence  with  respect  to  the 
circumstances  which  rendered  their  course  unavoidable,  as  well  for  the 
safety  of  the  supposed  martyrs  as  of  their  own.  Mr.  Brackenridge,  as 
being  one  of  the  most  conspicuous,  and  at  the  same  time  personally  at 
variance  with  two  of  the  Neville  "  connection/'  had  to  feel  in  a  special 
manner  the  effects  of  that  enmity,  and  was  assailed  with  groundless 
charges  and  insinuations.  There  can  be  nothing  more  absurd  than  to 
suppose  that  any  man  of  common  sense  would  resort  to  such  a  mode  of 


UNJUST   SUSPICIONS   OF   COL.   NEVILLE.  133 

gratifying  personal  enmity,  which  put  his  enemies  to  a  mere  temporary 
inconvience,  for  which  they  might  be  expected  to  be  repaid,  and  which,  at 
the  same  time,  was  their  best  security  from  present  danger. 

About  this  time  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  informed  by  Henry  Purviance, 
Esq.  of  Washington,  who  had  taken  so  patriotic  a  part  in  the  late  events, 
that  Col.  Neville  had  expressed  the  opinion  that  he  (Brackenridge)  was  in 
confidence  with  Bradford;  and  had  been  privy  to  the  intercepting  the 
mail,  as  a  part  of  a  plan  he  had  laid  for  the  expulsion  of  the  persons  de 
nounced.  Mr.  Purviance  could  not  but  express  his  surprise  at  such  an 
absurd  and  groundless  suspicion,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  say  that  it  was 
not  only  utterly  improbable,  but  impossible ;  for  he  could  not,  at  the  same 
time  with  the  plan  of  intercepting  the  mail,  contrive  that  the  few  indi 
viduals  whom  it  was  supposed  he  wished  to  expel  should  write  letters  by 
that  mail,  and  of  such  a  nature  as  to  be  laid  hold  of  by  Bradford  and 
others — having  no  invisible  power  over  the  minds  of  such  persons !  This 
could  not  be  answered,  but  Neville  said,  "If  he  had  not  projected  it,  he 
was  pleased  with  it  now  that  it  had  taken  place."  "  I  was  struck/'  ob 
serves  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "  for  the  first  time,  that  Neville  had  not  per 
fect  confidence  in  me ;  but  it  did  not  make  much  impression  on  me,  as  I 
conceived  him  in  a  fever,  and,  like  persons  in  that  state,  ready  to  com 
plain  of  those  that  were  taking  the  best  care  of  them."  Although  the 
author  of  the  "Incidents"  was  thus  disposed  to  excuse  Neville,  the  impar 
tial  reader  will  be  less  indulgent.  The  frivolous  suspicion  will  be  regarded 
as  an  evidence  of  weakness,  as  well  as  of  injustice,  which  was  more  likely 
to  originate  in  the  confused  brain  of  some  other  of  the  "connection."  In 
the  controversy  which  was  carried  on  some  time  ago  between  the  nephew 
of  Col.  Neville,  Mr.  Craig,  and  the  writer  of  this  work,  it  was  said  by 
Craig,  that  in  looking  over  some  papers  of  the  family,  it  appeared  that  Nev 
ille  never  had  any  confidence  in  Mr.  Brackenridge  !  This,  it  may  be  pre 
sumed,  is  the  extent  of  his  crimination.  In  reply  to  this,  it  may  be 
retorted,  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  had,  unfortunately,  too  much  confidence 
in  Col.  Neville,  or  he  would  not  have  yielded  to  his  solicitations  to  attend 
the  Mingo  meeting,  where,  from  motives  of  benevolence,  and  with  a  view 
of  serving  Neville,  he  had  first  involved  himself  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Whiskey  Insurrection.  The  incident  may  serve  as  a  clue  to  the  subse 
quent  hostile  conduct  of  the  Neville  connection,  which  ultimately  forced 
upon  him  the  task  of  vindicating  his  cause,  and  which  it  would  have  been 
well  for  the  connection  they  had  never  provoked.  If  he  had  harbored  the 
malicious  design  of  injuring  those  persons,  instead  of  being  willing  that 
they  should  leave  the  place,  he  would  have  preferred  their  staying  and 

10 


134  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

risking  the  fury  of  the  mob ;  and  this  would  have  made  short  work  with 
them.  But  such  a  course  would  have  been  at  variance  with  his  well 
known  benevolent  and  philanthropic  disposition,  even  to  his  enemies. 

"  As  to  myself,"  says  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "I  canvassed  my  situation 
fully,  and  began  seriously  to  think  of  emigration ;  but  in  that  case,  I 
would  have  been  considered  in  the  light  of  a  deserter,  and  my  property 
become  a  sacrifice.  I  thought  of  being  absent  on  some  pretense  that 
might  be  plausible,  and  it  struck  me  to  prevail  upon  the  people  of  Pitts 
burgh  to  appoint  me  as  an  envoy  to  the  Executive,  to  state  the  motives  of 
their  conduct." 

On  inquiry,  he  found  that  the  people  were  unwilling  that  he  should 
leave  the  place;  there  were  many  of  them  in  the  same  predicament,  and 
they  did  not  like  to  lose  company.  He  therefore  resolved  to  remain,  at 
least  until  after  the  meeting  at  Parkinson's  Ferry. 

At  the  time  appointed  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  this  meeting, 
Mr.  Brackenridge  publicly  announced  his  desire  not  to  be  chosen,  being 
of  opinion,  from  occurrences  since  the  Braddock's  Field  affair,  and  the  in 
creased  excitement  throughout  the  country,  that  there  was  little  prospect 
of  their  stopping  short  of  open  hostility.  Bradford,  on  his  return  to 
Washington,  had  used  the  expression,  "a  glorious  revolution  affected 
without  bloodshed."  From  this  it  might  be  inferred  that  he  was  re 
solved  on  supporting  what  had  been  done  at  all  hazards.  Marshall  had 
inconsiderately  involved  himself,  and  would  perhaps  have  been  happy  to 
get  out  of  the  situation  •  but  the  people  would  not  permit  him ;  he  would 
not  dare  to  talk  of  any  thing  but  war,  and  such  was  his  situation,  from 
his  acts,  that  it  had  become  his  policy,  as  much  as  any  man's,  to  meditate 
defense.  On  that  principle,  Mr.  Brackenridge  thought  that  it  would  be 
more  advisable  to  send  to  the  meeting  some  persons  who  would  not  be 
under  the  necessity  of  taking  a  conspicuous  part,  by  being  called  upon  to 
speak,  not  being  in  the  habit  of  it,  as  he  was,  professionally.  To  save  ap 
pearances,  it  was  necessary  to  send  some  persons ;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
such  as  had  it  in  their  power  to  remain  obscure.  On  communicating 
these  sentiments  to  James  Ross  and  Gen.  Wilkins,  they  were  of  a  differ 
ent  opinion ;  and  thought  it  advisable  to  use  endeavors  to  send  delegates 
from  all  parts  of  the  country,  opposed  to  violent  measures.  In  conse 
quence  of  their  reasoning,  he  consented  to  go,  if  elected.  The  same  re 
luctance  is  stated  by  Findley  to  have  occurred  in  Westmoreland  and  Fay- 
ette  counties ;  these,  although  at  first  inclined  to  doubt,  the  policy  of  the 
meeting,  at  length  decided  to  send  delegates  to  it.  Gen.  Wilkins  exerted 
himself  in  Pittsburgh,  and  James  Ross  repaired  to  Washington  with  the 


CONVERSATION  WITH   COL.    NEVILLE.  135 

same  object.  The  Pittsburgh  election  was  conducted  by  John  Wilkins, 
Sr.  a  justice  of  the  peace,  who  indulged  his  propensity  for  fun  by  ma 
king  it  the  test  of  the  right  to  vote,  that  the  voter  should  declare  himself 
in  favor  of  "tTorn  the  Tinker."  Some,  not  aware  of  the  joke,  at  first  ap 
peared  to  be  offended,  and  refused  to  answer.  When  Mr.  Brackenridge 
came  to  vote,  Wilkins  observed,  "  We  need  not  require  the  test  of  you,  as 
you  are  'Torn  the  Tinker'  himself;"  alluding  to  his  appearance  at  Brad- 
dock's  Field  at  the  head  of  the  committee.  But  this  jesting  occasioned, 
afterward,  some  uneasiness  to  Justice  Wilkins,  affidavits  having  been 
collected  respecting  it,  and  transmitted  to  the  Executive  by  its  over  zeal 
ous  friends.  Mr.  Brackenridge,  George  Wallace  and  Peter  Audrain,  were 
chosen  delegates. 

"  General  Gibson,"  says  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "  at  this  time,  or  before  it, 
had  left  the  country;  Col.  Neville  was  about  to  go,  but  had  some  reluc 
tance.  It  struck  me  with  surprise,  as  he  had  been  thinking  how  to  stay, 
and  I  of  getting  away."*  "  He  came  to  me  after  the  election  of  dele 
gates,"  (says  the  author  of  the  "  Incidents,")  "  and  expressed  the  idea  that 
he  had  a  right  to  expect  of  me  and  others  delegated  from. the  town,  that  at 
the  meeting  we  should  demand  an  examination  of  his  case,  and  repeal 
the  sentence  of  the  committee  at  Braddock's  Field ;  that  he  had  a  right 
to  expect  this,  inasmuch  as  it  was  on  account  of  the  town  that  the  sen 
tence  was  to  be  carried  into  effect.  I  was  hurt  at  his  want  of  a  just  con 
ception  of  his  case,  in  supposing  that  it  was  on  account  of  the  town  that 
he  was  to  go  away.  It  was  on  his  account,  and  of  others,  that  the  town 
was  in  danger,  and  it  was  for  his  own  sake,  more  than  that  of  the  town, 
that  he  was  to  go  away.y  I  had  considered  him  as  consigning  hLs 
case  to  my  management,  from  what  he  had  said  to  me  the  morning  I  went 
to  Braddock's  Field,  and  I  never  managed  a  case  at  the  bar  with  more 
fidelity  than  I  did  his,  on  this  occasion.  I  had  thought  the  business  well 
managed  in  diverting  an  infuriated  mob  from  coming  to  seize  him  and  the 
others;  and  this  was  accomplished  by  the  policy  of  getting  the  mob  to 
condense  themselves  into  a  committee,  and  managing  that  committee  to 
adopt  the  mild  resolution  of  leaving  him  in  the  hands  of  the  committee 
of  Pittsburgh,  as  guardians  in  fact  of  his  safety,  though  nominally  the 
executors  of  the  sentence.  I  stated  this  candidly  to  Neville ;  and  pec- 
haps  in  a  more  pointed  manner  than  I  would  otherwise  have  done,  had 

*  His  family  and  property,  under  the  guardianship  of  the  town,  was  in  less  dan 
ger  than  if  he  had  remained.  Neville  could  not  comprehend  that  the  act  was  that 
of  the  country,  of  his  own  constituents,  who  had  voted  him  into  office. 

f  His  own  property  would  have  shared  the  fate  of  others. 


136  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

not  iny  feelings  been  hurt  by  his  suspicions,  which  had  been  suggested  to 
me.  But  I  further  observed  to  him,  that  supposing  it  demandable  of 
the  town  to  go  forward  and  propose  the  recalling  of  him,  was  it  practica 
ble  ?  Did  he  not  know  that  he  was  considered  by  the  people  as  the 
Inspector  himself?  It  is  known  that  before  your  father  accepted  the 
office,  you  were  consulted,  and  advised  the  acceptance.  It  is  known  that 
application  has  been  made  to  you,  to  advise  your  father  to  resign  the 
office.  You  have  said  no.  Would  any  of  them  resign  an  office  of  so 
much  value  ?  It  is  known  that  you  are  the  author  of  that  advertisement 
which  appeared  in  the  Gazette,  alleging  that  certain  certificates  and 
bonds  were  plundered  and  carried  off  at  the  time  your  father's  house  was 
burnt.  Although  there  was  a  proportion  of  those  at  the  house  capable 
of  what  was  alleged,  yet  the  bulk  of  the  leaders,  although  guilty  of  a 
great  offense,  would  have  shrunk  from  the  violation  of  moral  truth  or 
the  commission  of  dishonesty.  They  resent  the  idea  of  being  thought 
capable  of  theft  or  forgery.  In  your  letter  to  the  Mingo  meeting,  you 
gave  offense.  They  thought  your  casuistry,  prevarication  •  and  Kirkpat- 
rick's  intrepidity,  of  which  you  spoke,  they  thought  stupidity.  From 
this,  they  join  you  with  Kirkpatrick  in  their  feelings;  and  more  espe 
cially  as  it  is  known  to  be  a  trait  in  your  family  character  to  support  any 
branch  of  it,  however  insupportable.  Neville  behaved  mildly,  and  said 
little ;  but  I  suppose  thought  the  more,  and  set  this  down  as  a  further 
proof  that  I  was  an  insurgent,  and  has  mentioned  it  as  such/'  * 

Shortly  before  this  conversation,  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  received  a  note 
from  Neville,  addressed  to  him  as  chairman  of  the  committee,  demand 
ing  a  passport  and  an  escort.  Although  not  the  chairman,  (as  no  chair 
man  had  been  appointed,)  he  resolved  to  overlook  the  incivility,  and 
calling  the  committee  together,  double  passports  were  made  out  for  him 
and  Gen.  Gibson;  one  to  the  country,  for  their  protection,  the  other  to  pro 
duce  when  safe,  showing  that  there  was  no  real  cause  for  their  expulsion, 
and  explaining  the  circumstance.  The  first  one  only,  as  we  have  stated, 
was  used  when  in  safety,  and  disingenuously,  as  a  proof  of  the  persecution 
they  had  suffered  from  their  fellow  townsmen,  and  especially  from  the 
author  of  the  passports. f 

About  the  same  period,  a  letter  was  addressed  by  Mr.  Brackenridge 

*It  was  a  sort  of  family  quarrel  between  the  Nevilles  and  their  constituents, 
for  they  had  contributed  as  much  as  any  others  to  render  excise  laws  odious. 
They  paid  the  price  of  popularity ;  the  people  did  not  distinguish  the  State  excise 
laws  from  those  of  the  Federal  goTornment. 

•j-See  notes,  as  to  the  danger  of  those  passports. 


LETTER  TO   TENCH   COX.  137 

to  Tench  Cox,  Esq.  at  Philadelphia,  who  was  theu  connected  with  the 
government,  but  which  was  misunderstood  by  the  person  to  whom  it  was 
sent.  It  was  chiefly  prompted  by  a  conversation  he  had  with  Col. 
Neville,  the  day  after  the  affair  at  Braddock's  Field.  The  conversation 
turning  on  the  state  of  the  country,  Mr.  Brackenridge  observed,  that  it 
would  not  be  an  easy  matter  to  put  down  the  insurrection  by  force. 
Neville  was  of  opinion  that  three  thousand  men  would  do  it;  the  former 
thought  that  if  it  was  attempted  with  less  than  fifteen  thousand  men,  it 
would  only  add  strength  to  the  opposition,  and  perhaps  give  rise  to  a 
dangerous  civil  war.  Thinking  that  Neville,  going  to  the  government 
with  this  erroneous  view,  would  lead  to  the  same  mistake  that  was  made 
by  Amherst  in  England,  or  by  the  French  refugees  at  Coblentz,  he 
wished  to  convey  more  correct  information.  His  letter  was  in  reply  to 
one  from  Mr.  Cox,  and  was  intended  to  be  communicated  to  the  govern 
ment,  if  thought  advisable  by  Cox.  Taking  a  wrong  view  of  the  letter, 
and  strangely  enough,  Cox  regarded  it  as  a  proof  that  the  writer  was  an 
insurgent,  threatening  the  government.  Some  expressions  in  relation  to 
the  excise  were  purposely  introduced,  in  case  it  should  fall  into  the  hands 
of  insurgents  by  another  robbery  of  the  mail;  but  even  without  this 
explanation,  the  letter  was  patriotic,  and  contained  valuable  information, 
for  the  government.  As  it  was  in  the  first  instance  a  private  letter,  it 
could  not  have  been  intended  to  inflame  the  public  mind  ;  and  if  it  tended 
to  produce  that  effect,  the  fault  was  in  those  who  made  it  public,  and  to 
whose  discretion  it  was  confided.*  It  was  dated  the  8th  of  August,  and 
coincides  in  a  singular  manner  with  the  communication  of  Edmond  Ran 
dolph,  Secretary  of  State,  of  the  5th,  three  days  before.  A  second  letter 
was  addressed  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  to  Mr.  Cox,  contradicting  the  mis 
conception,  but  which  was  not  published,  as  it  ought  to  have  been,  in 
justice  to  the  writer,  although  requested  by  him.  The  subsequent  action 
of  the  government,  as  respects  the  formidable  character  of  the  insurrec 
tion,  was  in  conformity  to  the  foregoing  suggestions  ;  whether  in  conce- 
quence  of  them,  or  incidental,  is  not  material.  The  plan  of  the  writer 
was,  first,  conciliation  and  amnesty ;  and  if  these  failed,  then  to  send  a 
force  sufficient  to  crush  the  rebellion  at  once. 

The  writer  of  those  letters  spoke  his  mind  freely,  as  it  became  a  free 
man  to  speak,  on  the  subject  of  the  funding  system,  the  favorite  measure 
of  the  Secretary ;  and  as  he  had  a  right  to  speak,  even  suppose  on  this  ques 
tion  of  expediency  he  was  in  error.  But  the  strongest  terms  of  vitupera- 

*See  the  affidavits  of  H.  Beaumont  and  others,  in  notes  to  this  chapter.  Also, 
tke  letter,  and  the  reply  to  Mr.  Cox, 


138 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


tion  were  applied  to  him  by  persons  who  seemed  not  to  be  aware  that  there 
is  a  difference  between  a  subject  writing  to  a  monarch  and  a  citizen  of  a 
democracy  addressing  a  public  servant  or  agent,  and  expressing  an  opinion 
of  the  propriety  of  his  acts.  The  insolence  (the  terra  applied  to  him,) 
consists  in  the  agent  taking  offense,  and  not  in  the  citizen  who  has  freely 
used  his  privilege  of  expressing  his  opinion.  The  first  letter  was  no  doubt 
of  a  character  to  be  made  a  handle  of  by  the  proscribed  persons  on  their 
reaching  the  seat  of  government,  who  seized  the  opportunity  of  directing 
the  displeasure  of  the  government  against  those  toward  whom  they 
were  personally  unfriendly.  The  letter  certainly  exhibited  an  alarming 
state  of  things  in  the  West,  and  if  the  danger  had  not  been  put  aside  in 
the  manner  we  are  about  to  relate,  there  would  have  been  no  exaggeration. 

Reports  were  now  in  circulation,  but  much  exaggerated,  that  the  people 
of  the  eastern  counties  were  as  much  excited  as  those  on  the  west  of  the 
mountains.  It  was  said  that  they  had  everywhere  raised  liberty  poles, 
and  had  committed  various  outrages.  "  I  saw  before  me,"  says  the  author 
of  the  "  Incidents/'  "  the  anarchy  of  a  period ;  a  shock  to  the  govern 
ment,  and  possibly  a  revolution  impregnated  with  the  Jacobin  principles 
of  that  of  France,  and  which  might  become  equally  bloody  to  the  the  prin 
cipal  actors.  It  would  be  unavoidably  bloody  to  them  and  destructive  to 
the  people.  Let  no  man  suppose  that  I  coveted  a  revolution.  I  had  seen 
the  evils  of  one  already,  the  American  —  and  I  had  read  the  evils  of  an 
other,  the  French.  My  imagination  presented  the  evils  of  the  last  so 
strongly  to  my  mind  that  I  could  scarcely  cast  my  eyes  over  a  paragraph  of 
French  news.  It  was  not  the  excise  law  alone  that  was  the  object  with 
the  people;  it  was  with  many  not  the  principal  object.  A  man  of  some 
note,  and  whose  family  had  been  at  the  burning  of  Neville's  house,  was 
seen  on  horseback  in  Pittsburgh,  the  day  of  Braddock's  Field,  riding  along 
with  a  tomahawk  in  his  hand  and  raised  over  his  head,  saying — '  This  is  not 
all  that  I  want ;  it  is  not  the  excise  law  only  that  must  go  down  ;  your  dis 
trict  and  associate  judges  must  go  down  ;  your  high  offices  and  salaries — a 
great  deal  more  must  be  done.  I  am  but  beginning  yet.'" 

The  Miugo  Creek  Society  proposed,  after  dispensing  with  judges  and 
justices  of  the  peace  altogether,  to  draw  causes  to  their  own  examination, 
and  exercise  judicial  authority.  Benjamin  Parkinson  was  the  president 
of  this  disorganizing  association.  An  incidental  circumstance  indepen 
dently  of  other  causes,  aided  in  giving  a  wrong  direction  to  the  people's 
thoughts.  In  a  contest  for  the  office  of  sheriff,  a  candidate  in  order  to  se 
cure  his  election  and  obtain  the  votes  of  the  ignorant,  was  clamorous 
against  offices  and  salaries,  unconscious  of  the  contradiction  that  on  these 


DISORGANIZING   NOTIONS.  139 

principles  his  office,  if  elected,  would  be  attended  with  no  emolument. 
Like  some  other  politicians,  he  did  not  mean  what  he  said  in  any  practical 
sense,  at  least  where  his  own  interest  came  in  question.  "  I  had  frequent 
ly  heard  it  said,"  says  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "  by  the  people  of  the  country 
since  the  introduction  of  the  excise  law,  that  it  were  better  for  them  to  be 
under  the  British  ;  and  at  this  time  such  language  began  to  be  common. 
But  I  cannot  say  that  I  ever  heard  any  person  of  note  breathe  the  idea. 
It  was  also  said,  that  arms  and  ammunition  could  be  obtained  from  the 
British  !" 

There  is  no  doubt  that  a  vague  notion  prevailed  among  the  ignorant, 
that  if  the  march  to  Braddock's  Field,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  persons 
who  had  become  obnoxious  for  their  peculiar  support  of  the  excise  law,  had 
not  the  effect  of  repealing  that  law,  still  it  had  accomplished  something 
toward  it ;  although  they  could  not  clearly  discern  in  what  way,  unless  by 
the  mere  effect  of  showing  their  strength  in  arms.  It  was  regarded  as  a 
precedent  to  prove  that  an*unpopular  law  could  be  annulled  by  the  people 
assembling  in  force  and  expelling  those  connected  with  its  execution,  or 
compelling  them  to  give  up  their  commissions  and  their  papers. 

In  Fayette  county,  a  disposition  had  been  shown  to  submit  to  the  law. 
At  a  meeting  of  distillers,  shortly  after  the  service  of  the  writs  by  the 
Marshal,  they  agreed  to  employ  counsel  and  make  defense.  But  it  ap 
peared  that  the  writs  were  made  returnable  to  a  term  when  no  court  was 
sitting,  and  were,  in  consequence,  set  aside.  In  the  course  of  this  meet 
ing,  the  invitation  to  attend  the  congress  of  delegates  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry  was  rejected ;  but  afterward  they  thought  it  more  advisable  to 
send  them.  In  Westmoreland  county,  according  to  Findley,  there  was,  at 
first,  the  same  reluctance.  This  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  flame 
would  be  more  fierce  where  it  first  broke  out,  and  would  thence  more  rapidly 
spread,  the  assemblage  at  Braddock's  Field  having  greatly  contributed  to 
produce  that  effect.  Washington  county,  and  part  of  Allegheny,  contained 
the  most  inflammable  portion  of  the  population,  although  the  same  feeling 
prevailed,  more  or  less,  over  the  whole  of  the  western  counties,  and  with 
some  on  the  east  of  the  mountains,  with  much  less  cause  for  discontent. 

The  more  reflecting  and  intelligent,  however,  settled  down  under  the 
conviction  that  the  assemblage  of  delegates  at  Parkinson's  Ferry  was  the 
last  hope,  the  best  remedy  against  the  progress  of  anarchy,  and  against 
the  necessity  of  calling  out  the  military  power  of  the  general  government. 
Accordingly,  the  elections  for  these  delegates  was  general,  although,  as 
might  be  expected,  not  as  regular,  or  conducted  with  as  much  care  in  the 
choice  of  persons,  as  could  be  desired. 


140 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    VI. 


The  Mingo  Creek  Society. 
"This  society  was  instituted  in  Febru 
ary,  1794.  It  was  to  consist  of  Hamil 
ton's  battalion,  and  to  be  governed  by  a 
president  and  council.  The  council  to 
consist  of  members  chosen  every  six 
months  by  the  people  of  the  several 
captains'  districts ;  the  electors  of  every 
such  district  to  be  from  eighteen  years 
ar  d  upward ;  a  councilman  to  be  of 
the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  not 
when  elected  to  be  an  inhabitant  of  that 
district  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 
The  members  of  council  not  to  exceed 
one  for  every  district ;  in  the  case  of  a 
vacancy,  notice  to  issue  of  an  election 
to  fill  such  vacancy.  The  society  to  have 
a  treasurer,  secretary  and  other  officers, 
and  to  choose  deputies  to  confer  oc 
casionally  with  deputies  from  other  so 
cieties  of  the  like  nature  that  might  be 
formed;  a  majority  of  the  society  to 
constitute  a  quorum ;  but  a  minority  to 
have  the  power  to  adjourn,  and  to  com 
pel  the  attendance  of  the  absent  mem 
bers  ;  two-thirds  to  have  the  power  of 
expelling.  The  society  to  meet  the  first 
day  of  every  month;  to  keep  a  journal 
of  its  proceedings ;  the  secretary  and 
deputies  to  be  rewarded  at  the  discretion 
of  the  society;  the  president,  council 
and  deputies,  for  any  speech  or  debate 
in  the  society,  not  to  be  questioned  in 
any  other  place.  No  person  holding  an 
office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  State 
or  United  States,  to  be  president,  &c. 
The  societies  to  have  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  minutes  of  Congress,  acts 
of  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  necessary 
books,  &c.;  to  have  power  to  recommend 
capable  persons  to  the  several  legislative 
bodies;  to  hear  and  determine  all  mat 
ters  in  variance  and  disputes  between 


party  and  party ;  encourage  teachers  of 
schools ;  introduce  the  Bible  and  other 
religious  books  into  schools ;  to  encourage 
the  industrious,  and  the  man  of  merit. 
No  money  to  be  drawn  from  the  society 
but  in  consequence  of  appropriations 
made  by  law ;  no  district  citizen  to  sue, 
or  caused  to  be  before  a  single  justice  of 
the  peace  or  any  court  of  justice,  a  citi 
zen  of  the  district,  before  applying  to 
the  society  for  redress,  unltss  the  busi 
ness  will  not  admit  of  delay ;  the  presi 
dent  not  to  be  under  twenty-five  years  of 
age,  and  to  be  elected  by  ballot;  in  case 
of  vacancy  or  the  president,  a  temporary 
one  to  be  appointed  by  the  council.  The 
president  and  councilmen  to  be  remov 
able  from  office  on  impeachment,  and 
conviction  of  bribery  and  high  crimes 
and  misdemeanors.  Nothing  in  this  con 
stitution  to  be  so  construed  as  to  pre 
judice  any  claims  of  the  State  or  of  the 
United  States.  The  constitution  to  be 
amendable  by  a  convention  for  the  pur 
pose." — Incidents,  p.  148-9. 

"The  place  of  convening  was  usually 
the  meeting-house;  they  did  not  as  a 
society  project  the  first  outrages,  but 
these  naturally  sprung  from  that  licen 
tiousness  of  idea  with  regard  to  law  and 
liberty,  which  the  articles  of  their  in 
stitutions  held  out,  or  were  calculated 
to  produce.  The  society  was  to  have  a 
cognizance  of  suits  between  the  members, 
and  they  actually  went  on  to  determine 
in  all  cases." — Incidents. 

Affidavit  of  John  M' Donald,  Secretary  of 

Mingo  Creek  Society. 

"At  the  time  of  Marshal  Lenox  being 

in  Pittsburgh,  about  the  13th  or  14th  of 

July  last,  being  a  few  days  before  the 

attack  on  General  Neville's  house,  I  was 


AFFIDAVITS. 


141 


in  the  office  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  on 
some  business  with  him;  was  asked  by 
him  about  the  constitution  of  the  Mingo 
Creek  Society,  and  laughing  at  some 
parts  of  it,  he  asked  what  could  put  it 
into  the  people's  heads  to  form  such  a  j 
one.  I  said  the  people  had  been  all  ] 
running  wild,  and  talked  of  taking  Ne 
ville  prisoner  and  burning  Pittsburgh; 
and  this  forming  the  society  was  thought  \ 
of  by  moderate  persons,  to  turn  off  to 
remonstrating  and  petitioning,  and  giving 
them  something  to  do  that  way  to  keep 
them  quiet.  Mr.  Brackenridge  asked, 
what  could  put  it  in  their  heads  to  think 
of  burning  Pittsburgh?  I  said,  I  did 
not  know ;  but  they  talked  of  it.  I  am 
of  opinion  that  at  the  time  of  their 
march  to  Pittsburgh,  there  was  great 
danger.  I  was  at  the  Mingo  Creek  meet 
ing-house  at  the  time  of  the  meeting 
there  after  the  burning  of  Gen.  Neville's 
house;  and  numbers  of  people  were  dis 
satisfied  at  Mr.  Brackenridge's  speech  ] 
there,  as  it  appeared  he  was  unwilling  to 
engage  to  support  what  was  done,  and 
was  supposed  to  be  on  the  side  of  gov 
ernment."  Sworn  and  subscribed  before 
William  Meetkirk,  &c. — See  Incidents. 

Extract  from  the  Affidavit  of  James  Clow. 
"At  a  meeting  of  the  committee  [of 
twenty-one,  of  which  Mr.  Clow  was  a 
member,]  some  time  after  the  day  of 
Braddock's  Field,  it  was  explained  to  the 
committee  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  that  the 
two  gentlemen,  Gen.  Gibson  and  Col. 
Neville,  who  were  to  leave  the  town  by 
order  of  the  committee  of  battalions  of 
Braddock's  Field,  and  which  the  com 
mittee  of  Braddock's  Field  had  under 
taken  to  see  carried  into  effect  (as  this 
deponent  understood),  wished  the  com 
mittee  to  appoint  persons  to  go  with 
them  on  their  way,  as  a  guard,  until 
they  should  be  at  such  a  distance  as  to 
think  themselves  safe,  and  also  to  furnish 


them  with  passports.  At  the  opening  of 
the  meeting  of  the  committee,  John  Wil- 
kins,  Esq.  was  first  in  the  chair,  but 
leaving  it  to  attend  to  some  business, 
this  deponent  was  appointed  to  tha 
chair,  but  had  some  hesitation,  as  not 
knowing  but  it  might  bring  him  into 
trouble.  On  which  Mr.  Brackenridge 
said,  that  it  was  at  the  request  of  the 
gentlemen  themselves,  that  the  com 
mittee  met  to  give  a  guard  and  pass 
ports,  and  that  it  was  for  their  service 
and  not  their  injury,  so  there  need  be  no 
apprehension  of  giving  offense ;  and  that 
if  t,his  deponent  did  not  take  the  chair, 
and  sign  the  passports,  he  himself  was 
willing  (if  chosen)  to  do  so. 

"On  this  the  deponent  took  the  chair, 
and  it  was  agreed  that  persons  should 
be  appointed,*  and  that  the  gentlemen 
themselves,  who  were  to  go  away,  should 
choose  who  they  would  wish  to  go  with 
them,  and  that  any  or  all  of  the  com 
mittee  would  go  with  them  to  any  dis 
tance. 

"Double  passports  were  made  out  for 
each;  the  one  of  a  few  lines,  the  other 
of  considerable  length,  dictated  by  Mr. 
Brackenridge  to  the  clerk.  The  having 
double  passports,  was  suggested  by  Mr. 
Brackenridge.  The  question  being  asked 
by  some  person,  what  was  the  use  of  the 
double  passports,  Mr.  Brackenridge,  to 
this  effect,  said  the  one  would  serve  as 
a  mask,  and  show  to  the  people  in  the 
country  that  the  committee  had  done 
what  they  had  undertaken  to  do,  and 
would  serve  as  a  safeguard  to  the  persons 
sent  away,  as  no  one  would  molest  per 
sons  supposed  to  be  under  guard;  and 
the  other  would  explain  to  the  people 
below,  how  it  was  they  were  sent  away, 
and  for  what  cause,  and  that  it  was  by 
the  people  of  Braddock's  Field,  and  not 
by  the  people  of  Pittsburgh;  and  that  it 
was  not  for  anything  that  could  hinder 
them  gaining  a  favorable  reception  where 


142 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


they  went,  it  not  affecting  their  char 
acters. 

"This  deponent,  in  all  the  course  of 
this  business,  did  not  discover  the  small 
est  design  in  all  Mr.  Brackenridge's 
actions  but  for  the  safety  of  those  gentle 
men." 

Sworn,  &c.  February  10th,  1795. 

Affidavit  of  Alexander  M'  Connel. 
"After  the  meeting  atBraddock's  Field, 
the  country  was  in  a  ferment,  and  every 
body  was  afraid  of  another  to  speak  their 
minds.  The  people  seemed  to  think  that 
law  was  at  an  end,  every  one  was  ready 
to  fall  upon  another,  where  there  was  a 
difference;  it  being  supposed  they  could 
not  be  called  to  account  for  it.  Guns  were 
fired  into  a  house  near  me.  I  came  into 
Pittsburgh  and  talked  over  this  with  Mr. 
Brackenridge;  and  as  to  myself,  not 
knowing  what  to  do,  said,  many  of  the 
people  talked,  if  matters  got  worse,  of 
coming  into  town,  if  they  could  be  safe. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  said  the  town  was 
obnoxious  enough  already ;  that  people 
taking  refuge  there  would  make  it 
much  worse,  and  the  country  would 
rise  against  it;  that  it  was  not  our  in 
terests  nor  theirs,  that  any  should  come 
into  town;  that  if  we  could  stand  it  out 
a  little  while,  matters  might  be  got 
settled.  I  asked  Mr.  Brackenridge  if  an 
army  could  be  got  to  come.  He  said  it 
could,  and  he  feared  it  would  be  neces 
sary." 

Statement  of  John  Scull. 

"I  can  certify,  and  am  ready  to  make 
oath  if  required,  that  a  day  or  two  before 
Gen.  Gibson  left  Pittsburgh,  when  he  was 
ordered  to  quit  the  country  by  the  com 
mittee  at  Braddock's  Field,  in  conversa 
tion  with  Mr.  Brackenridge  on  the  sub 
ject,  Mr.  Brackenridge  expressed  concern 
that  Gen.  Gibson  intended  taking  his 
family  with  him,  as  he  considered  that  he 
would  soon  be  enabled  to  return,  and  if 


not,  that  many  more  of  ourselves  would 
be  obliged  to  follow ;  and  it  would  then 
be  time  enough  to  remove  his  family. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  requested  me  to  men 
tion  this  to  Gen.  Gibson  as  his  opinion. 
I  called  on  Gen.  Gibson  that  evening  in 
company  with  Gen.  Wilkins,  but  did  not 
mention  the  conversation  I  had  with  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  but  advised  him  not  to 
take  his  family  for  the  same  reasons.  I 
never  discovered  any  symptoms  of  satis 
faction  in  Mr.  Brackenridge,  on  the  ex 
pulsion  of  any  of  the  persons  in  any 
manner  whatever." 

Extract  from  the  Affidavit  of  Jacob  Ferree. 
"I  was  a  member  of  the  meeting  of 
battalions  at  Braddock's  Field,  and  in 
case  of  expelling  Gibson  and  Neville,  saw 
that  Mr.  Brackenridge  opposed  it  as  long 
as  it  seemed  to  do  any  good.  The  dan 
ger  seemed  to  be  that  the  people  would 
go  into  Pittsburgh  and  take  them  them 
selves  ;  parties  of  riflemen  were  coming 
and  going  and  about  us,  and  lastly  some 
of  them  said,  we  do  not  understand  this 
way  of  mystery ;  the  men  will  wait  no 
longer  ;  do  something  immediately  or  we 
will  go  and  execute  it  ourselves.  I  was  a 
member  of  the  meeting  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry,  and  Mr.  Brackenridge  said  some 
thing  to  humor  the  people  (in  my  opin 
ion),  that  might  seem  to  favor  them,  but 
I  saw  that  it  was  to  manage  the  minds  of 
the  people  to  keep  them  from  mischief ; 
and  I  am  of  opinion,  on  the  whole  of 
what  I  have  heard  and  saw,  that  Mr. 
Brackenridge  being  much  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  at  that  time,  had  it  in  his 
power,  and  did  render  great  service  in 
keeping  them  from  going  to  war  against 
the  government." 

Statement  of  Judge  Addison,  with  respect  to 

the  letter  to  Mr.  Cox. 
"  I  was  in  your  house  on  the  5th  of 
September  last  (1794),  when    you   re- 


WILLIAM  BEAUMONT'S  STATEMENT. 


143 


coived  by  post  an  answer  from  Mr. 
Tench  Cox  to  your  letter  to  him.  You 
showed  me  a  copy  of  your  letter  and  his 
answer.  You  expressed  surprise  that  he 
mistook  the  aim  of  your  letter,  (which 
you  said  you  had  calculated  without  ex 
posing  yourself  to  the  raging  prejudices 
of  the  people  here,  to  convey  to  govern 
ment  an  impression  of  the  magnitude  of 
the  disturbances  and  the  propriety  of 
conciliatory  previous  to  coercive  mea 
sures,)  and  that  he  should  have  thought 
it  necessary  to  convince  you  of  the  ne 
cessity  of  submission  ;  and  you  observed 
that  he  reasoned  with  you  as  if  you  was 
an  insurgent."  , 

Extracts  from  Statement  of    William    II. 
JSeaumont. 

"  That  Mr.  Brackenridge  usually  dic 
tated  his  letters  of  correspondence  to 
deponent ;  [he  was  his  clerk  ;]  that  dur 
ing  the  whole  of  the  insurrection  but  two 
letters  were  dictated  by  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  to  this  deponent  that  had  the  least 
reference  to  any  political  subject ;  nor 
does  this  deponent  know  of  any  written 
or  sent  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  to  any  per 
son  on  any  political  subject  whatever, 
except  these  two  letters  which  were  to 
Tench  Cox,  Philadelphia,  both  dictated 
to  this  deponent,  viz.  one  of  the  8th  of 
August,  1794,  and  the  other  of  the  loth 
of  September  following. 

"  At  the  time  of  the  writing  and  dic 
tating  the  first,  this  deponent  suggested 
to  Mr.  Brackenridge  that  it  was  neces 
sary  to  be  cautious  how  he  expressed 
himself  with  regard  to  the  country,  at 
that  moment,  as  it  was  probable  the  mail 
might  again  be  robbed,  and  he  might  be 
rendered  obnoxious  to  the  people.  His 
answer  was,  near  as  this  deponent  can 
recollect,  in  words  to  this  effect,  that  he  j 
had  taken  care  of  that;  that  he  meant 
to  give  government  a  real  statement  of 
the  ferment  the  country  was  in,  but  at  | 


the  same  time  had  put  in  some  things 
that  would,  save  him  from  the  people, 
should  the  letter  fall  into  their  hands. 
This  deponent  understood  at  the  time, 
that  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  apprehensive 
that  the  government  might  be  misled  by 
wrong  information  respecting  the  mag 
nitude  of  the  danger,  and  the  extent  of 
the  insurrection,  and  it  was  his  wish 
that  the  danger  might  be  viewed  in  the 
light  it  appeared  to  himself,  great  and 
momentous,  not  trifling  and  insignificant; 
that  measures  might  be  taken  accord 
ingly.  That  this  deponent  had  that  im 
pression  at  that  time,  as  he  expressed 
apprehension  that  a  just  statement 
would  not  be  given  by  the  proscribed 
persons  who  were  sent  away.  That  at 
the  time  Mr.  Brackenridge  dictated  the 
second  letter  to  this  deponent,  he  ex 
pressed  some  warmth  and  irritation  of 
mind  that  his  first  letter  should  have 
been  misunderstood  by  the  government, 
as  he  was  informed  it  was ;  that  he  wrote 
this  second  letter  to  explain  it.  This 
deponent  understood  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
that  it  would  be  natural  for'  these  per 
sons  (the  expelled  persons,)  to  wish  a 
force  sent  at  all  events,  and  as  it  might 
alarm  the  government  to  be  under  the 
necessity  of  sending  a  large  force,  they 
would  be  disposed  to  represent  it  as 
repressible  by  a  small  one.  Whereas, 
in  Mr.  Brackenridge's  opinion,  the  policy 
should  be  an  accommodation  in  the  first 
place,  and  if  that  should  fail,  an  efficient 
force." 

Extract  from  the  Statement  of  Judge  Lucas 

with  respect  to  the  letter  to  Mr.  Cox. 

"The    deponent    says,    that    by   the 

answer  of  Mr.  Cox,   in  answer  to  one 

from  Mr.  Brackenridge,  that  gentleman 

did  repeatedly  say,   that  Mr.   Cox  had 

not  understood  him  on  many  things  he 

had   expressed    to   Mr.    Tench   Cox,    to 

secure  himself  in   case  his   letter  had 


144 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


been  intercepted  on  this  side  the  moun 
tains." 

Mr.  Brackenridge  to  Tench  Cox. 
"PITTSBURGH,  Aug.  8th,  1794. 

"  SIR — I  have  received  no  papers  from 
you;  your  letter  by  the  post  is  the  first 
I  have  heard  from  you.  I  take  the  op 
portunity  to  give  you  in  return,  a  sum 
mary  of  the  present  state  of  this  country, 
with  respect  to  the  opposition  that  ex 
ists  to  the  excise  law.  It  has  its  origin 
not  in  any  anti-Federal  spirit,  I  assure 
you.  It  ?£  chiefly  the  principles  and  op 
erations  of  the  law  itself  that  renders  it 
obnoxious.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  facts 
are  these  : 

"  The  opposition  which  for  some  time 
showed  itself  in  resolves  of  committees, 
in  representations  to  government,  in 
masked  attackb  on  insignificant  deputy 
excise  officials — for  only  such  would  ac 
cept  the  appointment — did  at  length,  on 
the  appearance  of  the  Marshal  in  this 
county  to  serve  process,  break  out  into 
an  open  and  direct  attack  on  the  Inspect 
or  of  the  revenue  himself,  General  Nev 
ille.  These  circumstances  you  will  by 
this  time  have  heard  from  the  General 
himself,  and  from  the  Marshal,  Major 
Lenox. 

"  Subsequent  to  their  departure  from 
the  country,  notice  was  given  of  a  meet 
ing  on  the  Monongahela  river,  about 
eighteen  miles  from  the  town  of  Pitts 
burgh.  Six  delegates,  of  whom  I  was 
one,  were  sent  from  this  town.  Nothing 
material  was  done  at  this  meeting,  but 
the  measure  agreed  upon  of  a  more  gen- 
aral  meeting,  on  the  14th  of  August, 
near  the  same  place,  to  take  into  view  the 
present  state  of  affairs  of  the  country. 

"  Subsequent  to  this  the  mail  was  inter 
cepted,  characters  in  Pittsburgh  became 
obnoxious  by  letters  found,  in  which  sen 
timents  construed  to  evince  a  bias  in 
favor  of  the  excise  law  were  discovered- 

"In  consequence  of  this,  it  was  thought 


necessary  to  demand  of  the  town  that 
those  persons  should  be  delivered  up,  or 
expelled,  or  any  other  obnoxious  charac 
ter  that  might  reside  there ;  also,  that 
the  excise  office,  still  kept  in  Pittsburgh, 
or  said  to  be  kept  there,  should  be  pulled 
down ;  the  house  of  Abraham  Kirkpat- 
rick  burned  or  pulled  down ;  other  hous 
es  also,  that  were  the  property  of  persons 
unfavorable  to  the  cause.  For  this  pur 
pose,  circular  letters  were  sent  to  the 
battalions  of  the  counties,  detachments 
from  which  met  on  Braddock's  Field,  to 
the  amount  of  at  least  five  thousand  men, 
on  the  second  of  the  month.  It  was 
dreaded  on  the  part  of  the  town,  that 
from  the  rage  of  the  people  involving  the 
town  in  the  general  odium  of  abetting 
the  excise  law,  it  would  be  laid  in  ashes. 
And  I  aver  that  it  would  have  been  the 
case,  had  it  not  been  for  the  prompt  and 
decisive  resolutions  of  the  town,  to  march 
out  and  meet  them  as  brethren,  and  com 
ply  with  all  demands.  This  had  the  ef 
fect,  and  the  battalions  marched  into 
town  on  the  3d,  and  during  their  delay 
there,  and  cantonment  in  the  neighbor 
hood,  with  a  trifling  exception  of  a  slight 
damage  done  to  the  property  of  Abra 
ham  Kirkpatrick,  in  the  possession  of 
his  tenant,  which  was  afterward  com 
pensated,*  behaved  with  all  the  regular 
ity  and  order  of  the  French  or  American 
armies  in  their  march  through  a  town 
during  the  revolution  with  Great  Britain. 
' '  The  town  of  Pittsburgh  will  send  del 
egates  to  the  meeting  of  the  14th  instant. 
What  the  result  will  be,  I  know  not.  I 
flatter  myself  nothing  more  than  to  send 
commissioners  to  the  President  with  an 
address  proposing  that  he  shall  delay 

*  Iu  this  I  was  mistaken;  it  h:ul  been  proposed 
to  compensate,  but  had  not  been  done.  I  h;iv>- 
culled  it  a  slight  damage,  as  I  presume  the  value 
of  the  house  and  grain  destroyed  could  not  hav» 
been  more  than  one  hundred  dollars;  perhaps  not 
so  much.  [An  Act  of  Congress  passed  subso- 

(jUflltlj.J 


MR.  BRACKENRIDGE   TO   TENCII   COX. 


145 


any  attempt  to  suppress  this  insurrec 
tion,  as  it  will  be  styled,  until  the  meet 
ing  of  Congress.  This  will  be  the  ob 
ject,  simply  and  alone,  with  all  that  la 
bor  to  avert  a  civil  war.  On  the  part  of 
the  government,  I  would  earnestly  pray 
a  delay,  until  such  address  and  commis 
sioners  may  come  forward.  This  is  my 
object  in  writing  to  you  this  letter,  which 
I  desire  you  to  communicate  either  by 
the  Gazette,  or  otherwise. 

"It  will  be  said,  this  insurrection  can 
be  easily  suppressed — it  is  but  that  of  a 
part  of  four  counties.  Be  assured  it  is 
that  of  the  greater  part — and  I  am  induc 
ed  to  believe,  the  three  Virginia  counties 
this  side  the  mountain  will  fall  in,  The 
first  measure,  then,  will  be  the  re-organ 
ization  of  a  new  government,  compre 
hending  the  three  Virginia  counties, 
and  those  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  west 
ward,  to  what  extent  I  know  not.  This 
event,  which  I  contemplate  with  great 
pain,  will  be  the  result  of  the  necessity 
of  self-defense.  For  this  reason,  I  ear 
nestly  and  anxiously  wish  that  delay  on 
the  part  of  the  government  may  give 
time  to  bring  about,  if  practicable,  good 
order  and  subordination.  By  the  time 
the  Congress  meets,  there  may  be  a  fa 
vorable  issue  to  the  negotiation  with 
regard  to  the  navigation  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  the  western  posts,  £c.  A  suspen 
sion  of  the  excise  law  during  the  Indian 
war,  a  measure  I  proposed  in  a  publica 
tion  three  years  ago,  in  Philadelphia, 
may  perhaps  suffice.  Being  then  on  an 
equal  footing  with  other  parts  of  the 
Union,  if  they  submitted  to  the  law,  this 
country  might  also  submit. 

"  I  anticipate  all  that  can  be  said  with 
regard  to  example,  &c.  I  may  be  mista 
ken,  but  I  am  decisive  in  opinion  that 
the  United  States  cannot  effect  the  oper 
ation  of  the  law  in  this  country.  It  is 
universally  odious  in  the  neighboring 
parts  of  all  the  neighboring  States,  and 


(• 


the  militia  under  the  law  in  the  hands 
of  the  President  cannot  be  called  out  to 
reduce  an  opposition.  The  midland 
counties,  I  am  persuaded,  will  not  even 
suffer  the  militia  of  more  distant  parts 
of  the  Union  to  pass  through  them. 

"  But  the  excise  law  is  a  branch  of  the 
funding  system,  detested  and  abhorred 
by  all  the  philosophic  men,  and  the  yeo 
manry  of  America,  those  that  hold  cer 
tificates  excepted.  There  is  a  growling, 
lurking  discontent  at  this  system,  that 
is  ready  to  burst  out  and  discover  itself 
every  where.  I  candidly  and  decidedly 
tell  you,  the  chariot  of  government  has 
been  driven  Jehu-like,  as  to  the  finances; 
like  that  of  Phreton,  it  has  descended 
from  the  middle  path,  and  is  like  to  burn 
up  the  American  earth. 

"  Should  an  attempt  be  made  to  sup 
press  these  people,  I  am  afraid  the  ques 
tion  will  not  be  whether  you  will  march 
to  Pittsburgh,  but  whether  they  will 
march  to  Philadelphia,  accumulating  in 
their  course,  and  swelling  over  the  banks 
of  the  Susquehanua  like  a  torrent — irre 
sistible,  and  devouring  in  its  progress. 
There  can  be  no  equality  of  contest  be 
tween  the  rage  of  a  forest  and  the  abun 
dance,  indolence,  and  opulence  of  a  city. 
If  the  President  has  evinced  a  prudent 
and  approved  delay  in  the  case  of  the 
British  spoliation,  in  the  case  of  the  In 
dian  tribes,  much  more  humane  and 
politic  will  it  be  to  consult  the  internal 
peace  of  the  government,  by  avoiding 
force  until  every  means  of  accommoda 
tion  are  found  unavailing.  I  deplore 
my  personal  situation ;  I  deplore  the  sit 
uation  of  this  country,  should  a  civij 
war  ensue. 

"An  application  to  the  British  is  spo 
ken  of,  which  may  God  avert.  But  what 
will  not  despair  produce? 

Your  most  obedient  servant,  &c. 

HUGH  H.  BRACKENRIDQB. 

TENCH  Cox,  Esq." 


146 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


Mr.  Brackenridge  to  Tench  Cox.* 
"PITTSBURGH,  Sept.  15th,  1794. 

«SiR — Suppressing  your  name,  I  have 
just  given  your  letter  to  the  printer  of 
the  Gazette  of  this  place,  conceiving  that 
it  will  be  of  service  in  composing  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  this  country. 

"It  is  an  elegant  and  sensible  essay; 
but  would  be  entirely  lost  upon  me,  as 
inculcating  sentiments  with  which  I  have 
no  need  to  be  more  impressed  than  I  am. 

"In  some  expressions  I  had  used  in 
my  letter,  you  have  understood  me  as 
speaking  of  the  excise  law.  Review  it, 
and  you  will  find  it  was  of  the  funding 
system  in  general.  Of  that  system  I 
have  been  an  adversary  from  the  com 
mencement,  in  all  its  principles  and 
effects.  At  the  same  time,  I  have  never 
charged  the  Secretary,  who  was  said  to 
be  the  author  of  it,  with  anything  more 
than  an  error  in  judgment. 

"A  scale  ought  to  have  been  applied 
to  certificates  in  the  market,  and  re 
deemed  at  that  rate.  The  case  of  the 
Continental  money  was  an  example.  I 
would  refer  you  to  a  famous  letter  of 
John  Adams  to  the  Count  De  Vergennes, 
containing  reasonings  in  the  case  of  the 
Continental  money,  that  would  equally 
have  applied  in  the  case  of  certificates. 
But  at  all  events,  the  assumption  of  the 
State  debts  was  unnecessary  and  im 
politic. 

"Were  it  possible  that  we  could  be 
freed  from  this  system  by  a  revolution 
without  greater  mischief,  it  is  possible  I 
might  be  brought  to  think  of  it.  But 
that  is  impossible.  The  remedy  would 
be  worse  than  the  malady;  honest  cred 
itors  would  suffer,  and  we  should  lose 
the  advantages  of  a  general  union  of  the 
States.  These  advantages  are  immense, 
and  far  outweigh  all  other  considerations. 

"Though  in  a  country  of  insurgency, 

^From  the  original,  furnished  by  Mr.  Brintou 
Cox.. 


you  see  I  write  freely ;  because  I  am 
not  the  most  distantly  involved  in  the 
insurrection;  but  deserve  the  credit  of 
contributing  to  disorganize  and  reduce  it. 

"  From  paragraphs  in  the  papers  I  find 
it  is  otherwise  understood  with  you;  but 
time  will  explain  all  things. 

"The  arrival  of  commissioners  from 
the  government  was  announced  to  the 
delegates  of  the  14th  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry,  when  actually  convened,  and 
superseded  what  was  contemplated,  the 
!  sending  commissioners  from  hence. 

"You  will  have  heard  the  result. 

"By  the  measures  taken,  the  spirit  of 
the  insurrection  was  broken.  The  gov 
ernment  has  now  nothing  to  fear.  The 
militia  may  advance,  but  will  meet  with 
nothing  considerable  to  oppose  them. 
But  had  it  not  been  for  the  pacific  mea 
sure  on  the  part  of  the  President,  and 
the  internal  arrangements  made  by  the 
friends  of  order  here,  which  I  cannot  in 
a  few  words  develope,  affairs  would  have 
worn  a  different  aspect,  and  the  standard 
of  the  insurrection  would  have  been  by 
this  time  in  the  neighborhood  of  Carlisle. 
But  I  hope  that  this  will  always  remain 
matter  of  opinion,  and  have  no  experi 
ment  in  the  like  case  to  ascertain  the 
event. 

"My  writing  to  you  at  first  was  owing 
to  my  having  received  a  letter  from  you 
on  an  indifferent  subject,  and  it  struck 
me  that  through  you  government  might 
receive  information  that  might  be  useful, 
and  if  published,  which  was  left  to  your 
discretion,  it  might  operate  as  an  apology 
for  the  government  with  the  people,  in 
adopting  pacific  measures,  representing 
in  strong  terms  the  magnitude  and  ex 
tent  of  the  danger;  for  it  was  not  the 
force  of  this  country  that  I  had  in  view, 
but  the  communicability  to  other  parts 
of  the  Union,  the  like  inflammable  causes 
of  discontent  existing  elsewhere.  I  am 
told  my  letter  has  been  considered  as 


SECRETARY   OF   STATE   TO   THE   PRESIDENT. 


147 


intending  to  intimidate  the  government, 
and  gain  time  until  the  insurrection 
should  gain  strength. 

"It  might  have  been  with  that  view; 
but  that  it  was  not  so,  will  be  proved  by 
my  conduct  and  sentiments  here.  No ; 
from  the  tenor  of  my  life,  I  expect  and 
demand  to  be  considered  as  the  advocate 
of  liberty,  a  greater  injury  to  which 
could  not  be,  than  by  the  most  distant 


was  cut  down,  and  none  came  forward  to 
erect  another,  or  revenge  the  affront. 
H.  H.  B." 

Secretary  of  State  to  the  President. 
"PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  5th,  1794. 
"SiR — The  late  events  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Pittsburgh  appeared,  on  the 
first  intelligence  of  them,  to  be  extensive 
in  their  relations.     But  subsequent  re- 


means  endangering  the  existence  or  in-  i  flection   and    the    conference    with    the 


fringing  the  structure  of  the  noblest 
monument  which  it  ever  had,  or  ever  will 
have  in  the  world — the  United  States  of 
America. 

"You  will  do  me  the  justice  to  com 
municate  this  letter  to  the  same  extent 
with  the  first. 

"I  have  further  to  observe  that  I  am 
in  the  meantime  not  without  apprehen 
sion  f.or  the  town  of  Pittsburgh.  The 
moment  of  danger  will  be  on  the  advance 
of  the  militia;  if  the  insurgents  should 
embody  to  meet  them,  they  will,  in  the 
first  instance,  probably  turn  round  and 


Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  have  multi 
plied  them  in  my  mind  ten-fold.  Indeed, 
sir,  the  moment  is  big  with  a  crisis  which 
would  convulse  the  oldest  government, 
and  if  it  should  burst  on  ours,  its  extent 
and  dominion  can  be  but  faintly  con 
jectured. 

"At  our  first  consultation,  in  your 
presence,  the  indignation  which  we  all 
felt,  at  the  outrages  committed,  created 
a  desire  that  the  information  received 
should  be  laid  before  an  associate  justice, 
or  the  district  judge ;  to  be  considered 
under  the  act  of  May  2d,  1792.  This 


give  a  stroke  here  for  the  purpose  of  j  step  was  urged  by  the  necessity  of  under- 
obtaining  arms  and  ammunition;  and,  if !  standing  without  delay  all  the  means 
resisted,  and  perhaps  whether  or  not,  |  vested  in  the  President  for  suppressing 


will  plunder  the  stores,  and  set  on  fire 
all  or  some  of  the  buildings. 
Yours,  with  respect, 

H.  H.  BRACKENRIDQE. 


the  progress  of  the  mischief.  A  caution 
was  prescribed  to  the  Attorney  General, 
who  submitted  the  documents  to  the 
judge,  not  to  express  the  most  distant 
wish  of  the  President  that  the  certificate 
should  be  granted. 

"The  certificate  has  been  granted,  and 


"P.    S.     Since    writing    the    within, 
which  was  two  or  three  days  ago,  appre 
hension  of  danger,  with  ourselves,  or  op-  j  although   the  testimony  is   not,   in  my 
position  of  force,  considerably  vanishes  j  judgment,  yet  in  sufficient  legal  form  to 

become  the  ground  work  of  such  an  act, 
and  a  judge  ought  not,  a  priori,  to  decide 
that  the  Marshal  is  incompetent  to  sup 
press  the  combinations  by  the  posse  corn- 
In  due  time  they  will  !  itatus;  yet  the  certificate,  if  it  be  minute 
I  enough,    is    conclusive,    that,    'in    the 


or  diminishes. 

"I  have  received  your  publications. 
They  are  ingenious  and  useful.  At 
present,  our  papers  ar«  filled  with  our 
political  affairs, 
be  inserted. 


"As  an  instance  of  order  gaining  |  counties  of  Washington  and  Allegheny, 
ground,  I  am  just  informed  from  the  j  in  Pennsylvania,  laws  of  the  United 
town  of  Washington  that  the  liberty  tree  |  States  are  opposed,  and  the  execution 


148 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


thereof  obstructed  by  combinations  too 
powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordi 
nary  course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or 
by  the  powers  vested  in  the  Marshal  of 
that  district.' 

"But  the  certificate  specifies  no  par 
ticular  law  which  has  been  opposed. 
This  defect  I  remarked  to  Judge  Wilson, 
from  whom  the  certificate  came,  and  ob 
served,  that  the  design  of  the  law  being 
that  a  judge  should  point  out  to  the 
Executive  where  the  judiciary  stood  in 
need  of  military  aid,  it  was  frustrated  if 
military  force  should  be  applied  to  laws 
which  the  judge  might  not  contemplate. 
He  did  not  yield  to  my  reasoning,  and 
therefore  I  presume  that  the  objection 
will  not  be  received  against  the  validity 
of  the  certificate. 

"  Upon  the  supposition  of  its  being 
valid,  a  power  arises  to  the  President  to 
call  forth  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  eventually  the  militia  of  other  States 
which  may  be  convenient.  But  as  the 
law  does  not  compel  the  President  to  ar 
ray  the  militia  in  consequence  of  the 
certificate,  and  renders  it  lawful  only 
for  him  to  do  so,  the  grand  inquiry  is, 
whether  it  be  expedient  to  exercise  this  power 
at  this  time. 

"On  many  occasions  have  I  contend 
ed  that,  whensoever  military  coercion  is 
to  be  resorted  to  in  support  of  law,  the 
militia  are  the  true,  proper  and  only  in 
struments  which  ought  to  be  employed. 
But  &  calm  survey  of  the  situation  of 
the  United  States  has  presented  these 
dangers  and  these  objections,  and  ban 
ishes  every  idea  of  calling  them  into  imme 
diate  action. 

"  1.  A  radical  and  universal  dissatis 
faction  with  the  excise  pervades  the  four 
transmontane  counties  of  Pennsylvania, 
having  more  than  sixty-three  thousand 
souls  in  the  whole,  and  more  than  fifteen 
thousand  white  males  above  the  age  of 


j  sixteen.     The   counties  on   the   eastern 
'  side  of  the  mountains,  and  some  other 
populous  counties,  are  infected  by  simi 
lar  prejudices,  inferior  in   degree,   and 
dormant,  but  not  extinguished. 

"  2.  Several  counties  in  Virginia,  hav 
ing  a  strong  militia,  participate  in  these 
feelings. 

"3.  The  insurgents,  themselves  numer 
ous,  are  more  closely  united  by  like  dan 
gers  with  friends  and  kindred  scattered 
abroad  in  different  places,  who  will  enter 
into  all  the  apprehensions,  and  combine 
in  all  the  precautions  of  safety  adopted 
by  them. 

"4.  As  soon  as  any  event  of  eclat 
shall  occur,  around  which  persons  dis 
contented  on  other  principles,  whether 
of  aversion  to  the  government  or  dis 
gust  with  any  measures  of  the  adminis 
tration,  may  rally,  they  ivill  make  a  com 
mon  cause. 

"5.  The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  has 
declared  his  opinion  to  be,  that  the  mili 
tia  which  can  be  drawn  forth  will  be  un 
equal  to  the  task. 

"6.  If  the  militia  of  other  States  are 
called  forth,  it  is  not  a  decided  thing  that 
many  of  them  may  not  refuse.  And  if 
they  comply,  is  nothing  to  be  appre 
hended  from  a  strong  cement  growing 
between  all  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania, 
when  they  perceive  that  another  militia 
is  to  be  introduced  into  the  bosom  of 
their  country  ?  The  experiment  is  at  least 
untried. 

"  7.  The  expense  of  a  military  expedition 
will  be  very  great ;  and  with  a  devouring 
Indian  war,  the  commencement  of  a  na 
vy,  the  sum  to  be  expended  for  obtaining 
a  peace  with  Algiers,  the  destruction  of 
our  mercantile  capital  by  British  depre 
dations,  the  uncertainty  of  war  or  peace 
with  Great  Britain,  the  impatience  of  the 
people  under  increased  taxes,  the  punctual 
support  of  our  credit ;  it  behooves  those 


SECRETARY    OF    STATE   TO    THE    PRESIDENT. 


149 


who  manage  our  fiscal  matters  to  be  sure 
of  their  pecuniary  resources,  when  so 
great  a  field  of  new  and  unexpected  ex 
pense  is  to  be  opened. 

"8.  Is    there    any   appropriation    of 
money  which  can  be  immediately  devo-  I  there  is  but  one  character  which  keeps 
ted  to  this  use.     If  not,  how  can  money    both  in  awe.    As  soon  as  the  sword  shall 


sleep  with  such  an  opportunity  of  advan 
tage. 

"  11.  It  is  a  fact  well  known,  that  the 
parties  in  the  United  States  are  highly 
inflamed  against  each  other ;  and  that 


be  drawn?  It  is  said  that  appropriations 
are  to  the  war  department  generally,  but 
it  may  deserve  inquiry  whether  they 
were  not  made  upon  particular  state 
ments  of  a  kind  of  service  essentially  dis 
tinct  from  the  one  proposed. 

"9.  If  the  intelligence  of  the  overtures 
of  the  British  to  the  western  counties  be  true, 
and  the  inhabitants  should  be  driven  to 
accept  their  aid,  the  supplies  of  the  west 
ern  army,  the  western  army  itself,  may 
be  destroyed;  the  reunion  of  that  coun 
try  to  the  United  States  will  be  imprac 
ticable;  and  we  must  be  engaged  in  a 
British  war.  If  the  intelligence  be  proba 
ble  only,  how  difficult  will  it  be  to  recon 
cile  the  world  to  believe  that  we  have 
been  consistent  in  our  conduct ;  when 
after  running  the  hazard  of  mortally 
offending  the  French,  by  the  punctilious 
observance  of  neutrality ;  after  depre 
cating  the  wrath  of  the  English,  by 
every  possible  act  of  government ;  after 
the  request  of  the  suspension  of  the 
settlement  of  Presq'  Isle,  which  has 
in  some  measure  been  founded  on  the 
possibility  of  Great  Britain  being  rous 
ed  to  arms  by  it ;  we  pursue  measures 
which  threaten  collision  with  Great  Brit 
ain  and  which  are  mixed  with  the  blood 
of  our  fellow  citizens! 

"  10.  If  miscarriage  should  befall  the 
United  States  in  the  beginning,  what 
may  not  be  the  consequence  ?  And  if  this 
should  not  happen,  is  it  possible  to  see 
what  may  be  the  effect  of  ten,  twenty, 
or  thirty  thousand  of  our  fellow  citizens 
being  drawn  into  the  field  against  as  many 
more  ?  There  is  another  enemy  in  the 
heart  of  the  Southern  States,  who  would  not 


be  drawn,  who  shall  be  able  to  restrain 
them? 

"On  this  subject  the  souls  of  some 
good  men  bleed.  They  have  often  asked 
themselves,  why  they  are  always  so  jeal 
ous  of  military  power,  whenever  it  has 
been  proposed  to  be  exercised  under  the 
form  of  a  succor  to  the  civil  authority  ? 
How  has  it  happened  that  with  a  temper 
not  addicted  to  suspicion,  nor  unfriendly 
to  those  who  propose  military  force,  they 
do  not  court  the  shining  reputation 
which  is  acquired  by  being  always  ready 
for  strong  measures  ?  This  is  the  rea 
son:  that  they  are  confident  that  they 
know  the  ultimate  sense  of  the  people  ; 
that  the  will  of  the  people  must  force 
its  way  in  the  government ;  that  not 
withstanding  the  indignation  which  may 
be  raised  against  the  insurgents,  yet  if 
measures  unnecessarily  harsh,  dispro- 
portionably  harsh,  and  without  a  previ 
ous  trial  of  every  thing  which  law  or  the 
spirit  of  conciliation  can  do,  be  executed, 
that  indignation  will  give  way,  and  the 
people  will  be  estranged  from  the  ad 
ministration  which  made  the  experiment. 
There  is  a  second  reason :  one  motive 
assigned  in  argument  for  calling  forth 
the  militia,  has  been,  that  a  government 
can  never  be  said  to  be  established  until 
some  signal  display  has  manifested  its 
power  of  military  coercion.*  This  maxim, 
if  indulged,  would  heap  curses  upon  the 
government.  The  strength  of  the  gov 
ernment  is  the  affection  of  the  people ; 
and  while  that  is  maintained,  every  in 
vader,  every  insurgent,  will  as  certainly 
count  on  the  fear  of  its  strength,  as  if 
*  Hamilton ! 


11 


150 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


it  had  with  one  army  of  citizens  mown 
down  another. 

"  Let  the  parties  in  the  United  States 
be  ever  kindled  into  action,  sentiments 
like  these  will  produce  a  flame  which  will 
not  terminate  in  a  common  revolution. 
Knowing,  sir,  as  I  do,  the  motives  which 
govern  you  in  office,  I  was  certain  that 
you  would  be  anxious  to  mitigate  as  far 
as  you  thought  it  practicable,  the  mili 
tary  course  which  has  been  recommend 
ed.  You  have  accordingly  suspended 
the  force  of  the  preceding  observations, 
by  determining  not  to  call  forth  the  mi 
litia  immediately  to  action,  and  to  send 
commissioners  who  may  explain  and  ad 
just,  if  possible,  the  present  discontents. 

"The  next  question  then  is,  whether 
the  militia  shall  be  directed  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness,  or  shall  not  be 
summoned  at  all  ? 

"It  has  been  supposed  by  some  gen 
tleman,  that  when  reconciliation  is  of 
fered  with  one  hand,  terror  should  be 
borne  in  the  other,  and  that  a  full  am 
nesty  and  oblivion  shall  not  be  granted 
unless  the  excise  laws  be  complied  with 
in  the  fullest  manner. 

"With  a  language  such  as  this,  the 
overtures  of  peace  will  be  considered  de 
lusive  by  the  insurgents,  and  the  most  of 
the  world.  It  will  be  said  and  believed, 
that  the  design  of  sending  commissioners 
was  only  to  gloss  over  hostility,  to  en 
deavor  to  divide,  to  sound  the  strength 
of  the  insurgents,  to  discover  the  most 
culpable  persons  to  be  marked  out  for 
punishment,  to  temporize  until  Congress 
can  be  prevailed  upon  to  order  further 
force,  or  the  western  army  may  be  at 
leisure  from  the  savages,  to  be  turned 
upon  the  insurgents,  and  many  other 
suspicions  will  be  entertained  which  can-  j 
not  be  here  enumerated.  When  Congress 
talked  of  some  high-handed  steps  against 
Great  Britain,  they  were  disapproved 
as  counteracting  Mr.  Jay's  mission — be 


cause  it  could  not  be  expected  she  would 
be  dragooned.  Human  nature  will,  to 
a  certain  point,  show  itself  to  be  the 
same,  even  among  the  Allegheny  moun 
tains.  The  mission  will,  I  fear,  fail; 
though  it  would  be  to  me  the  most  grate 
ful  occurrence  in  life  to  find  my  predic 
tion  falsified.  If  it  does  fail,  and  in 
consequence  of  the  disappointment  the 
militia  should  be  required  to  act,  then 
will  return  that  fatal  train  of  events, 
which  I  have  stated  above  to  be  sus 
pended  for  the  present. 

"What  would  be  the  inconvenience  of 
delay  ?  The  result  of  the  mission  would 
be  known  in  four  weeks,  and  the  Presi 
dent  would  be  master  of  his  measures 
without  any  previous  commitment.  Four 
weeks  could  not  render  the  insurgents 
more  formidable ;  that  space  of  time 
might  render  them  less  so,  by  affording 
room  for  reflection ;  and  the  government 
will  have  a  sufficient  season  remaining 
to  act  on.  Until  every  peaceable  attempt 
shall  be  exhausted,  it  is  not  clear  to  me 
that  as  soon  as  the  call  is  made,  and  the 
proclamation  issued,  the  militia  may  not 
enter  into  some  combination  which  will 
satisfy  the  insurgents  that  they  need 
fear  nothing  from  them,  and  spread  those 
combinations  among  the  militia. 

"My  opinion,  therefore,  is,  that  the 
commissioners  will  be  furnished  with 
enough  on  the  score  of  terror,  when  they 
announce  that  the  President  is  in  pos 
session  of  the  certificate  of  the  judge. 
It  will  confirm  the  humanity  of  the  mis 
sion  ;  and,  notwithstanding,  some  men 
might  pay  encomiums  on  decision,  vigor 
of  nerves,  &c.  &c.,  if  the  militia  were 
summoned  to  be  held  in  readiness,  the 
majority  would  conceive  the  merit  of  the 
mission  incomplete  if  this  were  to  be 
done. 

"It  will  not,  however,  be  supposed 
that  I  mean  these  outrages  are  to  pass 
without  animadversion.  No,  sir!  That 


SECRETARY   OF   STATE   TO   THE  PRESIDENT. 


151 


the  authority  of  the  government  is  to  be  j 
maintained,  is  not  less  my  position  than 
that  of  others.  But  I  prefer  the  accom 
plishment  of  this  by  every  experiment 
of  moderation,  in  the  first  instance.  The 
steps,  therefore,  which  I  would  recom 
mend  are : 

"1.  A  serious  proclamation,  stating 
the  mischief,  declaring  the  power  pos 
sessed  by  the  Executive,  announcing 
that  it  is  withheld  from  motives  of 
humanity  and  a  wish  for  conciliation. 

"2.  Commissioners  properly  instruct 
ed  to  the  same  objects. 

"3.  If  they  fail  in  their  mission,  let 
the  offenders  be  prosecuted  according  to 
law. 

"4.  If  the  judiciary  authority  is,  after 
this,  withstood,  let  the  militia  be  called 
out. 


"These  appear  to  me  to  be  the  only 
means  for  producing  unanimity  in  the 
people ;  and  without  their  unanimity, 
the  government  may  be  mortified  and 
defeated. 

"If  the  President  shall  determine  to 
operate  with  the  militia,  it  will  be  neces 
sary  to  submit  some  animadversions  upon 
the  interpretation  of  the  law.  For  it 
ought  closely  to  be  considered,  whether 
if  the  combinations  should  disperse,  the 
execution  of  processes  is  not  to  be  left 
to  the  Marshal  and  his  posse.  But  these 
will  be  deferred  until  orders  shall  be 
discussed  for  the  militia  to  march. 

I  have  the  honor,  sir,  to  be, 
With  the  highest  respect, 
And  sincerest  attachment, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

EDMUND  RANDOLPH.'' 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MEETING  OF  THE  DELEGATES  AT  PARKINSON'S  FERRY — THE  RESOLUTIONS  ADOPTED 
THERE APPOINTMENT  OF  A  COMMITTEE  OF  CONFERENCE. 

ON  the  day  appointed,  the  delegates  elected  from  each  township  con 
vened  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  on  the  Monongahela,  afterward  Williamsport, 
now  Monongahela  City.  The  place  was  an  open  field  on  the  banks  of  the 
river,  with  fallen  timber  and  stumps,  with  a  few  shade  trees,  instead  of 
buildings,  for  the  accommodation  of  this  important  assembly,  whose  delib 
erations  might  be  attended  with  the  most  serious  consequences  for  good 
or  evil.  The  number  of  members  was  two  hundred  and  twenty-six ;  from 
Allegheny  forty-three,  from  Washington  ninety-three,  from  Bedford  two, 
from  Fayette  thirty-three,  from  Westmoreland  forty-nine,  from  Ohio  in 
Virginia  six.  There  was  a  still  greater  number  of  spectators,  or  out 
siders. 

Tho  point  of  assemblage  might  have  been  better  chosen,  as  it  was  too  near 
•the  scene  of  the  recent  disturbances,  and  too  convenient  for  the  attend 
ance  of  those  who  had  been  actually  engaged  in  them.  It  cannot  be  sup 
posed  that  the  utmost  fairness  had  prevailed  at  the  elections.  There  was 
too  large  a  proportion  from  the  infected  district,  (if  the  expression  may  be 
used,)  and  sufficient  pains  had  not  been  taken,  every  where,  to  send  to 
the  meeting  only  the  well  disposed,  and  the  men  of  most  weight  and  in 
fluence.  Still  it  was  superior  to  the  promiscuous  mob  it  was  intended  to 
supersede.  It  was  impossible  to  ascertain,  at  a  glance,  what  proportion 
was  in  favor  of  peaceful  measures,  or  disposed  to  apply  for  an  amnesty,  or 
oblivion  of  the  past,  according  to  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  at 
the  Mingo  meeting-house,  and  where  the  idea  of  the  present  meeting, 
composed  of  delegates  from  the  whole  of  the  western  counties,  was 
adopted  at  his  instance.*  But  no  one  entertained  a  doubt,  that  in  spite 
of  this  first  winnowing,  there  would  still  be  a  majority,  in  the  present  state 
of  things,  who  would  vote  for  any  measure  that  might  be  proposed  by 
Marshall  or  Bradford,  the  acknowledged  leaders  in  opposition  to  the  ex 
cise  law. 

*  See  the  account  of  the  meeting  at  the  Mingo  meeting-house,  chap.  III. 


CONGRESS   OF   PARKINSON'S   FERRY.  153 

The  proceedings  of  the  assembly  were  happily  controlled  by  Messrs. 
Brackenridge,  Gallatin,  Edgar  and  others,  who  succeeded  in  retarding,  if 
not  defeating  for  the  present,  the  extreme  and  violent  measures  contem 
plated  by  the  enemies  of  peace  and  order.  Messrs.  Brackenridge  and 
Gallatin  were  chiefly  looked  to  by  the  friends  of  order;  the  former  at  the 
head  of  the  western  bar,  and  occupying  the  highest  rank  in  point  of  tal 
ents;  the  latter  already  distinguished,  but  with  a  reputation  far  short  of 
what  he  afterward  attained,  when  elected  to  Congress,  and  a  career  and 
opportunities  of  distinction  were  opened  to  him.  .They  attended  with 
the  same  motive,  but  under  different  circumstances,  and  with  different 
views  as  to  the  mode  of  action.  These  two  gentlemen  had  never  before 
met,  and  had  no  interchange  of  sentiments,  until  after  the  business  of  the 
meeting  was  ended.  They  had  taken  opposite  sides  some  years  before,  in 
the  animated  contest  for  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution;  Bracken  - 
ridge  on  the  Federal  side,  and  Gallatin  Findley,  and  Smiley,  on  the  anti- 
Federal.  These  latter  bad  also  been  engaged  in  those  meetings  against 
the  excise  law  which  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  stigmatized  as 
bordering  on  treason,  and  alleged  by  him  to  have  greatly  contributed  to 
bring  about  the  present  disorder.  Gallatin  had  regretted  the  part  he  had 
taken  at  the  meeting  which  had  passed  "  intemperate  resolutions/'  to 
which  so  much  evil  had  been  ascribed,  and  was  desirous  to  make  amends, 
by  exerting  himself  at  this  meeting  on  the  side  of  the  government,  in  the 
most  direct  and  decided  manner.  Indeed,  it  was  asserted  that  he  had  made 
his  peace  with  the  government  on  this  condition;  but  this  surmise  must  be 
rejected  as  not  supported  by  any  tangible  evidence,  and  he  must  be  regard- 
ed  as  entitled  to  the  merit  of-  pure  motives  until  the  contrary  appears. 
Gallatin  was  closely  alKed  with  Findley  and  Smiley  in  party  politics,  local 
as  we]l  as  Federal,  although  not  personally  at  enmity  with  Brackenridge, 
as  was  the  case  with  the  other  two.  He  had  no  intimacy,  or  perhaps  even 
acquaintance  with  Marshall  and  Bradford;  and  not  much  personal  influ 
ence  with  the  delegates,  while  a  friendly  understanding  had  existed  be 
tween  Brackenridge  and  Marshall  and  Bradford,  and  with  many  others  of 
the  assembly.  The  former  regarded  Marshall  as  a  moderate  sensible  man, 
until  he  became  involved  in  the  recent  difficulties.  With  Bradford  he 
had  been  frequently  associated  professionally;  and  they  had  agreed  in  their 
support  of  the  Federal  constitution,  and  until  the  Mingo  creek  meeting 
had  been  on  familiar  terms.  Marshall  and  Bradford  had  come  prepared 
with  resolutions,  to  be  offered'  to  the  meeting,  contemplating^hostile  oppo 
sition  to  the  government.  Having  exhibited  them  to  Gallatin,  he  without 
hesitation  declared  his  objections,  and  made  known  his  determination  to 


154  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

oppose  them.  This  at  once  deprived  him  of  any  influence  he  might  have  had 
with  the  assembly,  and  placed  it  out  of  his  power  to  defeat  any  measure 
by  direct  attack,  no  matter  what  might  be  his  power  of  persuasion,  or  force 
of  reasoning,  the  two  leaders  having  the  control  of  the  majority  of  the 
body.  It  will  be  seen,  hereafter,  how  unavailing  were  the  efforts  of  Galla- 
tin,  with  the  exception  of  some  unimportant  changes  of  words,  or  phrases, 
in  the  resolutions  as  at  first  presented.  His  influence  would  be  still  fur 
ther  impaired,  by  the  circumstance  of  his  having  taken  a  conspicuous  part 
against  the  excise  law,  while  he  was  now  taking  a  stand  on  the  side  of  the 
government,  in  opposition  to  those  with  whom  he  had  formerly  acted. 
Such,  at  least,  would  be  the  light  in  which  his  course  would  be  regarded. 
The  situation  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  entirely  different  from  that  of 
Mr.  Gallatin ;  as  was  also  the  policy  which  he  had  determined  to  pursue. 
He  had  taken  no  part  at  the  public  meetings  against  the  excise  law,  al 
though  understood  to  be,  like  every  other  person  in  the  western  counties, 
opposed  to  it,  and  this  doubtless  exaggerated  by  the  circumstance  of  hav 
ing  occasionally  been  of  counsel  for  persons  under  prosecution  by  the  gov 
ernment.  The  popularity  he  had  lost  at  the  Mingo  meeting,  he  had  par 
tially  regained  at  Braddock's  Field,  and  there  now  existed  a  desire  on  the 
part  of  the  insurgents  to  enlist  him  in  their  cause.  He  had,  therefore, 
ground  to  stand  upon  in  a  course  dictated  by  policy,  and  he  knew  that 
from  the  position  he  occupied,  something  would  be  conceded  to  him,  which 
could  not  be  accomplished  by  direct  attack.  He  determined  to  take  ad 
vantage  of  these  circumstances,  and  pursue  a  course  different  from  that  of 
GaDatin ;  that  is,  to  effect,  if  possible,  by  indirect  means,  what  he  knew 
Gallatin  would  fail  to  accomplish  by  a  different  course.  Affecting  to  act 
with  the  two  leaders,  at  least  to  some  extent,  he  determined  to  avail  him 
self  of  legislative  tactics,  which  like  strategy  in  war,  often  gains  victories 
without  battles.  With  the  generous  design  of  preventing  the  horrors  of 
civil  war,  and  even  of  saving  those  leaders  themselves  from  the  ruinous 
course  they  were  prepared  to  pursue,  dissimulation  was  not  only  justifiable, 
but  became  a  duty.  In  this  course,  the  sequel  will  show  he  was  so  fortu 
nate  as  to  be  successful,  but  in  the  peculiarly  delicate  situation  in  which  he 
was  placed,  not  without  much  difficulty.  The  impartial  reader  will  see  the 
absurdity  of  attempting  to  give  to  Gallatin  the  credit  of  results  which 
his  very  position  prevented  him  from  effecting.  But  for  the  management 
and  address  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  the  leaders  would  have  been  precipita 
ted  into  the  very  measures  from  which  they  were  to  be  diverted.  He 
acted  in  pursuance  of  a  plan  he  had  carefully  settled  in  his  mind ;  the 
first  step  had  already  been  taken — the  withdrawal  of  power  from  the  mob, 


THE   SIFTING   OPERATION.  155 

and  placing  it  in  a  delegation;  the  next  was  at  this  meeting,  by  a  set  of 
resolutions,  to  continue  the  sifting  operation,  through  a  standing  committee ; 
and  from  this,  again,  choosing  a  smaller  committee  of  conference;  every 
remove  from  the  mob  increasing  the  chances  of  having  men  of  good  sense 
to  deal  with.  The  object  at  present,  was  to  prevent  any  decisive  measures. 
Mr.  Gallatin,  on  the  other  hand,  offered  no  resolutions,  had  no  plan,  and 
depended  entirety  on  the  effect  of  direct  opposition  to  that  which  might  be 
offered  by  Bradford  and  Marshall.  In  the  plan  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  we  re 
cognize  the  principle  that  "power  is  ever  stealing  from  the  many  to  the  few;'7 
and  in  the  present  instance  it  was  curiously  exemplified.*  The  sub-com 
mittee  of  three,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Cook,  G-allatin  and  Brackenridge, 
finally  confided  the  business  chiefly  to  the  latter,  and  this  was  scarcely  per 
ceived  or  suspected,  until  the  winding  up  of  the  negotiations.  We  are, 
however,  anticipating  the  proceedings  of  the  assembly,  to  which  we  return. 
"In  the  morning  of  the  meeting  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,"  says  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge,  "  I  saw  James  Marshall,  and  in  order  to  reconcile  him  with  his 
own  feelings,  and  dispose  him  favorably  toward  me,  I  observed  that  the 
calling  out  of  the  people  at  Brad  dock's  Field  was  a  rash  act,  but  it  might 
have  a  good  effect.  It  would  impress  the  government  with  a  fear  of  the 
extent  of  the  opposition  to  the  law.  He  seemed  pleased  with  the  apology 
made,  and  observed,  '  that  Bradford  was  hasty  in  undertaking  things,  and 
had  not  abilities  afterward  to  manage  them.'  I  considered  this  as  an 
apology  to  me  for  the  rashness  of  what  had  been  done.  But  I  found 
that  he  contemplated  the  going  on  to  support  by  force  of  arms,  those  un 
lawful  acts.  He  showed  me  a  set  of  resolutions,  which  he  had  drawn  up  to 
lay  before  the  meeting,  one  of  which  contemplated  force  against  the  gov 
ernment.  He  gafcfe  me  to  understand,  that  Bradford  also  had  made  a  min 
ute  of  some  things  he  meant  to  move.  Bradford  here  joined  us,  and  I 
saw  his  schedule.  It  contained  the  heads  of  particulars  that  would  be  the 
subjects  of  consideration.  A  committee  of  safety,  magazines,  clothing, 
provisions,  &c. 

"  There  were  two  or  three  of  the  resolutions  of  Marshall,  in  substance, 
the  same  with  those  I  had  discussed  in  my  mind,  and  I  approved  of  them. 
I  developed  my  plan  of  sending  commissioners  to  the  Executive,  and 
showed  the  address  I  had  drawn  up  to  be  presented  to  him.  They 
approved  of  it. 

*  First,  the  standing  committee  of  sixty — then  the  committee  of  conference  of 
twelve — these  chose  a  sub-committee  of  three,  and  thus  the  principal  share  of  the 
negotiations  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  who  was  on  that  com 
mittee. 


156  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

"In  order  to  retain  the  management  of  Bradford,  it  was  my  policy,  at 
that  period,  to  conceal  from  him  my  total  disapprobation  of  what  had 
been  done;  nor  did  I  venture  to  oppose  him  on  the  subject  of  making  war ; 
but  to  keep  him  from  thinking,  and  coming  to  a  close  conversation,  I 
amused  him  with  pleasantry  and  kept  him  laughing."* 

The  meeting  was  organized  by  placing  Edward  Cook  in  the  chair,  as 
was  usual  at  all  meetings  where  he  was,  on  account  of  his  age  and  high 
respectability  of  character.  Albert  Gallatin  was  appointed  secretary. 
Bradford  now  opened  the  business  with  some  account  of  what  had  taken 
place — the  appearance  of  the  Marshal  to  serve  writs,  the  attack  on  Neville's 
house — the  flight  of  the  Inspector — the  expulsion  of  obnoxious  characters, 
&c. — here  he  read  the  letters  intercepted  in  the  mail. 

"  Marshall,  who  followed  Bradford,  now  brought  forward  his  proposi 
tions. 

"  First — The  taking  citizens  of  the  United  States  from  their  respective 
abodes  or  vicinage,  to  be  tried  for  real  or  supposed  offenses,  is  a  violation 
of  the  rights  of  the  citizen,  is  a  forced  and  dangerous  construction  of  the 
constitution,  and  ought  not  under  any  pretense  whatever  to  be  exercised 
by  the  judicial  authority. 

"  It  was  alleged  by  Marshall  that  the  language  of  this  resolve,  as  of  the 
others,  might  not  be  correct,  or  the  idea  well  expressed ;  and  wished  the 
secretary  to  frame  it  as  it  might  seem  proper.  I  spoke  on  this  occasion, 
and  observed,  that  by  the  constitution  the  whole  State  was  made  the 
vicinage;  and  the  judiciary  had  it  in  their  power  to  make  use  of  it  to 
that  extent.  Nevertheless,  it  certainly  was  an  abridgment  of  that 
advantage  which  the  citizens  had  before  the  constitution  existed,  where 
the  vicinage  was  the  county;  and  that  it  was  a  halfc  construction  of 
the  constitution,  to  suppose  that  it  contemplated  such  a  judiciary  system 
as  would  bring  citizens  from  one  end  of  the  State  to  the  other.  For  that 
reason,  I  approved  of  the  substance  of  the  resolution ;  but  as  probably  it 
might  be  improved  in  expression,  I  proposed  that  we  should  go  over  the 
resolutions,  and  having  agreed  upon  the  substance,  refer  them  to  a 
committee  of  three  or  more,  to  digest  the  arrangement,  and  express  the 
same  in  the  best  manner,  and  lay  them  before  the  meeting  for  their  final 
consideration.  It  was  agreed,  and  we  passed  on  to  the  second  resolu 
tion." 

The  foregoing,  the  reader  will  perceive,  was  a  most  important  move. 
The  object  was  to  prevent  a  final  vote  being  taken  on  any  of  the  resolu- 

*The  course  of  Gallatin  was  the  reverse — and  what  was  gained  by  it?  But  for  the 
address  of  Mr  Brackenridge,  everything  would  have  been  lost. 


HOSTILE   RESOLUTIONS.  157 

tions  in  their  present  form,  by  referring  them  to  a  small  committee,  where 
they  would  be  calmly  dicusssed,  and  the  dangerous  debates,  which  might 
ensue  in  the  meeting  of  delegates,  already  much  inflamed — surrounded 
by  persons  still  more  so — might  be  avoided.  It  was  subsequently  adopted 
as  the  means  of  escaping  such  debates,  by  a  reference  of  the  resolution 
under  discussion  to  the  committee  suggested  by  Mr.  Brackenridge ;  it 
was  therefore  vastly  more  important  than  the  verbal  alterations  afterward 
suggested  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  the  committee  of  four.* 

The  second  resolution — "That  there  shall  be  a  standing  committee  to 

consist  of members  from  each  county,  to  be  denominated  a 

committe  of  public  safety,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  call  forth  the  resour 
ces  of  the  western  country  to  repel  any  invasion  that  may  be  made  against 
the  rights  of  the  citizens  or  of  the  body  of  the  people." 

"  Comparing  this  resolution,"  observes  Mr.  Brackonridge,  "  with  the 
first,  I  saw  that  Marshall  had  conceived  that  the  act  of  the  district 
officer,  in  serving  writs  in  the  country  to  answer  at  Philadelphia,  was 
illegal  and  void,  and  that  it  might  be  constitutionally  resisted ;  and  also, 
that  an  attempt  of  the  government  to  enforce  such  an  act  by  pursuing 
those  that  had  resisted,  might  be  constitutionally  opposed,  on  the  same 
principle  that  the  money  tax,  and  the  force  of  government  in  aid  of  it, 
was  constitutionally  opposed  by  Hampden,  or  the  declaratory  act,  and  the 
enforcing  of  it,  was  opposed  by  America  against  Great  Britain. •(• 
Coupling,  therefore,*  thise  resolutions,  they  would  seem  to  contemplate 
the  resisting  the  omcer  of  the  district,  and  protecting  by  arms  those  who 
resisted  him.  Taking  the  words  by  themselves,  they  were  not  exception 
able,  for  doubtless  the  people  retain  the  right  to  repel  hostile  attempts 
against  their  rights  j  on  the  same  principle  that  I  may  repel  the  officer 
who  would  seize  ine  without  process.  But  coupling  the  word  with  the 
preceding  resolution,  (that  of  '  taking  persons  from  their  abode,  &c.  is 
a  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  citizens,  is  a  forced  and  dangerous  con 
struction  of  the  constitution, ')  with  the  acts  perpetrated  in  the  country, 

*Findley  and  others  erroneously  confound  the  private  disussions  in  the 
committee  with  the  proceedings  before  the  delegates  in  public.  It  was  in  the 
committee  that  the  verbal  alterations  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  to  which  Findley  attaches  so 
much  importance,  were  made.  The  real  difficulty  was  to  prevent  a  declaration  of 
war,  which  was  defeated  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  seeming  to  coincide  with  Brad 
ford. 

f  The  power  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to  decide  on  the  constitu 
tionality  of  an  act  of  Congress  at  that  time,  was  not  even  suggested — it  is  of  a  later 
growth. 


158  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

and  with  the  state  of  it,  they  appeared  to  be  exceptionable.  These  were 
my  reflections  from  the  time  I  had  read  the  resolutions  in  the  morning 
until  the  present  moment. 

"  The  resolutions  being  read,  secretary  Gallatin  now  rose,  'What  reason/ 
said  he,  '  have  we  to  suppose  that  hostile  attempts  will  be  made,  against 
our  rights  ?  and  why,  therefore,  prepare  to  resist  them  ?  Riots  have 
taken  place,  which  may  be  the  subject  of  judiciary  cognizance  ;  but  we  are 
not  to  suppose  a  military  force  on  the  part  of  the  government.'* 

"  If  I  am  not  accurate  in  stating  this  language  or  these  words  of  the  secre 
tary,  it  ought  to  be  attributed  to  defect  of  memory,  not  design.  It  was  my 
impression  at  that  time,  either  that  it  was  the  only  pretense  that  occurred 
to  him  to  use  to  evade  the  resolution,  or  that  actually  he  did  not  know 
that  the  acts  committed  brought  it  within  the  power  of  the  President  to 
call  out  the  militia."*)* 

Not  to  suppose  a  military  force  on  the  part  of  the  government  !  A 
case  had  occurred,  and  during  the  session  of  this  assembly  the  proclamation 
of  the  President  was  actually  received,  producing  a  bad  effect.  It  was 
the  general  belief  that  the  military  would  be  called  out,  and  would  march 
unless  prevented  by  the  submission  of  the  people,  or  an  amnesty  ob 
tained.  The  latter  could  only  be  attained  in  one  or  two  modes  ;  by  a  delega 
tion  from  the  meeting  bearing  a  petition  to  the  President,  as  was  contem 
plated  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  or  by  a  voluntary  offer  on  the  part  of  the 
government  —  which  actually  took  place.  The  desijn  «f  the  hostile  resolu 
tion,  was  to  meet  the  force  expected  •  and  those  who  desired  to  give  it 
the  go-by,  placed  their  hopes  on  being  able  to  induce  the  assembly  to 
solicit  an  amnesty,  which  would  render  the  march  unnecessary.  In  what 
ever  manner  Mr.  Gallatin  would  have  been  replied  to  by  (Bradford,  the^  a,Q- 

ut  '"wfaeh. 


tual  state  of  things  would  have  been  represented,  and  a  ques 

might  have  committed  the  assembly  in  favor  of  defensive  war.     It  was 

afterward  admitted  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  his  evidence 

appeared  to  me,  from  the  temper  of  those  present,  thar 

been  put  it  would  have  been  carried."    The  merit,  then,  of  having  parried 

*Wilkinson  (American  Pioneer,  a  work  of  more  fancy  than  authority):  "  Gallatin 
presented  the  folly  of  past  resistance,  and  the  ruinous  consequence  to  the  country 
of  a  continuance  of  the  insurrection.  He  urged  that  the  government  was  bound  to 
vindicate  the  law,  and  that  it  would  surely  send  an  overwhelming  force  against 
them."  On  what  authority  does  Wilkinson  make  this  assertion  or  venture  to  con 
tradict  Mr.  Brackenridge  ?  Was  he  there  ?  He  was  but  a  child  at  the  time, 
perhaps  not  yet  born.  If  he  ever  made  those  remarks  at  all,  it  must  have  been  at 
a  late  period,  at  the  Brownsville  meeting.  Wilkinson  is  no  authority. 

f"  Incidents." 


A   CRITICAL  MOMENT.  159 

the  dangerous  question  is  due  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  and  it  was  thus  ac 
complished. 

"  I  knew/'  continues  the  author  of  the  "Incidents,"  "  that  this  resolu 
tion  was  a  favorite  one  with  all  those  who  had  been  involved  in  any  of  the 
outrages,  and  at  the  same  time  a  popular  one  generally.  I  was  alarmed, 
therefore,  at  the  idea  of  any  discussion  of  it;  and  instantly,  before  any 
one  could  have  an  opportunity  of  speaking,  affected  to  oppose  the  secre 
tary,  and  thought  it  might  not  be  amiss  to  have  the  resolution,  but  it  might 
be  softened  in  terms,  without  altering  the  substance  ;  it  might  be  said, 
*  the  committee  shall  have  power  to  take  such  measures  as  the  situation 
of  affairs  may  require,'  and  that  the  committee  of  four  should  have  the 
modeling  of  the  terms.  Marshall  acquiesced,  and  there  was  no  deba^fc" 

It  is  highly  probable  that  the  success  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  in  fending 
off  the  debate,  is  in  part  to  be  attributed  to  the  disposition  of  the  leaders 
to  indulge  him,  in  the  hope  of  securing  him  on  their  side,  which  he 
appeared  to  take  on  this  occasion.  Afterward,  in  the  committee  of  four, 
(not  in  the  assembly,  as  stated  by  Findley  and  others,)  following  up  the 
above  suggestion  of  a  vague  diplomatic  generality,  Mr.  Gallatin  introduced 
in  the  resolution  the  words,  "and  in  case  of  any  sudden  emergency,  to 
take  such  means  as  they  may  think  necessary."  The  words  in  the  origi 
nal  resolution  were,  "to  repel  any  hostile  attempts  that  may  be  made 
against  the  rights  of  the  citizens  or  the  body  of  the  people."  This  mere 
verbal  alteration  was  unimportant,  compared  to  the  main  object  in  view  — 
the  preventing  a  direct  vote  in  the  assembly  on  the  resolution  as  at  first  pre 
sented.  Gallatin  is  lauded  for  the  change  of  phrase,  the  merit  of  which,  if 
any,  does  not  belong  to  him.  Such  quibbling  would  not  have  been  listened 
to  by  the  assembly,  or  the  bystanders,  if  brought  to  a  serious  discussion. 

The  third  resolution  —  "  That  a  committee  of  -  members  be  appointed 
to  draft  a  remonstrance  to  Congress,  praying  a  repeal  of  the  excise  law, 
and  that  a  more  equal  and  less  odious  tax  may  be  laid,  and  at  the  same 
time  giving  assurance  to  the  representatives  of  the  people  that  such  tax 
will  be  cheerfully  paid  by  the  people  of  these  counties,  and  that  the  said 
remonstrance  be  signed  by  the  chairman  of  this  meeting,  in  behalf  of 
the  people  we  represent."  This  resolution  was  opposed  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  useless  to  remonstrate  to  Congress,  that  body  having  treated 
with  contempt  all  former  remonstrances  on  that  subject;  it  was,  however, 
carried  —  those  who  had  opposed  it  acquiescing. 

Fourth  resolution  —  "  Whereas,  the  motives  by  which  the  western 
people  have  been  actuated,  in  the  late  unhappy  disturbances  at  Neville's 
house,  and  in  the  great  and  general  rendezvous  of  the  people  at  Brad-  / 

' 


>: 


160  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

dock's  Field,  and  we  are  liable  to  be  misconstrued  as  well  by  our  fellow 
citizens  throughout  the  United  States  as  by  their  and  our  public  ser 
vants,  to  whom  is  consigned  the  administration  of  the  Federal  govern 
ment;  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of be  appointed  to  make  a  fair 

and  candid  statement  of  the  whole  transaction  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia ;  and 
if  it  should  become  necessary,  that  the  said  committee  do  publish  to  the 
world  a  manifesto  or  declaration,  whereby  the  motives  and  principles  of 
the  people  in  this  country  shall  be  fairly  and  fully  stated."*  This  was 
committed  to  the  committee  of  four  without  debate. 

Fifth  resolution — "That  we  will,  with  the  rest  of  our  fellow  citizens, 
support  the  laws  and  governments  of  the  respective  States  in  which  we  live, 
and  the  laws  and  government  of  the  United  States,  the  excise  laws  and 
the  taking  away  citizens  out  of  their  respective  counties  only  excepted ; 
and  therefore  we  will  aid  and  assist  all  civil  officers  in  the  execution  of 
their  respective  functions,  and  endeavor  by  every  proper  means  in  our 
power  to  bring  to  justice  all  oifenders  in  the  premises." 

On  the  consideration  of  this  resolution,  the  state  of  the  country, 
without  law  or  safety  to  persons  or  property,  was  represented  at  some 
length  by  Mr.  Brackenridge.  Mr.  Gallatin  followed  on  the  same  side, 
supporting  the  resolution  with  a  view  to  the  establishment  of  law  and  the 
conservation  of  the  peace.  Though  he  did  not  venture  to  touch  on  the 
resistance  to  the  Marshal,  or  the  expulsion  of  the  proscribed,  yet  he 
strongly  arraigned  the  destruction  of  property ;  the  burning  of  the  barn 
of  Kirkpatrick,  for  instance.  "What!"  exclaimed  a  fiery  fellow  in  the 
meeting,  "do  you  blame  that?"  Mr.  Gallatin  found  himself  embarrass 
ed;  he  paused  for  a  moment — "If  you  had  burned  him  in  it,"  said  he, 
"it  might  have  been  something;  but  the  barn  had  done  no  harm." 
"Aye,  aye,"  said  the  member,  "that's  right  enough."  This  shows  how 
much  easier  it  is  to  talk  of  an  open  and  undisguised  opposition  to  the 
measures  and  temper  of  such  a  meeting,  than  to  practice  it.  The  secre 
tary  was  obliged  to  dissemble  as  well  as  Mr.  Brackenridge,  with  whom  he 
is  so  favorably  contrasted.  Perhaps  his  allusion  to  Kirkpatrick  would 
not  have  passed  unnoticed,  if,  like  the  former,  he  had  been  on  unfriendly 
terms  with  the  "  Neville  connection  !" 

A  member  who  had  seen  the  schedule  of  Bradford,  relating  to  provi 
ding  arms,  &c.  now  moved  that  it  be  brought  forward  and  laid  on  the  table. 
Several  persons  spoke  on  the  subject  of  forming  magazines  of  arms  and 

*  This  is  the  only  language  from  which  a  contemplated  declaration  of  indepen 
dence,  and  withdrawal  from  the  Union,  can  be  inferred. 


LEGISLATIVE  TACTICS.  161 

ammunition,  and  seemed  to  desire  that  resolutions  be  introduced,  carry 
ing  into  practical  detail  the  principle  of  Bradford's  schedule.  Gallatin 
labored  in  direct  opposition  to  the  principle  itself,  but  apparently  with  no 
success ;  and  there  was  danger  of  a  question  of  some  kind  being  put. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  had  been  out  of  the  circle,  but  at  this  juncture  return 
ed.  As  before,  he  affected  to  oppose  Gallatin ;  he  began  by  making  some 
remarks  to  conciliate  those  who  were  for  providing  the  means  of  war ; 
and  then  observed,  "  that  it  was  well  to  talk  of  such  things,  to  show  that 
the  people  were  in  earnest.  By  holding  out  an  idea  of  fighting,  the  ne 
cessity  for  it  might  be  avoided ;  just  as  a  general  displays  column,  to 
avoid  an  engagement.  The  idea  of  a  preparation  for  defense  may  quick 
en  the  disposition  of  the  government  to  come  to  an  accommodation,  and 
grant  the  reasonable  demands  of  the  country.  But  enough  has  been  said, 
let  these  things  be  left  to  the  committee  of  four." 

This  apology  saved  the  pride  of  the  speakers,  and  satisfied  the  hopes  of 
the  violent,  and  there  was  nothing  more  said.  Mr.  Brackenridge  was 
thought  to  be  for  war ;  he  was  applauded  by  the  outside  people ;  and  it 
was  said  that  he  now  had  regained  what  he  had  lost  at  the  Mingo  Creek 
meeting.* 

*Findley  says  Brackenridge  "was  probably  actuated  by  the  same  motives  as 
Gallatin,  but  supported  the  measure  in  a  different  manner.  He  often  kept  up  the 
appearance,  and  sometimes  the  boasting  language  which  was  acceptable  to  Brad 
ford's  party,  and  opposed  Gallatin ;  yet  always  contrived  to  bring  the  proceedings 
to  the  same  issue."  If  Mr.  Brackenridge  always  brought  the  proceedings  to  the 
same  issue  with  Gallatin,  it  was  not  only  probable,  but  pretty  certain,  that  he  was 
actuated  by  the  same  motives!  And  why  not  say,  that  the  first  effected  by  supe 
rior  address  what  the  other  failed  to  accomplish  by  direct  means  ?  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge  proved  himself  the  abler  man  on  this  occasion.  He  could  act  with  policy  for 
wise  and  benevolent  ends;  but  when  it  was  necessary  to  go  straight  forward  to  his 
purpose,  and  there  was  a  prospect  of  success  in  doing  so,  he  could  do  it  as  boldly 
as  any  one;  as' was  afterward  proved  at  the  Brownsville  meeting,  in  reference  to 
which  the  same  writer,  Findley,  observes,  "that  his  argument  was  of  the  more 
consequence,  that  it  was  decisive;  as  formerly  he  had  temporized  so  as  to  induce 
the  rioters  to  believe  that  he  was  friendly  to  their  cause." 

He  had,  at  the  Brownsville  meeting,  different  minds  to  deal  with  from  those  at 
Parkinson's.  If  at  Parkinson's  he  had  pursued  the  same  course  with  Gallatin, 
like  him.  he  would  have  effected  nothing.  That  gentleman,  in  his  evidence  on 
the  trials,  says,  "I  doubted  his  (Brackenridge's)  real  intentions.  He  explained  to 
me  his  real  meaning  five  or  six  days  afterward,  the  first  time  we  had  a  private  con 
versation.  He  had  disapproved  the  proceedings  which  had  taken  place  as  much  as 
I  did,  but  was  attempting  to  do  by  art,  what  I  had  tried  to  do  by  direct  means." 
He  might  have  said,  with  more  candor,  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  accomplished  by 
address,  what  he,  Gallatin,  had  failed  to  do  by  direct  means.  James  Ross  and 


162  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

The  assembly  adjourned  to  the  next  day.  The  committee  of  four,  who 
were  to  model  the  resolutions,  were  to  meet  early  the  next  morning ;  they 
were  Messrs.  Gallatin,  Bradford,  Brackenridge  and  Herman  Husbands.* 

*'I  lay  that  night,"  says  the  author  of  the  "Incidents,"  "at  a  farm 
house  in  the  neighborhood,  with  a  hundred  or  more  of  the  gallery  spec 
tators  and  of  the  assembly,  about  me.  The  whole  cry  was  war.  From 
the  manner  in  which  they  had  understood  me,  I  was  greatly  popular  with 
them."  <  Stand  by  us/  said  they,  '  and  we  will  stand  by  you/ 

"  I  felt  my  situation  with  extreme  sensibility.  I  had  an  attachment  to 
the  people  because  they  had  an  attachment  to  me;  and  I  thought  of  the 
consequences.  Suppose  that  in  the  prosecution  of  the  plan  I  have  in 
view,  arrangements  cannot  be  made  to  satisfy  them,  and  that  a  war  must 
come,  what  shall  I  do?  I  am  under  no  obligation  of  honor  to  take  part 
in  supporting  them,  for  I  have  no  way  contributed  to  produce  the  dis 
turbance.  And  though  on  principles  of  conscience  it  may  be  excusable 
in  them  to  make  war — for  they  think  they  are  right — yet  it  would  not 
be  so  in  me,  for  I  think  them  wrong.  But  on  the  score  of  self-preserva 
tion  and  personal  interest,  what  am  I  to  do  ?  It  is  a  miserable  thing  to 
be  an  emigrant  ;f  there  is  a  secret  contempt  attached  to  it,  even  with 
those  to  whom  he  comes.  They  respect  more  the  valor,  though  they  dis- 

General  Wilklns  were  in  Mr.  Brackenridge's  confidence  at  this  time,  and  not  Mr. 
Gallatin  until  after  the  assembly  had  adjourned. 

*"I  had  heard  of  this  extraordinary  character  (Husbands)  many  years  ago, 
when  a  principal  of  the  insurgents  known  by  the  name  of  Regulators,  in  North 
Carolina.  I  had  seen  him  in  the  year  177$,  when  he  was  a  member  of  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Pennsylvania.  I  was  present  when  a  Quaker  lady  was  introduced  and 
preached  before  the  House.  Herman,  who  was  a  divine  as  well  as  a  politician, 
thought  her  not  orthodox,  and  wished  to  controvert ;  but  the  House,  willing  to  avoid 
religious  controversies,  would  not  permit. 

"  I  had  visited  him  in  the  year  1780,  in  the  glades  of  the  Allegheny,  on  my 
return  from  Philadelphia  to  Pittsburgh.  He  had  then  just  finished  a  Commentary 
on  a  part  of  the  prophet  Ezekiel ;  it  was  the  vision  of  the  temple,  the  walls,  the 
gates,  the  sea  of  glass,  &c.  Loggerhead  divines  had  heretofore  interpreted  it  of 
the  New  Jerusalem,  but  he  conceived  it  to  apply  to  the  western  country;  the  walls 
were  the  mountains ;  the  gates,  the  gaps  in  them  by  which  the  roads  pass ;  and  the 
sea  of  glass,  the  lakes  on  the  west  of  us.  I  had  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the 
Commentary  was  analogous  to  the  vision.  He  was  pleased,  and  said  I  was  the 
only  person,  except  his  wife,  that  he  ever  got  to  believe  it.  Thought  I,  your 
church  is  composed,  like  many  others,  of  the  ignorant  and  dissembling." — In 
cidents,  p.  95. 

f  He  alludes  to  the  French  emigrants  from  political  causes  compelled  to  leave 
their  country. 


CONSEQUENCES   OF  RESISTANCE.  163 

approve  the  principles,  of  those  that  stay  at  home.  All  I  have  in  the 
world  is  in  this  country ;  it  is  not  in  money;  I  cannot  carry  it  with  me, 
and  if  I  go  abroad  I  go  poor;  and  I  ain  too  far  advanced  in  life  to  begin 
the  world  anew. 

"  But  as  to  these  people  themselves,  what  chance  have  they  ?  They 
may  defend  the  passes  of  the  mountains ;  they  are  warlike ;  accustomed 
to  the  use  of  arms;  capable  of  hunger  and  fatigue,  and  can  live  in  the 
rocks  and  woods,  like  badgers.  They  are  enthusiastic  to  madness,  and  the 
effect  of  this  is  beyond  calculation. 

"  The  people  to  the  east  of  the  mountains  are,  many  of  them,  dissatis 
fied,  and  will  be  little  disposed  to  disturb  the  people  here,  if  they  should 
mean  to  defend  themselves.  It  is  true,  the  consequence  of  war,  suppo 
sing  the  country  independent  of  the  United  States,  will  be  poverty  and  a 
miserable  state  of  things  for  a  long  time ;  but  still,  those  who  stand  by 
the  country  where  they  are,  have  the  best  chance  and  the  most  credit  in 
the  end.  In  either  case,  the  election  is  fearful;  the  only  thing  that  can 
suit  me,  considered  merely  as  a  matter  of  personal  interest,  is  an  accom 
modation  without  civil  war.  But  is  there  a  prospect  of  this  ?  Will  the 
Executive  be  disposed  to  act  with  mildness  or  severity  ?  The  excise  is  a 
branch  of  the  funding  system,  which  is  a  child  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  who  is  considered  the  Minister  of  the  President.  He  will  feel 
a  personal  antipathy  against  the  opposers  of  it,  and  will  be  inclined  to 
sanguinary  counsels.  The  President  himself  will  consider  it  a  more  dan 
gerous  case  than  the  Indian  war  or  the  British  spoliations,  and  will  be 
disposed  to  apply  more  desperate  remedies.  He  will  see  that  here  the 
vitals  are  attacked,  whereas  there  the  attack  was  on  the  extremities. 
Nevertheless,  the  extreme  reluctance  which  he  must  have  to  shed  the 
blood  of  the  people,  by  whom  he  is  personally  beloved,  will  dispose  him  to 
overtures  of  amnesty.  These  were  my  reveries,  as  I  lay  with  my  head 
upon  a  saddle,  on  the  floor  of  a  cabin. 

"  In  the  morning,  the  committee  of  four  having  met,  we  proceeded  to  the 
arranging  and  amending  the  resolutions.  Bradford  was  not  satisfied  with 
the  indefinite  power  given  to  the  standing  committee,  (to  provide  for  de 
fense,  &c.)  but  wished  to  have  it  in  plain  terms;  probably  with  a  view 
to  get  something  to  p%^  the  assembly  that  would  involve  all  equally 
with  himself  in  the  treasons  committed.  I  wished  to  evade  it,  and  en 
deavored  to  divert  his  attention  by  keeping  him  laughing.  I  put  Hus 
bands  on  the  explanation  of  his  vision  of  Ezekiel,  and  endeavored  to 
amuse  Bradford  with  him,  as  a  person  would  amuse  a  boy  with  a  bear. 
But  Bradford  was  too  intent  on  getting  the  resolutions  amended  to  an  ex- 


164  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

plicit  declaration  of  war ;  lie  complained  of  the  laughing,  and  wished  him 
to  be  serious.  Gallatin,  not  perceiving  the  drift,  said,  cynically,  '  He 
laughs  all  by  himself/  He  let  Bradford  alone  then,  who  puzzled  the 
secretary  enough,  and  obliged  him  to  put  in  a  sentence,  to  avoid  a  worse, 
'  and  in  case  of  any  sudden  emergency,  to  take  such  temporary  measures 
as  they  may  deem  necessary/  instead  of  the  expressions  of  the  resolution 
of  Bradford,  t  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  call  forth  the  resources  of  the 
country,  to  repel  any  hostile  attempt  that  may-  be  made  against  the  rights 
of  the  citizens  or  the  body  of  the  people.' ' 

It  may  be  remarked  that  the  aim  of  the  friends  of  peace  was  to  restrain 
the  violence  of  the  people,  led  by  inconsiderate  men ;  this  was  to  be  ac 
complished  by  keeping  the  assembly  from  taking  any  action  whatever ; 
but  the  mere  substitution  of  an  ambiguous  phrase — this  diplomatic  fence 
of  words — would  do  but  little  toward  the  accomplishing  of  that  end. 
The  secretary's  amendment  had  somewhat  the  appearance  of  precaution 
against  the  use  of  treasonable  words;  and  it  may  be  recollected  that  a 
design  had  been  entertained  of  instituting  prosecutions  on  a  former  occa 
sion;  against  the  authors  of  the  "intemperate  resolutions."  Nor'were 
the  other  objectionable  words  of  the  resolution  much  improved  by  sub 
stituting  the  phrase,  tf  to  support  the  municipal  laws,  &c."  in  the  place  of 
the  words,  lt  the  support  of  the  laws  and  government,  &c.  the  excise  law 
and  the  taking  citizens  from  their  vicinage  excepted."  There  is  little 
difference  between  not  supporting  the  excise  laws,  and  opposing  them;  and 
moreover,  an  unconstitional  law,  that  is  to  say  a  law  that  is  void,  may  be 
opposed  by  legal  means,  through  the  courts,  or  by  efforts  to  procure  its 
repeal — or  even  by  force  at  the  peril  of  the  person  who  resists  the  uncon 
stitutional  law.  What  was  accomplished  by  Mr.  Gallatin  in  the  com 
mittee  of  four,  amounted  to  nothing,  although  exalted  by  Findley  above 
his  associates.  Gallatin  is  applauded  by  his  partisan,  for  his  direct  and  open 
opposition  to  the  measures  of  Bradford,  which  opposition,  it  is  admitted, 
was  a  failure  ;  his  diplomacy  was  no  better ;  and  yet  he  is  favorably 
contrasted  with  the  politic  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  which 
proved  effectual.  It  is  not  always  that  the  motive  sanctifies  the  act,  but 
where  it  is  to  prevent  bloodshed  and  civil  war,  the  decision  may  be  safely 
left  to  the  judgment  of  upright  and  sensible  men,  whatever  may  be  the 
opinions  of  mere  casuists  or  fools. 

The  resolutions  being  perfected  by  the  committee  of  four,  were  reported 
as  soon  as  the  assembly  met  in  the  morning.  They  were  reduced  to 
three  in  number,  instead  of  the  original  five,  several  having  been  con 
densed  into  one. 


RESOLUTIONS.  165 

First,  Resolved,  That  taking  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  from 
their  respective  abodes,  or  vicinage,  to  be  tried  for  real  or  supposed 
offenses,  is  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  citizens;  is  a  "forced  and  dau- 
gerous  construction,  and  ought  not,  under  any  p^tense  whatsoever,  to  be 
exercised  by  the  judicial  authority.* 

The  foregoing  resolution,  which  expressed  a  grievance  that  none  could 
deny,  was  in  fact  the  immediate  cause  of  the  insurrection.  It  constitutes 
one  of  the  most  serious  of  those  complained  of  in  our  Declaration  of  In. 
dependence — "for  carrying  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  imaginary 
offenses/'  What  would  we  now  say  of  taking  persons  from  the  remote 
parts  of  Texas  or  California  to  be  tried  at  Washington  City?  The  "con 
stitution  limits  the  trial  or  venue  to  the  State  or  district,  leaving  it  to  the 
discretion  of  Congress  to  designate  the  district.  The  common  law  principle 
of  confining  the  trial  to  the  county  was  familiar  to  the  people.  The  gov 
ernment  had  become  convinced  of  the  injustice  of  making  Philadelphia 
the  place  of  trial  for  the  people  west  of  the  mountains ;  a  law  to  remedy  it, 
as  we  have  seen,  had  been  passed,  but  had  not  gone  into  operation.  If 
this  act  had  been  in  practical  operation  before  the  service  of  the  writs 
returnable  to  Philadelphia,  it  is  highly  probable  that  no  riots  or  insur 
rection  would  have  taken  place. 

The  second  resolution,  that  a  standing  committee  of  members  from 
each  county  be  appointed,  for  the  purpose  hereinafter  mentioned,  viz.: 

To  draft  a  remonstrance  to  Congress,  praying  a  repeal  of  the  excise  law; 
and  at  the  same  time  requesting  that  a  more  equal  and  less  odious  tax  be 
laid;  and  giving  assurances  that  such  tax  will  be  willingly  paid  by  the 
people  of  these  counties ;  to  make  and  publish  a  statement  of  the  trans 
actions  which  have  lately  taken  place  in  the  country,  relative  to  the  ex 
cise  law,  and  of  the  causes  which  gave  rise  thereto;  and  make  a  repre 
sentation  to  the  President  on  the  subject;  to  have  power  to  call  together 
a  meeting  of  the  deputies,  here  convened,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  such 
further  measures  as  the  further  situation  of  affairs  may  require ;  "  and  in 
case  of  any  sudden  emergency,  to  take  such  temporary  measures  as  they 
may  think  necessary."f 

Third.  That  we  will  exert  ourselves,  and  that  it  be  earnestly  recommend- 

*  This  unquestionable  grievance,  it  will  be  seen,  was  foremost  in  the  minds  of 
the  people. 

f  These  words  were  introduced  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  according  to  the  previous 
suggestion  of  Mr.  Brackenridge. 

12 


166  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

to  our  fellow  citizens  to  exert  themselves  in  support  of  the  municipal 
laws  of  the  respective  States ;  and  especially  in  preventing  any  violence 
or  outrage  against  the  property  and  person  of  any  individual. 

The  first  resolution  was  read  and  adopted  unanimously. 

On  reading  the  second,  it  was  moved  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  to  fill  the 
blank  with  the  word  two,  and  to  change  the  word  county  for  township.  His 
argument  was,  that  they  might  act  as  conservators  of  the  peace  in  support 
of  the  civil  magistrate.  It  was  necessary  that  they  should  be  distributed 
as  much  as  possible  over  the  four  counties,  so  as  to  enable  the  committee 
to  act  more  promptly,  and  at  the  same  time  to  disseminate  their  ideas  and 
resolutions  among  the  people.  The  real  object,  although  not  avowed,  was 
to  prevent  promptitude  of  action,  and  the  violent  measures  which  a  con 
centrated,  permanent  body  might  be  induced  to  adopt. 

It  was  further  moved  by  him  to  insert,  instead  of  "  to  call  together  a 
meeting  of  the  deputies/'  these  words,  viz.  "a  meeting  either  of  a  new 
representation  of  the  people,  or  of  the  deputies  here  convened."  His  ar 
gument  was,  the  democratic  principle  of  a  frequent  change  of  repre 
sentatives.  His  real  object  was  to  enable  him  to  withdraw,  in  case  he 
could  not  succeed  in  bringing  about  an  accommodation.  It  was  seconded 
with  avidity  by  James  Edgar,  and  probably  with  the  same  view,  and  was 
carried. 

An  adjournment  now  took  place  to  choose  the  standing  committee, 
which  was  done  by  each  township  for  itself.  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  cho 
sen  as  one  for  the  township  of  Pittsburgh.  This  committee,  although  an 
improvement  on  the  assembly,  in  temper  and  intelligence,  was  still  far 
from  being  all  that  could  be  desired.  It  still  contained  too  large  a  por 
tion  of  the  violent;  but  nearly  an  equal  number  were  openly  in  favor  of 
peace,  another  portion  was  also  in  favor  of  moderate  measures,  but  obliged 
to  conceal  their  real  sentiments  through  fear.  After  electing  the  stand, 
ing  committee  the  deputies  again  assembled. 

Mr.  Brackenridge  had  drafted  the  following  resolution  :  "That 

commissioners  be  appointed  to  wait  on  the  President  of  the  United  States 
with  the  representation  of  the  people,  and  report  to  the  standing  com 
mittee  the  answer  they  may  receive." 

But  it  having  been  announced  in  the  course  of  the  sitting,  that  com 
missioners  from  the  Executive  to  the  assembly  of  deputies  had  unex 
pectedly  arrived  in  the  country,  he  changed  his  resolution  to  the  following  : 

u  That  a  committee  of  members   from  each  county  be  appointed 

to  meet  any  commissioners  that  .have  been  or  maybe  appointed  by  the 


COMMITTEE  OF  CONFERENCE.  167 

government,  to  report  the  result  of  this  conference  to  the  standing  com 
mittee."  It  was  carried,  and  the  blank  filled  with  the  number  three.* 

There  was  considerable  opposition  to  this  resolution.  It  was  said  that 
as  the  commissioners  were  now  in  the  country,  and  supposed  to  be  but  half 
a  day's  journey  distant;  the  assembly  would  wait  until  their  arrival,  and 
hear  their  propositions  and  determine  for  themselves. f 

This  was  extremely  dangerous  to  the  object  now  in  view.  James  Ross, 
who  was  present,  and  had  received  his  appointment  as  commissioner,  but 
known  only  to  a  few  of  the  leaders  on  the  pacific  side,  was  of  opinion  that 
in  the  present  temper  of  the  assembly,  and  the  people  around,  no  proposi 
tion  which  the  commissioners  had  in  their  power  to  make  would  be  ac 
cepted.  It  was,  therefore,  of  the  greatest  moment  to  carry  the  resolution 
as  it  stood.  In  support  of  it,  the  inconvenience  of  staying  at  the  place 
was  alleged ;  there  was  no  accommodation  for  the  members,  or  the  com 
missioners  ;  it  would  take  a  long  time  to  understand  each  other ;  the  ne 
gotiation  must  consist  of  conference  and  correspondence;  that  there  was 
not  even  the  convenience  for  writing  at  the  place.  These,  and  many 
other  reasons,  were  urged.  It  was  not  without  great  difficulty  that  the 
resolution  to  appoint  a  committee  of  conference  was  carried. 

It  was  again  moved,  that  the  assembly  of  delegates  should  wait  where 
they  were  until  the  committee  of  conference  should  report  to  them.  This 
was  considered  equally  dangerous.  It  was  plain  that  the  chances  would 
be  more  favorable  in  reporting  to  the  standing  committee,  both  on  account 
of  the  time  gained  and  the  larger  proportion  of  the  friends  of  peace  on 
that  committee.  The  length  of  time  required  for  the  conference,  and  the 
inconvenience  of  remaining  on  the  ground,  were  urged,  again  and  again ; 
but  the  avidity  of  curiosity  was  such,  that  they  were  anxious  to  remain. 
Gallatin  had  exerted  himself  very  much  in  these  debates,  and  on  the  last 
especially ;  others  had  supported  him,  but  seemed  to  fail.  Gallatin  was 

*  William  Beaumont,  in  his  affidavit,  says  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  did  not  appear 
to  be  one  of  the  principal  speakers  at  this  assembly.  The  reason  is,  that  his  mind 
was  more  intent  on  the  moves  of  the  game  than  in  making  speeches.  Few  per 
sons  are  aware  of  the  importance  of  these  noiseless  steps,  and  attribute  all  to  the 
loud  declaimers,  who  seem  to  make  the  day-light. 

f  It  was  about  this  time  that  William  Findley  made  his  appearance,  having  hith 
erto  kept  aloof  probably  from  design !  To  make  amends,  he  officiously  brought  the 
intelligence  of  the  arrivalof  go  vernment  commissioners ;  but  who  they  were  and 
where,  was  not  yet  known,  although  James  Ross  was  on  the  spot  conferring  with 
the  friends  of  order,  especially  Brackenridge  and  Gallatin.  Findley 's  officiousness 
led  to  serious  embarrassment  among  the  friends  of  peace,  when  they  attempted  to 
effect  an  adjournment  of  the  assembly. 


168  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

now  pursuing,  by  indirection,  the  design  of  defeating  the  insurgent  lead 
ers,  after  his  open  opposition  had  been  unavailing. 

Mr.  Brackenridge  was  walking  outside  the  circle,  much  disheartened, 
when  Commissioner  Ross  came  to  him  and  wished  him  to  make  another 
effort.  "I  do  not  see  that  I  can  do  anything,"  said  he;  "  Gallatin  and 
others  have  said  every  thing  that  is  reasonable  in  the  case,  and  yet  have 
failed."  "  You  can  do  it,"  said  Ross.  Determined  to  make  another 
trial,  and  knowing  that  it  was  the  impatience  of  curiosity  which  made 
them  anxious  to  stay,  he  observed,  that  it  was  not  probable  that  the  com 
missioners  bad  any  thing  of  consequence  to  propose,  the  President  not 
having  the  people's  representations  before  they  set  out;  and  therefore, 
although  on  principles  of  common  decency  it  was  proper  to  hear  them, 
yet  it  was  not  worth  while  for  the  committee  to  waste  their  time  in  wait 
ing  for  them.  This  had  its  effect.  Something  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the 
disposition  of  people,  when  wearied  with  discussion,  to  lay  hold  of  some 
plausible  reason  to  end  it,  especially  coming  from  one  who  had  not  been 
so  warmly  engaged  in  the  debate.  It  is  also  probable  that  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  had,  by  this  time,  established  an  influence  with  the  members;  even 
the  more  violent  regarding  him  as  having,  in  some  measure,  come  over  to 
their  side.  The  resolution  was  then  carried,  as  it  stood. 

Instruction  movers  now  appeared  ;  the  committee  of  conference  must 
be  instructed  by  the  assembly  !  This  was  parried  by  getting  it  to  be  ob 
served  and  pressed,  that  instructions  could  not  be  given  in  regard  to  prop 
ositions  when  it  could  not  be  known  what  those  propositions  were. 

It  is  stated  by  Findley,  that  the  day  after  the  announcement  of  the 
arrival  of  the  commissioners,  the  President's  proclamation  and  the  orders 
to  call  out  the  militia,  reached  the  place,  and  were  made  known.  Its  effect 
was  unfavorable — it  seemed  only  to  displease  the  people,  already  too  much 
excited,  and  increased  the  difficulty  of  bringing  them  to  reason.  It  was 
but  the  day  before  that  Gallatin  expressed  his  surprise  that  any  one 
should  suppose  that  the  military  would  be  called  out  by  the  government ! 

It  was  now  moved,  that  the  time  of  meeting  of  the  standing  committee 
should  be  fixed.  It  was  agreed  that  it  should  be  fixed  by  themselves. 

The  standing  committee  met  and  appointed  the  second  day  of  Septem 
ber,  and  the  place  Brownsville,  on  the  Monongahela.  They  chose  the 
committee  of  conference  of  twelve,  three  from  each  county,  and  these 
fixed  the  time  of  conference  with  the  commissioners,  the  20th  of  August, 
the  place  Pittsburgh. 

The  committee  of  conference,  which  had  thus  been  double-distilled  from 
the  mob  of  deputies,  contained,  as  had  been  expected  by  Mr.  Bracken- 


COMMITTEE   OP   CONFERENCE.  169 

ridge,  a  decided  majority — almost  an  unanimity  in  favor  of  submission  to 
the  government.  The  whole  power  of  the  assembly  being  merged  in  the 
standing  committee  and  committee  of  conference,  the  three  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  assembly  were  lost  sight  of,  and  were  no  longer  regarded  of 
any  consequence ;  and  it  mattered  little  in  what  terms  expressed,  either 
in  those  of  Marshall,  or  in  the  diplomatic  phrase  of  Gallatin.  They  had 
served  to  let  off  the  surplus  steam,  and  that  sufficed  for  the  moment. 

The  committee  of  conference  consisted  of  the  following  members,  viz. 
Messrs.  John  Kirkpatrick,  John  Sneth  and  John  Powers,  for  Westmore 
land  ',  David  Bradford,  James  Marshall  and  James  Edgar,  for  Washing 
ton  ;  Edward  Cook,  Albert  Gallatin  and  James  Lang,  for  Fayette;  Thos. 
Morton,  John  B.  C.  Lucas  and  H.  H.  Brackenridge,  for  Allegheny. 
Three  other  gentlemen  from  Ohio  county,  Virginia,  united  with  the  above 
named;  they  were,  Messrs.  Robert  Stevenson,  William  M'Kinley  and 
William  Southerland.  Col.  Cook  was  chosen  chairman  of  the  committee. 

"  The  point  was  now  gained,  to  which  I  have  always  looked  forward — 
the  point  where  the  foot  was  to  be  fixed  in  order  to  make  an  open  stand 
against  the  insurrection/'  This  was  Mr.  Brackenridge's  language  to  Mr. 
Ross,  as  he  stepped  from  the  circle  after  carrying  the  committee  of  con 
ference.  " There  is  a  basis  now  laid  from  which  we  can  act:  to  this 
point  I  have  always  looked  forward,  not  expecting  commissioners  from 
the  government  to  commissioners  on  our  part,  holding  out  an  amnesty, 
which  I  took  to  be  the  great  secret  of  composing  the  disturbance.  Until 
that  appeared,  the  disposition  of  those  involved  would  lead  them  to  cut 
throats  to  support  themselves ;  and  the  whole  country,  conscious  that 
every  man  had  in  some  degree  contributed,  by  words  or  actions,  to  pro 
duce  that  mental  opposition  to  the  law  which  had  terminated  in  actual 
force,  could  not  reconcile  it  to  their  feelings  to  abandon  those  who  had 
acted  with  precipitation  in  the  late  instances.  But,  an  amnesty  being 
given,  these  could  say  to  their  countrymen,  You  are  now  on  the  same 
ground  with  us — stop,  we  will  go  no  farther !  I  considered  the  appoint 
ment  of  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  government  as  a  pledge  of  am 
nesty,  though  I  had  yet  no  information  of  their  power.  I,  therefore,  saw 
longer  to  be  a  for  the  country  to  get  out ;  and  now  the  conduct  ought  no 
the  way  clear  concealment  of  the  intentions,  and  half  way  acquiescence, 
but  an  explicit  avowal  of  opinion. 

"On  this  principle,  I  took  the  first  opportunity  I  had  with  Marshall 
and  Bradford,  and  it  was  in  the  presence  of  one  of  the  committee,  be 
fore  any  conference  with  the  commissioners,  to  inform  them  of  my  real 
sentiments  with  regard  to  the  violations  of  the  law  which  had  taken 


170  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

place,  and  particularly  with  regard  to  those  in  which  they  had  been  impli 
cated — the  intercepting  the  mail  and  the  rendezvous  at  Braddock's  Field. 
Bradford  looked  red  and  angry ;  Marshall,  pale  and  affected." 

These  men,  especially  Bradford,  could  not  forgive  the  being  treated 
like  children  by  the  person  they  supposed  they  had  half  converted  and 
enlisted  in  their  designs,  whatever  they  might  be.  The  vanity  of  Brad 
ford  was  offended,  and  the  advice  given  him  to  cease  opposition  to  the 
government  and  submit  to  its  authority,  was  thrown  away.  With  Mar 
shall  it  was  different,  and  from  that  moment  he  acted  with  the  friends  of 
the  government  with  sincerity;  but,  such  is  human  nature,  cherished  ever 
after  in  his  heart  an  unkindly  feeling,  to  use  no  stronger  expression, 
toward  his  adviser.  It  has  been  asked,  why  did  not  Mr.  Brackenridge 
address  them  in  this  manner  at  the  opening  of  the  assembly?  If  he 
had  done  so,  he  would  have  had  no  influence  over  them,  and  if  they  had 
listened  to  him,  they  would  have  lost  all  influence  over  the  assembled 
deputies.  He  found  it  necessary  to  use  them  as  the  instruments  for  indi 
rectly  controlling  that  body,  and  effecting  the  transfer  of  power,  first  to 
the  sixty,  and  then  to  the  twelve.  And  it  may  be  asked,  what  injury 
was  done  to  those  men  beyond  the  mortification  of  vanity  and  pride? 
None — but  a  real,  though  no  flattering  benefit,  was  conferred  by  opening 
a  door  for  them  to  escape;  and  at  the  same  time  the  momentous  object  of 
a  pacification  of  the  country  was  accomplished.  No  confidence  was  vio 
lated,  for  none  had  been  reposed  in  Mr.  Brackenridge. 

What  would  have  been  the  consequence  if  the  pernicious  measures  of 
Bradford  had  not  been  baffled,  and  a  direct  vote  defeated  on  his  proposi 
tion  to  prepare  for  war,  collect  arms,  magazines,  and  organize  a  military 
force  ?  There  is  no  doubt  an  armed  opposition  would  have  been  set  on 
foot*  and  possibly  an  army  of  riflemen  would  have  occupied  the  passes  of 
the  mountains,  while  the  people  of  the  counties  of  Bedford,  Franklin  and 
Cumberland,  almost  as  much  excited  as  those  in  the  west,  with  much  less 
cause,  would  have  harrassed  the  rear  of  a  force  sent  to  subdue  the  insur 
gents,  as  soon  as  they  entered  the  defiles  of  the  Allegheny,  where  neither 
cavalry  nor  artillery  could  be  employed  to  advantage.  The  war  once 
begun  against  the  excise  law,  who  could  tell  where  it  would  end  ?  Ken 
tucky  and  Western  Virginia  shared  the  same  feeling,  and  at  the  time  were 
bound  by  slender  ties  to  the  States  of  the  Atlantic.  There  were  men  who 
had  already  conceived  the  idea  of  a  western  confederacy,  embracing  the 
magnificent  region  which  now  forms  the  body  of  the  American  empire. 
The  hostile  feeling  of  Great  Britain  and  Spain  would  eagerly  embrace  the 
opportunity  of  dismembering  the  Union,  of  whose  future,  if  preserved, 


SEKIOUS   CONSEQUENCES   TO   BE   FEARED.  171 

they  already  entertained  a  just  conception.  The  rise  and  progress  of  the 
young  giant  republic  was  regarded  with  extreme  jealousy  and  dislike  by 
those  powers.  Here  is  a  subject  for  deep  reflection;  and  when  thus 
viewed,  the  Western  Insurrection  might  have  swelled  into  an  importance 
equal  to  that  of  our  war  with  Great  Britian.  It  was  regarded  by  Wash 
ington  in  that  light.  It  is  true,  there  was  the  army  of  Wayne  on  the 
frontier — but  its  supplies  could  have  been  cut  off,  and  in  case  of  domestic 
war,  many  of  the  soldiers  would  desert  rather  than  fight  against  their 
countrymen.  We  should  have,  at  least,  witnessed  those  demoralizing 
dissensions  and  unhappy  divisions,  which  have  prevented  all  steady  pro 
gress  in  the  republics  of  South  America.  It  is  fortunate  that  no  one  pos 
sessed  of  abilities  and  daring  held  the  position  of  Bradford  at  this  crisis 
— some  bold  spirit,  actuated  by  a  criminal  ambition,  and  regardless  of 
consequences.  It  was  well  that  Washington  was  so  fully  alive  to  the 
momentous  dangers  which  threatened  the  Union,  and  called  out  a  suffi 
cient  force  "to  crush  to  atoms/'  at  once,  every  particle  of  rebellion;  and/ 
it  is  still  more  fortunate,  that  there  were  men  of  patriotism  and  talents  in 
the  West,  with  so  large  a  proportion  of  enlightened  and  virtuous  citizens, 
who  were  enabled  to  arrest  the  growth  of  the  insurrection,  even  before 
the  march  of  that  army,  and  which,  joined  to  the  wise  and  humane  policy 
of  Washington,  had  rendered  it  unnecessary. 

A  very  incorrect  account  is  given  by  Findley  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
assembly.  He  either  did  not  comprehend  them,  or  was  influenced  by  his 
prejudices  against  Mr.  Brackenridge,  and  his  desire  to  exalt  Gallatin  at 
his  expense.  Why  did  he  not  pursue  the  report  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  in 
the  "Incidents,"  while  it  was  before  him,  and  which  is  minute,  clear  and 
consistent?  He  would  thus  have  avoided  the  gross  blunders,  which  any 
one  may  see  by  comparing  his  "History"  with  the  detail  which  has 
been  here  faithfully  given  from  the  "Incidents." 

Bradford  complained  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  not  given  him  his 
confidence  at  an  early  period.  On  this,  the  latter  exclaims,*  "  Heigh,  in 
deed  !  Give  my  confidence  to  a  man  who  had  gone  on  to  the  commission 
of  high  crimes,  and  had  a  mob  at  his  command  !  But  did  I  not  speak 
plainly  at  Brownsville  ?  Surely  he  had  my  confidence  there,  for  all  the 
meeting  had  it ;  and  yet,  he  answered  me  with  all  the  pomp  that  his  idea 
of  superiority  over  me,  in  the  possession  of  the  public  confidence,  could 
inspire;  and  if  he  insulted  me  after  our  negotiations  with  the  commis 
sioners,  what  would  he  not  have  done  at  an  earlier  period,  when  he  had 
those  at  his  back,  who,  having  no  amnesty  to  which  they  could  look  for- 
*  Incidents,  II.  p.  47. 


172  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

ward,  would  be  disposed  to  take  the  most  desperate  resolutions  in  regard 
to  all  who  differed  from  them  ?  I  did  speak  as  soon  as  it  was  prudent  to 
do  it  •  that  is,  in  the  committee  of  conference  at  Pittsburgh." 

The  most  disgusting  epithets  have  been  applied  to  Mr.  Brackenridge 
by  N.  B.  Craig,  who  avows  his  hereditary  prejudices  against  him,  and 
among  other  terms,  applies  that  of  "cold-blooded,  calculating  villain,"  in 
reference  to  his  skillful  course  at  Parkinson's  Ferry.  The  writer  of  this, 
although  viewing  this  impotent  malignity  with  the  indignation  it  is  cal 
culated  to  excite,  can  safely  plead  the  vindication  of  his  father  on  the 
motive  in  view,  and  the  object  accomplished  by  him,  which  must  com 
mand  the  gratitude  of  every  honest  man,  of  every  friend  of  humanity  and 
of  his  country.  He  must  go  farther,  and  unhesitatingly  declare  that  his 
case  is  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  in  history,  of  great  services  remain 
ing  not  only  unacknowledged,  but  even  denounced  as  criminal  by  a  few 
malignant  individuals.  But  it  so  happens,  that  the  most  irresistable 
testimony  is  contained  in  the  Appendix  to  the  "Incidents,"  from  men 
whose  veracity  and  impartiality  cannot  be  doubted  for  a  moment,  and 
which  annihilates  all  the  insinuations,  slanders  and  vulgar  epithets  of  his 
enemies,  at  whatever  period.  No  one  having  the  feelings  of  common 
honesty,  or  a  single  characteristic  of  the  gentleman,  can  indorse  such 
language,  after  reading  the  testimonials  of  Messrs.  Ross,  Wilkins,  Addison, 
Purviance,  Hoge,  Reddick,  Scott,  and  many  others,  who  speak  from  inti 
mate  and  personal  knowledge.  With  Mr.  Ross  he  was  on  terms  of  close 
confidence  during  the  whole  of  the  insurrection-  his  letter,  which  will  be 
placed  in  the  note  to  this  chapter,  completely  covers  the  whole  ground. 
It  will  be  followed  by  those  of  Judge  Addison,  Senator  Hoge,  Mr.  Scott 
and  Judge  Lucas — the  others  have  been  placed  at  the  end  of  different 
chapters,  as  they  seemed  more  particularly  to  relate  to  the  subjects  narra 
ted  in  them.* 

•% 

*The  vindication  of  his  father's  memory,  it  is  hoped,  will  not  be  regarded  by  the 
generous  reader  as  incompatible  with  his  obligations  as  a  truthful  and  honest  his 
torian. 


LETTER   TO   JAMES   ROSS. 


173 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    VII. 


Letter  addressed  to  James  Ross,  Esq.,  and 
Beply. 

"SiR: — I  take  the  liberty  of  making 
to  you  a  few  queries  relative  to  myself, 
in  the  transactions  of  the  late  insurrec 
tion  in  this  country,  your  answer  to  which 
will  oblige  me. 

"1st.  Were  you  not  in  the  town  of 
Washington  at  the  time  of  the  return  of 
individuals  to  that  place,  who  had  been 
at  the  meeting  at  Mingo  Creek;  and 
what  was  the  impression  which  seemed 
to  have  been  made  on  their  minds  with 
respect  to  what  was  said  by  me  at  the 
meeting ;  was  it  that  of  having  supported 
or  evaded  the  proposition  of  Bradford, 
and  the  measures  proposed  by  the  more 
violent  ? 

"2d.  At  what  point  of  the  business 
did  you  come  forward,  and  was  present 
in  the  committee  of  battalions  at  Brad- 
dock's  Field ;  and  what  was  the  impres 
sion  on  your  mind  with  respect  to  my 
conduct  in  the  cases  of  Neville,  Gibson 
and  Craig;  and  what  do  you  recollect, 
or  was  your  impression  with  respect  to 
our  engagement,  I  mean  those  of  the 
committee  from  Pittsburgh,  with  regard 
to  Abraham  Kirkpatrick  and  others  that 
had  been  sent  away ;  did  we  not  pledge 
our  persons  for  theirs,  that  they  had 
gone  and  would  not  return  ;  and  did  not 
this  stipulation  appear  to  you  to  be  the 
result  of  necessity  at  that  juncture  to 
allay  the  rage  of  the  people  against  the 
town  on  account  of  these  persons  ? 

"3d.  Shortly  after  the  day  of  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  do  you  recollect  my  stating 
to  you  the  delicacy  of  my  situation,  and 
wish  to  extricate  myself  from  it ;  that  I 
had  thought  of  procuring  myself  to  be 
sent  to  the  Executive,  on  behalf  of  the 


people  of  Pittsburgh,  to  represent  their 
situation  and  the  motives  of  their  con 
duct;  and  having  done  this,  not  to  re 
turn  ;  and  that  with  this  view,  I  wished 
you  to  sound  some  principal  persons, 
and  see  whether  it  would  seem  that  I 
could  be  so  appointed ;  and  did  you  not 
give  me  information  afterward,  that  you 
had  sounded,  and  found  an  unwillingness 
that  I  should  leave  the  town  or  the  coun 
try,  but  rather  remain,  in  order  to  assist 
in  ways  of  our  general  safety? 

"4th.  Before  the  election  of  delegates 
for  the  town  of  Pittsburgh  to  the  meet 
ing  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  did  I  not 
express  to  you  my  determination  of  not 
suffering  my  name  to  be  mentioned  as  a 
delegate,  recollecting  with  what  dif 
ficulty  I  had  extricated  myself  at  the 
Mingo  meeting-house ;  that  it  would  be 
better,  in  order  to  save  appearances  on 
the  part  of  the  town,  to  let  some  person 
go  forward  who  would  not  be  expected 
to  speak,  or  take  any  conspicuous  part 
in  the  business ;  was  it  not  rather  your 
opinion,  that  it  was  a  turning  point  in 
the  business  to  get  forward  as  many  as 
possible  of  moderation,  address,  ability 
and  influence,  in  order  to  parry  the 
desperate  measures  that  might  be  pro 
posed  ;  and  did  you  not  undertake  to  go 
to  Washington,  and  accomplish  as  far  as 
in  your  power,  the  procuring  persons  to 
be  elected  of  that  description ;  and  was 
it  not  on  this  ground  that  I  acquiesced 
and  changed  my  determination  ? 

"5th.  At  the  meeting  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry,  did  I  not  explain  to  you  the  plan 
I  had  devised,  which  was  that  of  send 
ing  commissioners  to  the  Executive  ;  and 
did  not  I  then  show  you  an  address  I  had 
prepared  to  the  President,  such  as  I 


174 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


thought  the  people  would  be  willing  to 
send;  that  the  commissioners  sent  would 
expose  the  real  situation  of  the  country, 
and  devise  measures  for  the  pacification 
of  it ;  and  did  I  not  suggest  to  you  that 
the  obtaining  an  amnesty  for  what  was 
done,  would  be  'Hie  means — those  that 
were  desperate,  frdm  a  sense  of  the 
violation  of  the  law,  seeing  then  a  pros 
pect  of  safety,  or  a  way  of  getting  out; 
and  did  you  not,  with  my  consent,  take 
this  address  to  read  over,  and  show  to 
the  commissioners,  as  it  would  give  them 
the  same  information  which  was  in 
tended  for  the  President  ? 

"6th.  At  Parkinson's  Ferry,  toward 
the  close  of  the  business,  at  what  was 
considered  a  delicate  crisis,  when  it  was 
agitated  whether  the  commissioners  who 
had  been  announced  as  having  arrived, 
should  come  forward  to  the  people  there 
present,  or  a  delegation  to  be  made  of 
persons  to  confer  with  them  at  a  separate 
place  ;  and  was  it  not  considered  by  us, 
that  the  coming  forward  there  would  be 
fatal,  as  whatever  propositions  were 
brought  forward  would  at  this  instant 
be  rejected  by  the  multitude  ;  and  when 
several  speakers  of  the  moderate  descrip 
tion  seemed  to  have  failed  in  advocating 
a  separate  conference,  was  I  not  called 
upon  by  you,  and  addressed  in  these 
.words,  'This  is  the  turning  point;  you 
must  now  speak.'  I  had  a  considerable 
time  before  that  left  the  circle,  and  wns 
walking  at  some  distance  from  the  crowd. 
Did  I  not  inform  you  that  I  despaired  of 
it,  so  many  others  having  spoken  in  vain ; 
you  said  I  could  do  it.  Did  I  not  then 
come  forward,  and  with  great  difficulty 
accomplish  it,  and  returning  to  you  from 
the  crowd,  say,  *  The  point  is  now  gained ; 
there  is  a  ground  whereon  to  establish 
peace?' 

"7th.  What,  in  general,  is  your  im 
pression  of  my  zeal  in  accomplishing  the 
point  I  had  in  view,  of  serving  the  people 


by  saving  them  with  the  government; 
and  at  the  same  time  serving  the  govern 
ment  with  them.* 

"You  may,  if  you  please,  annex  your 
answers  to  these  queries,  or  answer  the 
substance  in  a  letter. 

I  am,  your  humble  servant, 

HUGH  H.  BRACKENRIDGE. 
llth  April,  1795." 

"PITTSBURGH,  llth  April,  1795. 

"  SIR — Want  of  time  before  you  leave 
this  place,  prevents  me  from  answering 
your  queries  of  this  day  so  fully  as  I 
could  wish,  but  I  shall  endeavor  to  state 
as  concisely  as  possible,  my  recollection 
of  the  facts  to  which  they  are  pointed. 

"I  lived  at  Washington  at.  the  time 
General  Neville's  house  was  destroyed, 
and  during  the  time  of  the  late  disturb 
ances.  On  the  return  of  the  Washing 
ton  gentlemen  from  the  Mingo  Creek 
meeting,  I  understood  from  them  that  a 
proposal  had  been  made  in  the  meeting, 
that  those  guilty  of  the  outrage  should 
be  supported  by  force  against  all  at 
tempts  to  punish  them,  and  this  had  been 
warmly  advocated  by  some  of  the  Wash 
ington  people ;  but  that  you  were  of  a 
diiferent  opinion,  and.  had  stated  that  in 
all  probability  the  government  might  be 
induced  to  forgive  it,  and  that  a  combi 
nation  of  this  sort  would  involve  the 
whole  country,  and  oblige  government 
to  take  notice  of  those  who  had  trans 
gressed.  This  meeting  ended  by  a  pro 
posal  to  have  a  more  general  one  from 
the  four  counties  west  of  the  mountainst 
in  Pennsylvania,  and  as  I  understood, 
the  western  counties  of  Virginia  were 
to  be  notified  to  attend  on  the  14th  of 
August,  at  Parkinson's  Ferry.  Before 
this  day  arrived  the  mail  was  robbed, 
several  obnoxious  letters  were  found  in 

*"To  speak  the  truth  to  the  king  in  the  hearing 
of  the  people,  and  to  the  people  in  the  hearing  of 
the  king."--J«niws. 


JAMES   ROSS. 


175 


it ;  a  project  for  taking  the  public  arms, 
ammunition  and  stores  at  Pittsburgh  was 
set  on  foot ;  this  plan  also  embraced  the 
seizing  and  punishing  in  an  exemplary 
manner,  the  writers  of  those  letters, 
who  were  called  traitors  to  their  country ; 
and  the  militia  were  called  to  assemble 
at  Braddock's  Field,  and  to  march  from 
thence  to  Pittsburgh. 

"  The  names  of  those  publicly  denoun 
ced  in  Washington  in  presence  of  the 
troops,  (who  were  hesitating  whether 
they  would  march  or  not,)  were  Thomas 
Butler,  Abraham  Kirkpatrick,  John  Gib 
son,  James  Brison  and  Edward  Day. 
When  the  troops  were  assembled  at  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  a  large  committee  was  ap 
pointed  to  consider  and  settle  what 
should  be  done.  This  committee  sat  for 
a  long  time,  and  the  soldiers  became 
clamorous  for  a  march  to  Pittsburgh. 
At  this  time  I  came  to  the  committee,  who 
were  at  some  distance  from  the  main 
body.  I  then  learned  that  the  design 
of  attacking  the  fort  was  abandoned ; 
that  the  committee  had  resolved  to  peti 
tion  the  President  for  the  removal  of 
Col.  Butler  from  the  command  of  the 
fort ;  that  they  had  ordered  the  banish 
ment  of  Major  Kirkpatrick,  Mr.  Brison 
and  Mr.  Day;  and  they  were  taking  the 
question  whether  Col.  Neville  and  Gen 
eral  Gibson  should  not  be  banished. 
John  Wilkins  and  you  made  a  proposal 
to  postpone  their  banishment  until  the 
meeting  of  the  14th  of  August ;  but  this 
was  negatived.  I  am  not  certain  whether 
this  proposal  was  confined  to  these  last 
named  gentlemen,  or  extended  to  all, 
but  rather  think  Neville  and  Gibson  only 
included.  One  of  the  committee  then 
denounced  Major  Craig  for  having  said 
he  would  keep  an  inspection  office  in  his 
own  house,  rather  than  the  excise  law 
should  be  defeated.  A  good  deal  was 
said  on  this  subject ;  his  expulsion  was 
at  last  prevented  by  a  proposal  of  yours, 


that  a  petition  should  be  sent  to  General 
Knox  for  his  removal.  It  being  very 
questionable  whether  Butler  would  not 
protect  him  in  fort  as  belonging  to  the 
army ;  and  at  all  events  the  public  busi 
ness  would  suffer  from  the  want  of  a  proper 
person  to  take  care  of  the  military  stores. 
This  was  agreed  to.  The  time  within 
which  the  banished  men  must  depart 
was  fixed,  and  passports  allowed  them. 
The  Pittsburgh  committee  now  were 
called  upon  to  pledge  themselves  for  the 
full  execution  of  the  resolutions,  which 
they  did  ;  but  whether  their  own  persons 
were  pledged  or  not,  I  do  not  recollect. 
After  this  was  settled,  one  of  the  Wash 
ington  members  rose  and  proposed  that 
the  troops  should  march  home  through 
Pittsburgh,  and  that  they  should  all  go 
in  a  body,  professing  his  belief  that  they 
would  do  no  harm,  and  stating  that  the 
news  of  the  five  thousand  men  having 
marched  through  that  place,  would  strike 
terror  into  the  minds  of  all  below,  who 
might  dream  of  punishing  any  thing 
that  had  been  done.  From  the  first  of 
the  meeting  at  Braddock's  Field  until 
this  time,  it  had  been  my  opinion  that 
we  could  prevail  on  the  troops  to  go 
home  from  thence  ;  but  finding  a  major 
ity  of  the  committee  for  marching  to 
town,  I  doubted  of  the  practicability  of 
preventing  them,  and  it  was  evidently 
the  best  policy  to  carry  the  well  disposed 
along  with  the  violent  in  order  to  con 
trol  them. 

"  This  was  the  opinion  of  all  the  well 
disposed  part  of  the  persons  assembled 
there,  and  accordingly  the  unarmed,  as 
well  as  the  armed,  were  put  in  the  ranks 
and  proceeded  to  Pittsburgh.  These  ex 
pulsions,  and  this  march,  was  the  result 
of  the  meeting  at  Braddock's  Field ;  and 
nothing  but  the  apparent  concert  of  the 
Pittsburgh  people  to  all  these  measures 
could  have  saved  their  property  from  ut 
ter  destruction.  Almost  all  the  inhab- 


176 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


itants  of  the  town  were  at  the  Field, 
and  expressed  their  despair  of  saving 
the  town,  provided  the  insurgents  march 
ed  into  it.  You  exerted  yourself  amongst 
others  to  the  utmost  in  order  to  prevent 
this  measure.  But  when  it  was  resolved 
on,  in  my  opinion,  no  person  who  wished 
the  safety  of  the  place,  would  either 
have  opposed  the  march  by  force,  or 
sent  home  the  peaceable  and  well  dispo 
sed  part  of  the  militia. 

"  The  facts  mentioned  in  your  third, 
fourth,  fifth  and  sixth  queries,  are,  to 
the  best  of  my  recollection,  correctly 
stated.  I  may  forget  words ;  but  the 
impressions  made  on  me,  and  sentiments 
expressed  by  you,  are  substantially  as 
there  stated ;  and  it  would  be  only  a 
waste  of  time  to  repeat  the  several  sub 
jects  there  alluded  to.  I  saw  many 
alarmed  and  anxious  for  the  safety  of 
their  country,  for  the  re-establishment 
of  the  government,  and  who  expressed 
an  abhorrence  of  all  that  was  doing.  I 
thought  none  of  them  more  seriously  so 
than  yourself;  and  when  you  came  as  a 
committee  man  to  settle  the  terms  of 
submission,  I  am  persuaded  there  is  none 
will  deny  that  you  exerted  yourself  to 
get  every  reasonable  concession  on  the 
part  of  the  government  in  favor  of  your 
constituents. 

"Finally,  sir,  there  is  no  impression 
on  my  mind,  from  any  part  of  your  con 
duct  in  the  late  disturbances,  which  I 
have  seen,  nor  from  anything  I  have 
heard  you  say,  that  attempted  in  any, 
instance  to  inflame  the  minds  of  any  of 
the  people  against  an  individual,  or  to 
turn  the  force  of  others  against  a  private 
enemy. 

I  am,  sir,  yours,  &c. 

JAMBS  Ross."  * 

*  The  ancestors  of  Mr.  Ross  settled  in  the  same 
neighborhood  with  those  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  in 
York  county,  Pennsylvania,  and  those  of  M'Millan 
and  John  Rowan.  Mr.  Brackenridge  found  him  a* 


Letter  of  Mr.  John  Hoge.* 
"WASHINGTON,  Feb.  16th,  1795. 

"SiR  —  I  received  your  letter  of  the 
13th  instant,  and  have  no  doubt  but  that 
you  are  entitled,  at  least,  to  a  full  state 
ment  by  letter,  of  your  expressions  to 
me  in  Pittsburgh;  but  I  much  doubt  the 
propriety  of  voluntarily  going  before  a 
magistrate,  and  making  a  deposition  on 
the  subject  And  as  it  is  an  extra-judi 
cial  business,  I  presume  no  magistrate 
will  call  on  me  by  subpoena  for  the  pur 
pose. 

"I  know  well  you  have  enemies,  and 
believe  they  are  my  friends.  I  respect 
them  and  regard  you.  It  is  not  for  me, 
therefore,  on  the  one  hand,  by  a  volun 
tary  act  of  mine,  to  lose  my  friends,  or 
wound  their  feelings,  even  though  they 
be  your  enemies;  nor  on  the  other  hand, 
to  retain  their  friendship,  by  withhold- 

Canonsburg,  teaching  the  first  classical  school 
opened  in  the  West.  He,  at  first,  designed  to  enter 
the  ministry;  but  afterward  resolved  to  study  law, 
and  Mr.  Brackenridge  furnished  him  copies  of 
Reeve's  history,  and  of  Blackstone,  brought  in  his 
saddle-bags,  on  his  way  to  Washington  court.  He 
afterward  gave  him  letters  to  Philadelphia,  where 
Ross  completed  his  studies;  after  which  he  soon 
rose  to  distinction  in  the  West;  married  a  lady  of 
fortune,  and  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  politics. 
He  became  one  of  the  Federal  leaders  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States.  He  was  a  splendid  man ; 
great  as  an  orator,  in  the  Senate  and  at  the  bar. 
He  was  a  truly  great  man.  Washington  appointed 
him  one  of  the  commissioners  to  the  insurgents ; 
here  he  met  Mr.  Brackenridge,  as  negotiator  for 
the  people.  Mr.  Ross  showed  himself  a  true  friend 
to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  when  the  latter  was  exposed 
to  false  accusations,  and  but  for  him,  would  prob 
ably  have  been  carried  a  prisoner  to  Philadelphia. 
There  is  the  greater  merit  for  this,  when  it  is  con 
sidered  that  his  brother-in-law  and  bosom  friend, 
General  Woods,  and  Mr.  Brackenridge  were  bitter 
enemies. 

*  Mr.  Hoge  was  at  this  time  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Senate,  a  particular  friend  of  Col.  Neville,  and  an 
ardent  supporter  of  the  Federal  administration. 
He  was  a  gentleman  of  fortune,  of  fine  character, 
and  splendid  talents.  He  wrote  with  the  elegance 
of  a  Junius.  His  character  for  manly  indepen 
dence  was  remarkable.  The  testimony  of  such  a 
man  is  peculiarly  important. 


JOHN   HOGE. 


177 


ing  an  act  of  justice  from  you.  I  have, 
therefore,  determined  to  do  no  more  on 
either  side  than  strict  justice,  which 
will  be  effected  by  answering  your  letter. 
If  any  man  doubts  my  words,  I  presume 
he  would  not  respect  my  oath ;  and  I 
flatter  myself  that  all  who  know  me, 
will  doubt  neither. 

"I  recollect  perfectly,  that  on  the  day  j 
I  think  previous  to  conference  being 
opened,  between  the  commissioners  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  and  the 
committee  appointed  by  the  deluded 
people,  I  entered  without  reserve  into  a 
short  conversation  with  you,  relative  to 
the  situation  of  the  western  country. 
Your  sentiments,  I  recollect  fully,  co 
incided  with  mine  on  that  occasion.  One 
sentiment  of  yours  struck  me  as  strongly  j 
characteristic  of  your  opinion,  which  j 
was,  '  that  if  the  designs  of  individuals,  j 
or  the  obstinacy  of  the  multitude,  should  j 
prevent  submission  to  the  government, 
you  were  determined  to  leave  the  coun 
try  ;  that  the  consequent  sacrifice  of 
your  property  should  not  influence  you  ; 
that  the  sacrifice  would  probably  be  but 
temporary;  for  that  obedience  would, 
and  ought  to  be  enforced ;  that  govern 
ment  had  the  power,  and,  no  doubt, 
would  exert  it  on  that  occasion.'  One 
of  us  mentioned  the  necessity  of  inducing 
Mr.  Bradford  to  comply  with  the  terms  j 
which  might  be  proposed  by  the  com 
missioners.  I  suggested  the  propriety 
of  the  use  of  your  influence  with  him. 
You  doubted  whether  you  had  any;  and 
said,  the  only  way  you  ever  could  man 
age  him,  was  by  pretending  to  anticipate 
his  opinions,  and  thus  persuade  him  to 
come  into  measures  as  his  own,  than 
which  nothing  could  be  more  foreign  to 
his  thoughts ;  but  that  you  would  leave 
no  means  unessayed,  to  effect  a  change 
of  his  mind. 

"It  cannot  be  expected  that  I  should 
now  give  the  words  of  our  conversation 


without  occasion  ;  but  I  am  persuaded  I 
have  given  the  ideas.  The  belief  that 
you  were  directly  or  indirectly  concerned 
in  the  late  insurrection,  can  only  be 
entertained  by  those,  who,  from  the  dis 
tance  from  the  scene  of  action,  have  been 
imposed  upon  by  misrepresentations,  and 
have  therefore  formed  conclusions  upon 
ill-founded  premises;  or  by  your  ene 
mies,  whose  prejudices  have  totally  pre 
vented  inquiry. 

"The  dangerous  and  unpopular  part  I 
took  in  the  late  insurrection,  and  the 
detestation  I  entertain  for  all  those 
defamatory  societies,  which  have  for 
their  object  the  dissemination  of  jea 
lousies  against  the  government ;  and 
which,  I  have  no  doubt,  contributed 
greatly  (perhaps  undesignedly, )  to  the 
late  dishonorable  insurrection,  are,  I 
hope,  sufficient  pledges  of  the  truth  of 
this  statement,  even  wh«n  it  is  made  in 
favor  of  you,  who  unfortunately  by  mis 
representation,  or  partial  statements  of 
facts,  have  incurred  the  displeasure,  or 
at  least  the  suspicion  of  government. 
I  am,  sir,  with  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  HOGE." 

Letter  of  Judge  Addison. 

"Sin: — I  have  received  your  letter 
desiring  me  to  state  to  you  my  know 
ledge  of  your  sentiments  and  conduct 
respecting  the  adoption  of  the  Federal 
constitution;  and  to  state  also  whether 
I  have  discovered  from  you  any  idea  of 
overthrowing  it ;  or  have  any  reason  to 
believe  that  you  advised  or  countenanced 
any  illegal  opposition  to  the  excise  law ; 
or  had  any  concern  in  exciting  or  sup 
porting  the  late  disturbances. 

"  In  making  this  statement  as  sincerely 
and  as  candidly  as  I  can,  I  shall  speak 
from  my  observation  of  your  conduct  in 
an  acquaintance  of  more  than  nine  years, 
and  in  your  company  in  social  and  fa- 


178 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


miliar  conversation  at  the  courts  of  this 
circuit  within  almost  the  whole  of  that 
time ;  from  my  confidence  that  your  con 
versation  on  political  subjects  is  frank 
and  sincere;  and  from  my  opportunity 
of  learning  the  opinion  entertained  of 
you  by  the  judges,  my  associates,  and 
other  respectable  citizens  in  the  respec 
tive  counties  cf  this  circuit. 

"Your  approbation  of  the  Federal 
constitution,  from  its  publication,  and 
your  exertions  to  incline  the  minds  of 
the  people  toward  it,  and  promote  its 
adoption,  are  notorious.  Since  its  adop 
tion,  I  believe  that  you  have  constantly 
retained  your  respect  and  attachment  to 
it ;  and  I  know  nothing  to  induce  any 
suspicion  of  your  conceiving  any  idea  of 
overthrowing  it. 

"It  is  impossible  for  me,  without  era 
sing  all  my  impressions  of  your  char 
acter  and  conduct,  to  suppose  that  you 
ever  advised  or  countenanced  any  illegal 
opposition  to  the  excise  law;  I  think 
your  sense  of  civil  duty  strong  and  ac 
curate,  and  believe  you  incapable  of  sug 
gesting  or  approving  any  unlawful  act. 

"  During  the  disturbances  here,  until 
the  first  conference  with  the  commis 
sioners  at  Pittsburgh,  I  was  absent  from 
this  country.  At  the  time  of  that  con 
ference,  you  there  expressed  to  me  the 
utmost  disapprobation  of  the  preceding 
acts  of  violence,  and  regret  for  their 
effects;  your  perfect  satisfaction  with 
the  terms  proposed  by  the  commissioners, 
as  the  best  that  could  be  offered,  and 
your  resolution  to  exert  every  endeavor 
to  induce  the  people  to  accept  them; 
and  if  you  should  fail — to  leave  this 
country.  I  am  persuaded  that  you  spoke 
your  mind ;  all  your  subsequent  conduct, 
so  far  as  I  can  understand,  (and  I  knew 
much  of  it,)  uniformly  corresponded 
with  those  declarations;  and  I  believe 
you  contributed  greatly  to  the  restoration 
of  peace  and  civil  submission  in  this  coun 


try.  It  must  be  supposed,  that  the  out 
rages  which  had  been  committed  would 
be  frequent  subjects  of  conversation; 
but  I  have  never  heard  from  any  man  of 
understanding,  information  and  impartial 
ity,  that  you  had  any  participation  in  the 
guilt  of  them. 

"The  imputation  of  this  to  you  was 
matter  of  surprise  to  me;  and  I  am 
persuaded  that  it  arose  from  ignorance 
and  misconception  of  your  motives,  or 
from  prejudice. 

I  am,  sir,  yours,  &c. 

ALEXANDER  ADDISON." 

After  reading  the  foregoing  letters, 
and  those  of  General  Wilkius,  H.  Pur- 
viance,  Judge  Lucas,  and  many  others  of 
the  like  import,  or  confined  to  particular 
instances,  it  must  certainly  excite  aston 
ishment  in  the  reader,  greater  than  the 
surprise  of  Judge  Addison,  that  Mr. 
Brackenridge  should  have  come  under 
the  suspicion  of  the  government,  or  that 
a  participation  in  the  insurrection  should 
even  be  imputed  to  him  by  any  individ 
ual — that  he  should  have  been  subjected 
to  an  examination  by  Secretary  Hamil 
ton,  and  compelled  to  vindicate  his  in 
nocence  by  the  publication  of  numerous 
documents,  and  a  general  narrative  of 
the  incidents  of  the  insurrection !  It  is, 
if  possible,  still  more  astonishing,  that 
at  the  distance  of  half  a  century,  his 
descendants  have  been  compelled  to  re 
state  his  case,  and  reproduce  his  evi 
dence,  to  repel  slanders,  renewed  in  a  form 
of  ten-fold  malignity,  which  it  was  sup 
posed  he  had  lived  down;  or  at  least, 
that  it  was  rectified  by  time,  the  great 
corrector  of  error.  But,  it  is  an  instance 
to  show  the  wonderful  vitality  of  slander 
and  malignant  misrepresentation.  It 
seems  almost  immortal — crush  it  out  a 
thousand  times,  and  it  will  still  come  to 
life,  while  there  is  a  human  bosom  in 
which  malignity  and  falsehood  hold  their 


JUDGE   ADDISON. 


179 


abode.  It  is  even  more  astonishing,  that 
one  pretending  to  the  high  functions  of 
a  historian,  like  Hildreth,  in  a  grave 
production,  having  the  ambitious  title  of 
a  "History  of  the  United  States,"  should 
attempt  to  revive  these  obsolete  slanders, 
when  he  had  before  him  the  "Incidents 
of  the  Western  Insurrection,"  containing 
the  documents  now  re-published!  That 
N.  B.  Craig,  the  descendant  of  the  Ne 
villes  and  Craigs,  should  have  availed 
himself  of  Hildreth's  disreputable  pages, 
as  the  foundation  of  his  own  vile  insinua 
tions  and  falsehoods,  is  not  surprising. 
There  was  a  settled  enmity  on  the  part 
of  the  "Neville  connection"  against  Mr. 
Brackenridge ;  and  although  the  fire  was 
smothered  down  for  a  time,  it  broke  out 
at  length  in  the  misnamed  "History  of 
Pittsburgh,"  after  the  lapse  of  two  gen 
erations,  and  that  fire  has  been  attempted 
to  be  rendered  immortal !  That  enmity 
had  its  origin  in  something  besides  the 
excise  law.  It  is  due  to  truth  and  justice 
that  it  should  be  exposed;  it  is  neces 
sary,  although  painful  and  unpleasant. 

The  character  given  by  N.  B.  Craig 
of  his  relative  Major  Kirkpatrick,  might 
prepare  the  reader  for  what  the  author 
of  this  work  is  about  to  relate.  About 
two  years  before  the  insurrection,  it  be 
came  the  professional  duty  of  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  to  institute  proceedings  against 
Kirkpatrick,  to  compel  him  to  bring  back 
a  free  colored  woman,  named  Eve,  whom 
he  had  sent  off  to  Kentucky,  and  either 
sold  into  slavery  or  intended  to  sell. 
The  cause  was  prosecuted  with  energy, 
and  the  defendant  held  so  firmly  in  the 
grip  of  the  law,  that  he  was  compelled 
to  bring  the  woman  back  and  restore  her 
to  freedom.  Kirkpatrick  was  furious, 
and  threatened  assassination ;  and  his 
brother-in-law,  General  Neville,  and  per 
haps  Major  Craig,  entered  warmly  into 
his  feelings.  It  was  a  subject  peculiarly 
calculated  to  excite  the  anger  of  the  old 


Virginian,  and  his  Maryland  brother-in- 
law.  The  grandson  of  Gen.  Neville  is 
now  one  of  the  ultra  abolitionists  of  the 
country,  the  very  opposite  of  his  ances 
tor  !  Kirkpatrick,  armed  with  a  blud 
geon,  came  suddenly  on  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge,  while  sitting  carelessly  under  the 
shade  of  some  trees,  on  the  bank  of  the 
river.  The  blow  missed  his  head,  but 
fell  on  his  left  shoulder,  from  which  he 
never  entirely  recovered.  They  seized 
each  other,  and  rolled  down  the  bank, 
|  but  were  almost  immediately  separated. 
|  A  prosecution  was  pending  for  this,  du 
ring  the  insurrection ;  and  it  was  in 
reference  to  it,  that  at  Braddock's  Field 
he  said  he  would  rather  keep  Kirkpatriek, 
in  order  to  prosecute  him  according  to 
law,  and  which  was  understood  by  the 
insurgents  as  referring  to  the  attack  on 
Neville's  house.  The  writer  of  this, 
|  then  only  ten  years  old,  was  present  at 
j  ihe  trial  in  the  old  tavern  court  in  Pitts 
burgh.  He  saw  the  round  drops  of  sweat 
roll  down  Kirkpatrick's  face,  as  his 
father  lashed  him  with  terrific  sever 
ity.  The  writer  had  crawled  just  to 
the  foot  of  the  bench,  where  sat  Judges 
Yates  and  Smith,  and  (according  to  the 
etiquette  not  then  obsolete,  of  inviting 
old  and  respectable  citizens  to  take  a 
seat  with  the  Judges,)  where  also  sat 
General  Neville ;  and  he  heard  him  say,  in 
a  whisper,  to  Yates,  "In  Virginia,  in  a 
case  of  this  kind,  we  would  impose  a 
fine  of  five  shillings."  The  Judges,  no 
doubt,  dined  that  day  with  one  of  the 
Neville  connection,  a  practice  continued 
long  afterward,  and  which  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge,  when  appointed  to  the  bench,  con 
demned  in  no  measured  terms.  True  to 
his  profession,  he  never  would  accept  an 
invitation  to  dine  out  while  on  the  cir 
cuit,  aud  which  was,  no  doubt,  set  down 
as  one  of  his  eccentricities.  Major  Craig 
had  also  his  particular  cause  of  offense 
j  from  being  made  the  butt  of  ridicule 


180 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  on  various  occa 
sions.  It  was  even  said,  by  some,  but 
very  erroneously,  that  he  was  intended 
to  be  represented  in  the  character  of 
Teague  O'Regan,  in  his  satirical  pro 
duction,  "Modern  Chivalry."  The  read 
er  will  now  be  at  no  loss  for  the  key 
to  the  abiding  and  rancorous  enmity  of 
the  Neville  connection  to  the  "insur 
gent"  Brackenridge. 

Affidavit  of  Judge  Lucas.  * 
"That  on  the  13th  or  14th  of  last  July 
(1794),  being  lately  returned  home  from 
a  voyage  which  he  had  undertaken^to  the 
Illinois  country,  Hugh  Henry  Brack 
enridge,  attorney-at-law,  living  in  Pitts 
burgh,  Allegheny  county,  State  of  Penn 
sylvania,  came  to  his  house,  being  one  or 
two  days  before  the  first  riot  had  taken 
place  at  General  Neville's  house,  and  as 
it  was  the  first  time  this  deponent  had 
seen  Mr.  Brackenridge  since  his  arrival, 
a  miscellany  of  news,  reciprocally  given, 
soon  became  the  whole  topic  of  their  con 
versation.  This  deponent  perfectly  re 
members,  that  among  other  things,  he 
mentioned  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  that 
while  he  was  passing  through  Kentucky, 
he  had  heard  that  numbers  of  people  in 
that  State  were  displeased  at  the  con 
duct  of  the  Federal  government  toward 
them  ;  that  several  committees  had  been 
held  there,  and  had  already  went  to  great 
lengths;  that  this  said  deponent  had 
read  a  printed  paper,  pasted  up  in  a  pub 
lic  place  in  Kentucky,  containing  several 
resolves  of  a  committee,  and  especially 
one  by  which  the  people  of  Kentucky 

*  This  gentleman  was  a  native  of  France,  who 
came  to  this  country  after  the  revolution.  He  was 
of  a  noble  French  family,  son  of  the  Chief  Justiciar 
of  Normandy;  but  being  a  republican  in  princi 
ples,  left  his  native  country,  He  settled  near  Pitts 
burgh  on  a  farm,  was  elected  to  Congress,  and  after 
ward  appointed  by  Jefferson,  Judge  of  the  Superior 
court  of  Missouri,  where  some  of  hia  descendants 
still  reside. 


I  were  invited  at  large  to  meet  and  take 
in    consideration   the   circumstances    o^ 
the  country;  that  some  talked  of  a  sep 
aration  from  the  Union,  others  thought 
of  other  measures  to  be  adopted.     Upon 
which  account  so  given   Mr.   Bracken 
ridge  by  this  deponent,  he  appeared  to 
be  highly  displeased,  and  asking  this  de 
ponent  who  might  be  the  leader  in  this 
system   cf  reform,  this   deponent    says 
he  answered  him,  that  he,  this  said  depo 
nent,  had  been  told  that  several  lawyers 
were  amongst  the  leaders  ;  to  which  Mr. 
Brackenridge  replied,  that  he  supposed 
those  lawyers  must  be  trivial  ones,  prob 
ably  shifting  in  that  manner  to  obtain 
some  notice  from  the  public.     This  de 
ponent  further  says,  that   he  told    Mr. 
Brackenridge  he   had  heard  of  several 
lawyers,  distinguished  by  their  talents, 
who  were  at  the  head  of  these  commit 
tees,    and  many  other  persons    of  good 
standing  in  Kentucky;  which  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  appeared  to  wonder  at  greatly, 
and  seeming  to  sink  into  himself  with 
great  concern,  in  a  deep  reflection,  for  a 
little  while,  this  deponent  says,   he  soon 
expressed  himself  in  the  following  man 
ner  :  'I    cannot    perceive   what   advan 
tage    the    people    of    Kentucky    could 
obtain   by   disturbing    the  Union.     But 
should  they  separate,    our   situation  in 
this  part  of  the  country  would  become 
Tery  critical,     On  the  one  hand,  the  peo 
ple  of  Kentucky  would  not  fail  to  inter 
rupt  our  trade  on  the  Ohio,  should  we  re 
fuse  to  join  with  them;  and  should  we 
join  them,   we  would  immediately  lose 
the  great  advantages  we  derive  from  the 
Union.'    This  deponent  further  declares, 
that    the   first   opportunity  he    had   of 
perceiving  the  disposition  of  Mr.  Brack 
enridge,    in  the    late    disturbance,    was 
a  few  days  after  the  committee  held  at 
the    Mingo   meeting-house,   where   Mr. 
Brackenridge  said  to  this  deponent,  that 
on  his  going  to  meet  with  the  committee 


JUDGE   LUCAS. 


181 


at  Mingo  meeting-house,  he  fairly  ex 
pected  he  would  be  able  to  defeat  any 
violent  measures  that  could  be  proposed 
there ;  but  to  his  astonishment  he  had 
met  with  a  numerous  assembly  of  men, 
respectable  by  their  property,  their  abili 
ties,  and  the  popularity  a  great  many  of 
them  enjoyed ;  that  things  seemed  go 
ing  to  take  a  more  serious  turn  than  he 
expected ;  and  added,  only  that  the  con 
dition  of  an  emigrant  was  but  a  sorry 
one,  that  for  his  part  he  did  not  like  to 
emigrate.  The  deponent  says,  that  the 
next  opportunity  he  had  after,  of  perceiv 
ing  the  disposition  of  Mr.  Brackenridge 
in  the  late  disturbances,  was  on  the  14th 
^  of  August  last,  at  Parkin  sou's  Ferry, 
where  the  said  Mr.  Brackenridge  gave 
him  to  read,  (a  letter  before  the  commit 
tee  *  was  formed, )  a  piece  of  writing  in 
tended  to  be  an  address  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  in  behalf  of  the 
people  of  the  western  part  of  Pennsyl 
vania  ;  which  writing,  Mr.  Brackenridge 
told  to  this  deponent,  he  would  present 
to  the  then  committee,  and  would  exert 
himself  to  make  it  be  adopted.  The 
deponent  further  says,  that  the  object 
of  that  draft,  was  to  solicit  from  the  Ex 
ecutive  to  suspend  its  activity  in  putting 
the  excise  law  in  force,  until  the  next 
session  in  Congress,  upon  the  solemn 
promise  from  the  people  of  the  fourth 
survey  to  obey  and  to  continue  to  keep  in 
force  among  them,  without  interruption, 
all  other  laws,  both  of  the  Federal  and 
State  governments.  This  deponent  says, 
that  Mr.  Brackenridge  tpld  him  since, 
that  he  had  not  thought  proper  to 
present  the  said  draft  of  address  to 
the  committee,  upon  his  hearing  during 
the  time  the  committee  was  holding, 
that  commissioners  from  the  Executive 
were  arrived  on  the  spot.  This  de- 


*  The  meetings  were  sometimes  called  committees; 
which  is  at  present  understood  of  a  smaller  body 
taken  from  a  larger  one. 


ponent  says  also,  that  the  third  circum 
stance  that  drew  his  attention  to  the 
conduct  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  took  place 
on  the  21st  of  August,  when  the  commit 
tee  of  twelve  went  to  confer  at  Pitts 
burgh  with  the  commissioners  in  behalf 
of  the  Executive.  The  nine  deputies 
from  Westmoreland,  Washington  and  Al 
legheny  counties,  met  together,  and  while 
they  were  waiting  for  the  three  deputies 
from  Fayette,  who  were  not  yet  arrived, 
Mr.  Brackenridge  opened  the  conversa 
tion  on  the  momentous  subject  of  resist 
ance  or  acquiescence  in  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  ;  and  this  deponent,  who 
was  one  of  the  three  deputies  from  Al 
legheny  county,  says  he  witnessed  Mr. 
Brackenridge  saying  openly,  before  any 
body  had  given  his  opinion,  that  he 
thought  that  submission  was  the  best  step 
to  be  taken;  that  for  his  part  he  was 
determined  to  submit  to  the  laws.  The 
deponent  says,  that  amongst  the  many 
that  were  wishing  secretly  to  see  the 
people  returning  to  obedience  to  the 
laws,  Mr.  Brackenridge  is  the  first  man 
he  did  hear  speak  of  submission,  after  the 
insurrection.  The  deponent  further  says, 
that  he  went  the  best  part  of  the  was 
from  Pittsburgh,  to  attend  the  com 
mittee  of  Redstone,  held  on  the  28th  and 
29th  days  of  last  August;  and  as  they 
were  going  along  the  deponent  saw  in 
Mr.  Brackenridge  all  the  tokens  of  dis 
tress  at  the  appearance  of  so  many 
liberty  poles  raised  through  the  coun 
try,  and  so  little  corresponding  with 
the  pacific  views,  he  (Mr.  Bracken 
ridge,)  was  going  with  his  other  col 
leagues  to  propagate  and  support  before, 
the  standing  committee  of  Redstone. 

"  This  deponent  says  likewise,  that  af 
ter  the  report  of  the  conference  held  on 
the  21st  was  made  on  the  28th  to  the 
standing  committee,  and  the  said  com 
mittee  having  adjourned  to  meet  on  the 
morrow,  29th,  Mr.  Gallatin  came  to  Mr, 


13 


182 


WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 


Brackenridge  in  the  street,  and  in  pre 
sence  of  this  deponent,  Mr.  Gallatin 
proposed  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  to  open 
the  matter  on  the  following  day,  which 
Mr.  Brackenridge  declined,  devolving 
the  task  on  Mr.  Gallatin,  with  promise 
that  he  would  support  him  with  all  his 
might.  This  deponent  says,  that  he  | 
went  that  night  to  lodge  at  a  neighbor 
ing  farm  with  Mr.  Brackenridge,  that 
the  said  Brackenridge  gave  to  him,  the 
deponent,  during  the  whole  evening,  the 
most  persuasive  tokens  of  anxiety  and 
dissatisfaction,  expressing  repeatedly, 
how  unwell  the  good  of  the  country  ap 
peared  to  be  understood  by  many  mem 
bers  of  the  standing  committee.  This 
deponent  says,  that  on  the  day  following  j 
he  attended  this  committee  as  a  member 
of  it,  and  heard  Mr.  Brackenridge  echo 
ing  there  in  his  own  language,  the  co 
gent  and  powerful  arguments  first  made 
use  of  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  and  adding  new 
ones  of  his  own ;  all  to  the  purpose  of 
disposing  the  committee  to  submit  to 
the  laws,  and  propagate  that  disposition 
among  their  constituents. 

"This  deponent  recollects  that  not 
long  after  the  beginning  of  the  late  dis 
turbances,  Mr.  Brackenridge  read  to  him 
a  letter  he  had  received  from  a  gentle 
man  of  Philadelphia,  in  answer  to  ano 
ther  one  he  had  written  first  to  that 
gentleman,  whose  contents  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge  had  mentioned  in  substance  to  this 
deponent,  who  remembers  that,  amongst 
other  things.  Mr.  Brackenridge  told  him 
he  had  written  to  this  said  gentleman  of 
Philadelphia,  (which  he  told  me  since 
was  of  the  name  of  Tench  Cox,)  to  wit: 
that  government  had  perhaps  as  much 
reason  of  being  afraid  of  the  western  peo 
ple,  as  the  western  people  had  of  fearing 
government ;  that  should  a  few  hundred 
of  the  western  insurgents  attempt  to 
pass  over  the  mountains,  thousands, 
greatly  displeased  at  the  funding  system 


and  its  effects,  would  immediately  flock 
with  the  former  ones,  and  like  a  torrent 
would  increase  more  and  more  in  their 
rapid  course  toward  the  seat  of  govern 
ment.  This  deponent  declares,  that  this 
idea  so  suggested  by  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
seemed  to  him  rather  grounded  on  exag 
geration,  at  the  early  period  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  mentioned  to  him  the  contents  of 
this  letter  of  Mr.  Tench  Cox ;  but 
having  been  informed  since  by  the  most 
undoubtful  reports,  the  discontent  that 
had  prevailed  through  the  minds  of  a 
considerable  number  of  people,  in  the 
counties  of  Bedford,  Cumberland,  Frank 
lin,  Northumberland,  and  in  some  parts 
of  Maryland,  &c.  this  deponent  is  at 
present  fully  persuaded,  had  the  leaders 
of  the  insurgents  thought  of  such  mea 
sures,  and  given  execution  to  it,  that 
what  seemed  to  him  an  exaggeration  at 
the  first,  might  have  been  literally  a 
fact,  and  considers  that  the  hint  Mr. 
Brackenridge  had  so  justly  given  of  the 
impending  danger,  to  a  gentleman  near 
government,  must  have  been  of  a  great 
use  to  the  Executive,  if  justly  apprecia 
ted.  The  deponent  says,  that  Mr.  Tench 
Cox,  by  his  answer  to  the  one  of  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  Mr.  Brackenridge  did  re 
peatedly  say  to  this  deponent,  that  Mr. 
Tench  Cox  had  not  understood  him 
upon  many  things  he  had  expressed  to 
Mr.  Tench  Cox,  to  secure  himself  in 
case  his  letter  should  be  intercepted  this 
side  the  mountains.  Lastly,  the  depo 
nent  declares,  that  he  knows  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  since  more  than  ten  years  ;  that 
during  that  period  of  time  he  has  culti 
vated  his  acquaintance  without  inter 
ruption  as  a  literary  and  a  philosophic 
man.  That  although  he  spoke  seldom 
with  him  on  political  subjects,  neverthe 
less,  from  some  conversations  he  had 
with  him  relating  to  politics,  and  from 
other  circumstances,  the  said  deponent 
has  been  and  is  strongly  impressed  with 


PROCLAMATION. 


183 


the  idea,    that    Mr.    Brackenridge  is  a 
warm  and  zealous  supporter*  of  the  pre 
sent  Federal  constitution,  a  real  friend  to 
the  Union;  and  from  some  foMier  instan 
ces,  the  deponent  further  says,  that  he 
thinks  Mr.  Brackenridge  is  even  an  ad 
mirer  of  the  Federal  constitution,  or  at 
least  has  been  so  perhaps  in  a  greater  I 
degree  than  many   other  persons    from  j 
this  part  of  the  country,  who  bear,  very  j 
deservedly  in  the  opinion  of  this  depo-  } 
nent,  the  name  of  good  citizens. 

JOHN  B.  LUCAS." 
Sworn  before  A.  ADDISON. 

"Proclamation. 

4 'WHERE AS,  Combinations  to  defeat 
the  execution  of  the  laws  levying  duties  j 
upon  spirits  distilled  in  the  United  States  I 
and  upon  the  stills,  have,  from  the  time 
of  the  commencement  of  those  laws,  ex 
isted  in  some  of  the  western  parts  of 
Pennsylvania.  And  whereas,  the  said 
combinations,  proceeding  in  a  manner 
subversive  equally  of  the  just  authority 
of  government  and  of  the  rights  of  indi 
viduals,  have  hitherto  effected  their  dan 
gerous  and  criminal  purpose  by  the  in 
fluence  of  certain  irregular  meetings, 
whose  proceedings  have  tended  to  en 
courage  and  uphold  the  spirit  of  opposi 
tion  ;  by  misrepresentations  of  the  laws 
calculated  to  render  them  obnoxious ;  by 
endeavors  to  deter  those  who  might  be 
so  disposed  from  accepting  offices  under 
them,  through  fear  of  public  resentment 
and  injury  to  person  and  property,  and 
to  compel  those  who  had  accepted  such 
offices,  by  actual  violence,  to  surrender 
or  forbear  the  execution  of  them ;  by 
circulating  vindictive  menaces  against 
all  those  who  should  otherwise  directly 
or  indirectly  aid  in  the  execution  of  the 
said  laws,  or  who,  yielding  to  the  dic 
tates  of  conscience  and  to  a  sense  of  ob 
ligation,  should  themselves  comply  there 
with,  by  actually  injuring  and  destroying 


the  property  of  persons  who  were  under 
stood  to  have  so  complied ;  by  inflicting 
cruel  and  humiliating  punishment  upon 
private  citizens  for  no  other  cause  than 
that  of  appearing  to  be  the  friends  of  the 
laws ;  by  intercepting  the  public  officers 
on  the  highways,  abusing,  assaulting,  or 
otherwise  ill  treating  them ;  by  going  to 
their  houses  in  the  night,  gaining  admit 
tance  by  force,  taking  away  their  papers, 
and  committing  other  outrages ;  employ 
ing  for  their  unwarrantable  purposes  the 
agency  of  armed  banditti,   disguised  in 
such  a  manner  as  for  the  most  part  to 
escape  discovery.     And  whereas,  the  en 
deavors  of  the  Legislature  to  obviate  ob 
jections  to  the  said  laws,  by  lowering  the 
duties  and  by  other  alterations  condu 
cive  to  the  convenience  of  those  whom 
they   immediately    affect,    (though  they 
have  given  satisfaction   in  other   quar 
ters,)  and  the  endeavors  of  the  execu 
tive  officers  to  conciliate   a  compliance 
with  the  laws,  by  explanations,  by  for 
bearance,  and  even  by  particular  accom 
modations  founded  on  the  suggestion  of 
local  considerations,   have   been    disap 
pointed  of  their  effect  by  the   machina 
tions  of  persons  whose  industry  to  excite 
resistance  has  increased  with  every  ap 
pearance  of  a  disposition  among  the  peo 
ple  to  relax  in  their  opposition  and  to 
acquiesce  in  the  laws :    insomuch   that 
many  persons  in  the  said  western  parts 
of  Pennsylvania   have   at  length    been 
hardy  enough  to  perpetrate  acts  which  I 
am   advised   amount   to   treason,    being 
overt   acts   of  levying  war  against  the 
United  States  ;    the  said  persons  having, 
on  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  of  July 
last,  proceeded  in  arms  ,{on  the  second 
day  amounting  to  several  hundreds,)  to 
the  house  of  John  Neville,  Inspector  of 
the  Revenue  for  the  fourth  survey  of  the 
District  of  Pennsylvania,  having  repeat 
edly  attacked  the  said  house,  with  the 
persons  therein,  wounding  some  of  them ; 


184 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


having  seized  David  Lennox,  Marshal  of 
the  District  of  Pennsylvania,  who  previ 
ous  thereto  had  been  fired  upon,  while  in 
the  execution  of  his  duty,  by  a  party  of 
armed  men,  detaining  him  for  some  time 
prisoner,  till,  for  the  preservation  of  his 
life  and  the  obtaining  of  his  liberty,  he 
found  it  necessary  to  enter  into  stipula 
tions  to  forbear  the  execution  of  certain 
official  duties,  touching  processes  issuing 
out  of  a  court  of  the  United  States,  and 
having  finally  obliged  the  said  Inspector 
of  the  Revenue  and   the  said  Marshal, 
from  considerations  of  personal   safety, 
to  fly  from  that  part  of  the  country  in 
order,  by  a  circuitous  route,  to  proceed 
to  the  seat  of  government ;  avowing  as  j 
the  motive  of  these  outrageous  proceed 
ings  an  intention  to  prevent,  by  force  of 
arms,  the  execution  of  the  said  laws,  to 
oblige  the  said  Inspector  of  the  Revenue 
to  renounce  his  said  office,  to  withstand  j 
by  open  violence  the  lawful  authority  of  I 
the    government   of  the   United   States,  I 
and  to  compel  thereby  an  alteration  of  I 
the  measures  of  the  Legislature  and  a  re-  | 
peal  of  the  laws  aforesaid. 

"  And  whereas,  by  a  law  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  entitled,   '  An  Act  to  provide 
for  calling  forth   the  militia  to  execute 
the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insur-  j 
rections  and  repel  invasions,'  it  is  en-  ' 
acted   that   whenever   the   laws   of  the  [ 
United  States  shall  be  opposed,  or  the  j 
execution    thereof    obstructed    in    any 
State  by  combinations  too  powerful  to 
be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of 
judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers 
vested  in  the  Marshals  by  that  act,  the 
same  being  notified  by  an  Associate  Jus-  I 
tice   or  the   District  Judge,   it  shall  be  j 
lawful  for  the  President  of  the  United  | 
States  to  call  forth  the  militia  of  such  ; 
State  to  suppress  such  combinations,  and 
to  cause  the  laws  to  be  duly  executed. 

"  And  if  the  militia  of  a  State  where 
such  combinations  may  happen,  shall  re-  | 


fuse  or  be  insufficient  to  suppress  the 
same,  i^#Jiflr%be  lawful  for  the  Presi 
dent,  if-  ^f^j&imture  of  the  United 
States  be™ot  in  session,  to  call  forth 
and  employ  such  nunabers  of  the  militia 
oJ  any  State  or  States  most  convenient 
•Jnereto  as  may  be  necessary,  and  the  use 
of  the  militia  so  to  be  called  forth  may 
be  continued,  if  necessary,  until  the  ex 
piration  of  thirty  days  after  the  com 
mencement  of  the  ensuing  session  ;  Pro 
vided  always,  that  whenever  it  may  be 
necessary  in  the  judgment  of  the  Presi 
dent  to  use  the  military  force  hereby 
directed  to  be  called  forth,  the  President 
shall  forthwith  and  previous  thereto,  by 
proclamation,  command  such  insurgents 
« to  disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their 
respective  abodes  within  a  limited  time.' 

"And  whereas,  James  Wilson,  an  Asso 
ciate  Justice,  on  the  fourth  instant,  by 
writing  under  his  hand,  did,  from  evi 
dence  which  had  been  laid  before  him, 
notify  to  me,  '  that  in  the  counties  of 
Washington  and  Allegheny,  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  laws  of  the  United  States  are  op 
posed,  and  the  execution  thereof  ob 
structed  by  combinations  too  powerful 
to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course 
of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers 
vested  in  the  Marshal  of  that  district.'. 

"And  whereas,  it  is  in  my  judgment 
necessary,  under  the  circumstances  of 
the  case,  to  take  measures  for  calling 
forth  the  militia  in  order  to  suppress  the 
combinations  aforesaid,  and  to  cause  the 
laws  to  be  duly  executed,  and  I  have  ac 
cordingly  determined  to  do  so,  feeling 
the  deepest  regret  for  the  occasion,  but 
withal  the  most  solemn  conviction,  that 
the  essential  interests  of  the  Union  de 
mand  it — that  the  very  existence  of  gov 
ernment,  and  the  fundamental  princi 
ples  of  social  order  are  materially  in 
volved  in  the  issue ;  and  that  the  patri 
otism  and  firmness  of  all  good  citizens 
are  seriously  called  upon,  as  occasion  may 


PROCLAMATION. 


185 


require,  to  aid  in  the  effectual  suppres 
sion  of  so  fatal  a  spirit. 

"Wherefore,  and  in  pursuance  of  the 
proviso  above  recited,  I,  George  Wash 
ington,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  hereby  command  all  persons  being 
insurgents  as  aforesaid,  and  all  others 
whom  it  may  concern,  on  or  befor*  the 
first  day  of  September  next,  to  disperse 
and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective 
abodes.  And  I  do  moreover  warn  all 
persons  whomsoever,  against  aiding, 
abetting,  or  comforting  the  perpetrators 
of  the  aforesaid  treasonable  acts.  And 
I  do  require  all  officers  and  other  citi 
zens,  according  to  their  respective  duties 
and  the  laws  of  the  land,  to  exert  their 
utmost  endeavors  to  prevent  and  sup 
press  such  dangerous  proceedings. 

"In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  of  America 
to  be  affixed  to  these  presents,  and 
signed  the  same  with  my  hand. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  the 
seventh  day  of  August,  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  ninety-four,  and  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
of  America  the  nineteenth. 
By  the  President, 

GEO.  WASHINGTON.  [L.S.] 

EDM.  RANDOLPH." 

"  By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

A  PROCLAMATION. 

"Whereas,  from  a  hope  that  the  com 
binations  against  the  constitution  and 
laws  of  the  United  States  in  certain  of 
the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania 
would  yield  to  time  and  reflection;  I 
thought  it  sufficient  in  the  first  instance 
rather  to  take  measures  for  the  calling 
forth  of  the  militia  than  immediately  to 
embody  them;  but  the  moment  has  now 
come  when  the  overtures  of  forgiveness 
with  no  other  condition  than  a  submission 
to  law,  have  been  only  r  artially  accepted ; 


when  every  form  of  conciliation  not  in 
consistent  with  the  being  of  government 
has  been  adopted  without  effect;  when 
the  well  disposed,  in  those  counties  are 
unable  by  their  influence  and  example  to 
reclaim  the  wicked  from  their  fury,  and 
are  compelled  to  associate  in  their  own  de 
fense;  when  the  proper  lenity  has  been 
misinterpreted  into  an  apprehension  that 
the  citizens  will  march  with  reluctance ; 
when  the  opportunity  of  examining  the 
serious  consequences  of  a  treasonable 
opposition  has  been  employed  in  prop 
agating  principles  of  anarchy,  endeav 
oring  through  emissaries  to  alienate 
the  friends  of  order  from  its  support, 
and  inviting  its  enemies  to  perpetrate 
similar  acts  of  insurrection;  when  it  is 
manifest  that  violence  would  continue  to 
be  exercised  upon  every  attempt  to  en 
force  the  laws;  when,  therefore,  govern 
ment  is  set  at  defiance,  the  contest  being 
whether  a  small  portion  of  the  United 
States  shall  dictate  to  the  whole  Union, 
and  at  the  expense  of  those  who  desire 
peace,  indulge  a  desperate  ambition. 
Now,  therefore,  I,  George  Washington, 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  obedi 
ence  to  that  high  and  irresistible  duty 
consigned  to  me  by  the  constitution,  'to 
take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully 
executed,'  deploring  that  the  American 
name  should  be  sullied  by  the  outrages 
of  citizens  on  their  own  government ; 
commiserating  such  as  remain  obstinate 
from  delusion,  but  resolved  in  perfect  re 
liance  on  that  gracious  Providence  which 
so  signally  displays  its  goodness  toward 
this  country,  to  reduce  the  refractory  to  a 
due  subordination  to  the  law ;  do  hereby 
declare  and  make  known  that  with  a  sat 
isfaction,  which  can  be  equaled  only  by 
the  merits  of  the  militia,  summoned  into 
service  from  the  States  of  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia, 
I  have  received  intelligence  of  their  pa 
triotic  alacrity  in  obeying  the  call  of  the 


186 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


present,  though  painful,  yet  commanding 
necessity;  that  a  force,  which,  according 
to  every  reasonable  expectation  is  ade 
quate  to  the  exigency,  is  already  in  motion 
to  the  scene  of  disaffection;  that  those 
who  have  confided  or  shall  confide  in  the 
protection  of  government,  shall  meet  full 
succor  under  the  standard  and  arms  of 
the  United  States;  that  those  who  having 
offended  against  the  law  have  since  enti 
tled  themselves  to  idemnity,  will  be  trea 
ted  with  the  most  liberal  good  faith,  if 
they  shall  not  have  forfeited  their  claim 
by  any  subsequent  conduct,  and  that  in 
structions  are  given  accordingly.  And  I 
do  moreover  expect  all  individuals  and 
bodies  of  men,  to  contemplate  with  abhor 
rence  the  measures  leading  directly  or  in 
directly  to  those  crimes  which  produce 
this  military  coercion  ;  to  check  in  their 
respective  spheres  the  effort  of  misguided 
or  designing  men  to  substitute  their  mis 
representations  in  the  place  of  truth,  and 
their  discontents  in  the  place  of  stable 
government,  and  so  call  to  mind  that  as 
the  people  of  the  United  States  have  been 
permitted  under  the  Divine  favor,  in  per 
fect  freedom,  after  solemn  deliberation, 
and  in  an  enlightened  age,  to  elect  their 
own  government;  so  will  their  gratitude 
for  this  inestimable  blessing  be  best  dis 
tinguished  by  firm  exertions  to  maintain 
the  constitution  and  laws.  And  lastly, 
I  again  warn  all  persons  whomsoever,  and 
wheresoever,  not  to  abet,  aid,  or  comfort 
the  insurgents  aforesaid,  as  they  will  an 
swer  the  country  at  their  peril;  and  I  do 
also  require  all  officers  and  other  citizens 
according  to  their  several  duties  as  far 
as  may  be  in  their  power,  to  bring  under 
the  cognizance  of  law  all  offenders  in 
the  premises.  In  witness  whereof,  I 
have  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States 
of  America  to  be  affixed  to  these  presents, 
and  signed  the  same  with  my  hand.  Done  ! 
at  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  the  twenty- 
fifth  day  of  September,  one  thousand  sev- 


en  hundred  and  ninety-four,  and  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America  the  nineteenth. 

GEO.  WASHINGTON.  [L.  s.] 
By  the  President, 

EDM.  RANDOLPH. 
(True  copy.)  GEORGE  TAYLOR." 

Findley's  account  of  the  proceedings  at 
Parkinson's  Ferry 

As  a  matter  of  curiosity  we  here  ex 
tract  from  Findley's  History  of  the  pro 
ceedings  related  in  the  foregoing  chapter. 
It  has  been  generally  followed  by  other 
writers  to  the  disparagement  of  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  and  to  the  advantage  of 
Gallatin.  It  is  a  striking  instance  of  the 
errors  which  may  be  perpetrated  by  pre 
judiced,  or  ignorant  and  stupid  chroni 
clers. 

"The  meeting  at  Parkinson's  Ferry 
was  pretty  full,  but  not  a  true  or  equal 
representation.  There  were  upward  of 
two  hundred  delegates;  three  of  them 
were  from  Ohio  county  in  Virginia,  and 
two  from  Bedford  county  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  besides  those  from  the  four  counties. 
The  place  of  meeting  was  unfavorable, 
being  in  the  neighborhood  in  which  the 
resistance  had  originated,  and  within  a 
mile  of  the  dwelling  house  of  M'Farlane, 
who  had  been  killed,  and  there  were 
probably  a  greater  number  of  spectators 
than  of  delegates. 

"The  delegates  convened  on  an  emi 
nence  under  the  shade  of  trees  ;  Col.  Cook 
was  appointed  chairman  and  Albert  Gal 
latin  secretary.  It  was  soon  discovered 
that  there  were  a  number  of  inflammatory 
persons  among  the  delegates;  few  of 
them,  however,  had  talents.  Bradford 
opened  the  meeting  with  a  statement  of 
the  events  that  had  taken  place  and  con 
cluded  with  reading  the  letters  which  had 
been  taken  from  the  intercepted  mail, 
with  some  explanatory  comments  there- 


FINDLEY'S  VERSION. 


187 


[Thus  far,  Findley  is  tolerably  cor 
rect,] 

"  At  this  time  the  arrival  of  commission 
ers  from  the  President — with  power  for 
restoring  order  in  the  western  country, 
if  a  corresponding  disposition  was  met 
on  the  part  of  the  people — was  announced 
to  the  meeting." 

[This  is  not  true.  The  arrival  of  com 
missioners  in  the  cqjmtry,  was  first  an 
nounced  by  Findley  toward  the  close 
of  the  meeting,  and  after  the  report  of 
the  resolutions  of  the  committee.  Find- 
ley  himself  was  absent  until  this  time. 
The  resolutions  reported  by  the  commit 
tee  of  four  proposed  sending  commission 
ers  to  the  President,  with  an  address,  but 
on  hearing  of  the  appointment  of  com 
missioners  by  him,  this  was  changed  at 
the  instance  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  and  a 
committee  appointed  to  confer  with  those 
of  the  government.  Findley  proceeds:] 

"  After  a  short  pause,  Col.  Marshall 
rose  and  expressed  some  satisfaction  at 
the  information  of  the  commissioners,  but 
said  that  they  should  not  on  that  account 
neglect  the  business  of  the  meeting,  and 
read  some  resolutions  which  had  been  agreed 
on  between  him  and  Bradford." 

[  The  resolutions  were  read  on  the 
first  day  of  the  meeting,  not  on  the  an 
nouncement  of  commissioners.  The  re 
marks  of  Bradford  were  made  after  the 
report  of  the  resolutions  by  the  commit 
tee,  and  then  adopted  by  the  meeting. 
It  was  at  that  time  that  the  resolution  to 
send  commissioners  was  changed  in  con 
sequence  of  the  intelligence  just  received. 
Findley  proceeds:] 

"The  first  resolution  being  against 
taking  the  citizens  out  of  the  vicinity  for 
trial,  occasioned  no  contest;  the  second 
and  most  important  resolution  was  in  the 
following  words : 

"Resolved,  That  a  standing  committee 

to  consist  of members  from  each 

county,  to  be  denominated  a  committee  of 


public  safety;  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to 
call  forth  the  resources  of  the  western 
country,  to  repel  any  hostile  attempt  that 
may  be  made  against  the  citizens  or  the 
body  of  the  people." 

[This  was  one  of  the  five  resolutions 
presented  by  Bradford,  on  the  first  day 
of  the  meeting.  It  was  directly  opposed 
by  Gallatin,  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
not  necessary,  as  there  was  no  reason 
to  expect  the  resort  to  force  on  the 
part  of  the  government.  It  would  have 
led  to  a  dangerous  discussion,  in  which 
Gallatin  would  have  been  in  a  hopeless 
minority.  But  it  was  most  adroitly  par 
ried  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  who  proposed 
a  reference  of  this  and  the  other  resolu 
tions  to  a  committee  of  four  to  perfect 
them,  and  report.  He  at  the  same  time 
suggested  a  modification  of  the  terms  so 
as  to  be  less  definite — as  for  instance,"  to 
take  such  measures  as  the  situation  of 
affairs  may  require."  The  resolution  was 
then  passed  over  without  vote  or  debate. 
We  continue  Findley's  version:] 

"This,  compared  with  the  subsequent 
resolutions,  was  preparing  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  meeting  by  a  direct  question 
whether  the  western  counties  would  raise 
the  standard  of  rebellion  or  not.  This 
was  certainly  a  bold  attempt  to  form  a 
combination  hostile  both  to  the  govern 
ment  of  the  State  and  of  the  United 
States.  If  such  a  resolution  had  been 
offered  before  jSuch  a  number  of  persons 
had  become  desperate  by  being  involved 
in  the  preceding  riots,  it  would  not  have 
been  heard  with  patience,  but  now  it  re 
quired  both  patience  and  great  address 
to  parry  it.  " 

[  And  who  parried  it  ?  Hear  Find- 
ley:] 

u  Fortunately  there  was  a  man  among 
the  delegates;  a  man  well  qualified  for 
that  purpose,  I  mean  Mr.  Gallatin,  the 
secretary.  He  rose,  and  began  by  criti 
cising  on  the  word  hostility ;  asked  what 


188 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


it  meant,  or  from  whence  the  hostilities 
were  to  come?  He  alleged  if  it  was 
the  exactions  of  the  government  that 
was  to  be  opposed,  the  time  was  impro 
per  ;  the  exactions  of  the  government 
on  the  citizens  in  support  of  the  laws, 
being  coercive  and  not  hostile.  He  en 
couraged  them  to  expect  no  other  means 
of  coercion  from  the  government  but 
through  the  judiciary ;  and  after  a  num 
ber  of  sensible  observations,  moved  to  re 
fer  the  resolutions  to  a  select  commit 
tee.  [This  is  false ;  the  motion  was 
made  by  Mr.  Brackenridge.]  But  so 
great  was  the  prevailing  panic,  that  not 
withstanding  the  number  of  well  dis 
posed  persons  that  were  in  the  meeting, 
he  was  not  seconded  ;  after  some  delay, 
however,  Marshall  himself  offered  to 
withdraw  the  resolution,  that  a  commit 
tee  of  sixty  should  be  appointed  with 
power  to  call  a  new  meeting  of  the  peo 
ple  or  their  deputies.  [What  an  absurd 
mixture  of  the  different  stages  of  the 
proceedings,  as  well  as  palpable  false 
hoods.  We  refer  to  Mr.  Brackenridge's 
statement,  Mr.  Ross's  letter,  and  the  evi 
dence  of  Qallatin  himself.]  This  was 
instantly  agreed  to,  and  a  new  resolution 
was  studiously  modified  so  as  to  insure 
its  adoption,  and  was  agreed  to  by  the 
meeting.  [The  resolution  was  modified 
in  the  committee  of  four,  and  reported 
the  next  day.]  In  it  a  determination  was 
expressed  to  support  the  State  laws  and 
afford  protection  to  the  citizens ;  this  was 
an  important  step  toward  the  restoration 
of  order,  for  at  that  time  no  man  thought 
himself  safe,  in  many  places,  in  telling 
his  real  sentiments ;  threats  were  not 
only  circulated  in  anonymous  letters, 
but  were  contained  in  the  mottoes  of  lib 
erty  poles  ;  one  was  erected  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  meeting,  and  within  view  of 
it ;  it  was  erected  under  the  direction  of 
those  who  signed  the  Braddock's  Field 
orders.  The  motto  was:  LIBERTY  AND 


NO  EXCISE,  AND  NO  ASYLUM  FOR  COW 
ARDS.  Every  man  was  esteemed  a  cow 
ard  or  traitor  by  these  disorganizes, 
who  disapproved  of  their  measures." 

[  Making  every  allowance  for  the 
blunders  of  an  illiterate  man,  it  still 
is  a  matter  of  wonder,  that  any  man  of 
common  sense  should  exhibit  so  much 
confusion  and  absurdity  in  his  attempt 
to  play  the  historian^and  record  the  pro 
ceedings  of  an  important  assembly.  He 
appears  to  have  been  totally  ignorant  of 
the  difference  between  the  five  resolutions, 
as  read  in  the  meeting  on  the  first  day, 
and  the  three  reported  by  the  committee 
on  the  day  following.  He  mingles  what 
passed  in  the  committee  with  the 
speeches  in  the  Assembly.  He  pro 
ceeds  :] 

"  Mr.  Gallatin  had  the  fortitude  to  ob 
ject  to  the  exception  against  the  excise 
law,  originally  contained  in  the  resolu 
tion  [before  the  committee]  for  the  sup 
port  of  the  municipal  laws,  and  had  it 
struck  out;  but  durst  not  offer  an  affir 
mative  resolution  in  favor  of  submitting 
to  it.  Indeed,  the  doing  so  at  this  time 
would  have  been  imprudent,  nor  would 
success  in  such  a  resolution  have  been 
of  use  till  the  submission  to  the  munici 
pal  laws  had  been  restored.  ^^ 

"  In  short,  the  resolutions  being  five 
in  number,  [the  resolutions  read  by  Brad 
ford  ;  Findley  ignores  the  resolutions  re 
ported  by  the  committee,  three  in  num 
ber,  and  adopted  by  the  assembly,]  were 
discussed,  [the  discussion  was  prevented 
by  Mr.  Brackenridge,]  and  referred  to  a 
committee,  consisting  of  Bradford,  Gal 
latin,  Brackenridge,  and  Herman  Hus 
bands,  who  new-modeled  them  before 
the  next  day's  meeting,  at  which  they 
passed  without  much  difficulty,  [we  re 
fer  the  readerto  Mr.  Brackenridge's  ac 
count,  contained  in  the  foregoing  chap 
ter — "  without  much  difficulty'' — these 
are  Findley's  words.]  The  committee  of 


FINDLEY'S    VERSION. 


189 


sixty,  or  one  from  each  township,  to  meet 
at  Redstone  Fort,  (Brownsville,)  on  the 
second  of  September,  and  a  committee 
consisting  of  twelve,  three  from  each  of 
the  four  counties,  was  appointed  to  con 
fer  with  the  commissioners  appointed  by 
the  President. 

"  The  commissioners  came  to  a  house 
near  the  meeting  before  it  adjourned. 
[Not  true.]  This  rendered  the  situation 
of  the  friends  to  order  more  delicate. 
It  was  urged  by  some,  that  the  meeting 
should  not  be  dissolved  till  they  would 
knew,  and  decide  on  the  terms  proposed 
by  the  commissioners.  [Mr.  Ross  was 
the  only  one  present,  but  it  was  not 
known  at  that  time  that  he  was  a  com 
missioner.]  With  great  address,  how 
ever,  they  were  prevailed  upon  to  ad 
journ  without  day.  [Who  prevailed  upon 
them  to  do  this?]  Men  of  discernment 
knew  that  nothing  would  bring  the  peo 
ple  to  a  proper  sense  of  their  duty  with 
out  time  for  reflection,  and  for  the  pres 
ent  agitated  state  of  the  public  mind  to 
subside.  They  knew  also,  that  if  time 
could  be  procured  to  disseminate  knowl 
edge  among  the  people,  every  thing  that 
was  necessary  would  be  gained.  There 
fore  to  restore  quietness,  and  gain  time, 
was  the  great  object  of  Mr.  Gallatin. 
[The  object  of  that  gentleman  was  to 
oppose  Bradford,  and  he  failed  in  every 


thing  he  attempted.  For  of  what  im 
portance  was  his  petty  criticism  alluded 
to  by  Findley?  The  assembly  did  not 
care  a  straw  for  it.  The  thing  was  to 
keep  them  from  taking  any  decisive  step 
until  the  power  could  be  taken  out  of 
their  hands,*  and  this  was  accomplished 
by  Brackenridge,  and  not  by  Gallatin.] 

"  Brackcnridge,  probably,  was  actua 
ted  by  the  same  motives  as  Gallatin, 
but  supported  the  measures  in  a  differ 
ent  manner ;  he  often  kept  up  the  ap 
pearance,  and  sometimes  the  boasting 
language  of  Bradford's  party,  and  op 
posed  Gallatin,  yet  he  always  contrived 
to  bring  the  proceedings  to  the  same  issue." 
[What  amusing  simplicity  and  innocence, 
on  the  part  of  "  Traddle  the  Weaver," 
the  name  under  which  Findley  is  alluded 
to  in  "  Modern  Chivalry.  "  If  it  were 
possible  for  the  weaver  to  be  a  devil,  the 
cloven  foot  is  here  discoverable.] 

The  account  of  the  meeting  given  by 
Wharton  is  an  abridgment  of  Findley, 
with  additional  errors.  Hildreth  is  no 
better.  He  represents  Gallatin  as  being 
secretary  to  the  meeting  at  Braddock's 
Field — he  was  not  there  at  all.  Pity  it 
is  that  historians  do  not  always  inform 
themselves  on  the  subjects  of  which  they 
write ! 

*  By  means  of  sub-committees. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

THE     MEASURES     OF     THE     GOVERNMENT  —  ARRIVAL     OF     COMMISSIONERS  —  THE 

CONFERENCE. 

As  soon  as  information  of  the  burning  of  the  house  of  the  Inspector, 
and  the  march  from  Braddock's  Field,  reached  Philadelphia,  then  the  seat 
of  government  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  also  of  the  Union — 
great  alarm  was  occasioned.  The  President  called  a  council  of  the  heads 
of  the  departments,  while  the  subject  was  also  taken  into  consideration 
by  the  Governor,*  with  the  Chief  Justice,")*  and  the  Secretary  of  State.  J 
A  certificate  was  obtained  by  the  Federal  government  from  Judge  Wilson, 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  to  meet  the  requisition  of  the  act  of  Congress  for 
calling  out  the  military,  in  consequence  of  opposition  by  armed  com 
binations,  too  powerful  to  be  controlled  by  the  civil  authorities.  This 
certificate  was  given  on  mere  rumor,  or  on  private  letters,  and  not  on 
evidence  on  oath,  and  cannot  be  approved  as  a  precedent,  whatever  justi 
fication  it  may  find  in  the  urgency  of  the  occasion. 

The  President,  in  conformity  with  his  benevolent  character,  was  in 
favor  of  mild  measures,  and  the  offer  of  an  amnesty  to  the  country ;  pro 
vided  forcible  and  unlawful  opposition  would  cease.  Some  of  the  cabinet 
were  for  the  most  prompt  and  energetic  course  ;||  the  Secretary  of  State  § 
was  opposed  to  calling  out  the  militia,  before  exhausting  every  means  of 
pacification.  The  State  authorities  differed  from  the  general  government, 
appeared  disposed  to  palliate  the  conduct  of  the  rioters,  and  to  throw  the 
blame  on  the  excise  law,  regarding  it  as  a  personal  affair  between  the 
people  and  the  collector  of  the  western  district  or  survey.  The  Chief 
Justice,  M'Kean,  at  this  juncture  suggested  the  sending  commissioners, 
both  on  the  part  of  the  State  and  of  the  Federal  government,  directly  to 
the  disturbed  district,  and  endeavoring  to  bring  about  a  peaceful  submis 
sion  to  the  laws.  This  mild  and  pacific  course  met  the  approbation  of 
the  President;  and  Messrs.  Ross,  Yeates  and  Bradford,  (U.  S.  Attorney 
General,)  were  selected  for  the  United  States,  and  M'Kean  and  Irvine  on 

*  Mifflin.     f  M'Kean.     J  Dallas.     ||  Hamilton.     \  E.  Randolph. 


PRESIDENT    RESOLVES    ON   AN   AMNESTY.  191 

the  part  of  the  State.  The  President  had  previously  issued  his  proclama 
tion,  dated  the  7th  of  August,  only  six  days  after  the  assemblage  at 
Braddock's  Field ;  and  at  the  same  time  a  requisition  was  made  on  the 
adjoining  States  for  a  draft  of  militia  to  the  number  of  fifteen  thousand 
men,  to  be  ready  to  take  the  field  at  a  moment's  notice. 

These  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  State  and  Federal  governments, 
hastened  to  the  West ;  and  as  already  related,  reached  the  country  about 
the  time  of  the  assemblage  of  the  delegates  or  deputies  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry.  Their  instructions  had  been  to  communicate  at  once  with  this 
body;*  but  when  near  it,  it  was  found  not  to  be  safe  or  judicious  with 
the  respect  to  the  objects  proposed,  from  the  inflamed  state  of  mind 
among  the  deputies  and  through  the  country.  They  repaired  to  Pitts 
burgh,  to  meet  the  committee  of  conference,  at  the  time  fixed  by  that 
committee. 

On  the  first  consultation  held  by  the  conferees  among  themselves,  all, 
except  Bradford,  agreed  that  the  interests  of  the  country  and  the  duty 
of  the  citizens  rendered  submission  necessary  and  proper.  It  was  opened 
by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  who  at  once  recommended  submission,  and  declared 
his  determination  to  do  so,  as  respected  himself.  Every  effort  was 
made  within,  as  well  as  out  of  the  committee,  to  overcome  the  obstinacy 
of  Bradford ;  persons  having  influence  with  him,  were  engaged  to  speak 
to  him,  especially  General  Irvine,  for  whom  he  professed  particular  respect; 
and  it  was  thought  he  had  been  brought  over,  for  at  the  next  meeting  of 
the  committee  he  declared  himself  perfectly  reconciled  to  submission. 
Marshall  was  sincerely  so,  and  was  pleased  with  the  first  opportunity  of 
abandoning  a  cause  so  much  at  variance  with  his  better  judgment ;  and 
it  is  really  surprising,  that  a  man  of  his  sense  and  high  character  should 
have  ever  seriously  engaged  in  it.  Neither  of  those  men  had  led  the 
people.  It  was  the  voice  of  the  mass,  which  they  obeyed  and  feared  to 
offend;  and  if,  in  consequence  of  allowing  time,  and  taking  pains  to 
enlighten  those  very  people,  they  should  happen  to  change,  those  who 
now  seemed  to  be  their  leaders  would  change  with  them.  Bradford,  as 
the  most  obstinate,  proved  the  most  wanting  in  the  moral  courage  neces 
sary  to  encounter  the  popular  displeasure.  He  was  too  short-sighted  to 
see  the  more  distant  danger  from  the  government,  but  was  alarmed  at 
that  just  before  his  eyes  from  the  people.  To  be  the  idol  of  the  populace 

*  If  this  assembly  had  not  been  convened,  the  commissioners  would  have  found 
no  organized  body  with  which  they  could  open  a  communication.  This  fact  fur 
nishes  an  argument  in  favor  of  such  a  delegation,  although  springing  directly  from 
the  people,  and  revolutionary  in  its  origin. 


192  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

was  the  ruling  passion  of  his  nature,  and  this  is  the  key  to  his  whole 
conduct,  for  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  otherwise  a  bad  or  un 
principled  man. 

Mr.  Brackenridge  being  personally  acquainted  with  Judge  Yeates  and 
the  Attorney  General,  Mr.  Bradford,  with  whom  he  had  a  friendship  of 
early  years,  called  on  the  commissioneFS  at  the  public  house  where  they 
lodged.  Here  he  found  Major  Craig,  giving  a  tragical  account  of  the 
treatment  of  Kirkpatrick,  Neville  and  others,  by  the  people  of  Pittsburgh 
in  sending  them  away.  Mr.  Brackenridge  was  indignant,  and  said,  "The 
representation  is  unjust — you  are  imposing  upon  these  gentlemen — you 
are  leading  them  to  suppose  that  the  people  of  Pittsburgh  expelled  those 
men ;  it  was  the  country.  We  acted  as  their  guardians  in  sending  them 
away  j  the  act  was  for  them,  more  than  for  ourselves."  He  then  related 
the  circumstances  which  had  evidently  been  misconceived,  and  of  course 
not  fairly  represented  by  Major  Craig;  that  the  property,  and  perhaps 
the  lives  of  the  obnoxious  persons  would  have  been  the  first  to  be  sacri 
ficed,  and  then  the  destruction  of  the  town  would  have  followed.  Craig 
soon  withdrew.  Mr.  Brackenridge' s  feelings  were  much  hurt  by  an 
inconsiderate  remark  of  Mr.  Bradford.  v  In  his  observations,  he  had  said, 
"I  am  not  an  insurgent,  but  engaged  in  negotiating  for  those  that  are, 
which  does  not  imply  the  fact  that  I  am  one."  Mr.  Bradford  replied, 
"That  will  be  a  subject  of  future  consideration." 

This  remark  was  exceedingly  wounding,  especially  from  an  old  friend. 
It  struck  him  with  astonishment,  after  the  stand  in  favor  of  submission 
which  he  had  taken  in  the  committee,  which  he  supposed  was  well  known. 
He  knew  that  he  had  enemies  among  the  violent  of  the  people,  but  this 
was  the  first  intimation  that  his  loyalty  to  the  government  was  suspected. 
It  caused  him  to  retire  at  once,  and  with  the  impression  that  the  com 
missioners  were  already  prepossessed  against  him.  He  did  not  attach  so 
much  importance  to  Craig's  representations,  but  supposed  them  to  indicate 
the  sentiments  with  which  Col.  Neville  had  left  the  country,  and  which 
had  thus  found  their  way  to  the  gentlemen  delegated  by  the  government. 
He  thought  it  poor  encouragement  after  the  exertions  he  had  made,  and 
was  making  in  behalf  of  the  government,  to  be  treated  in  this  injurious 
and  repulsive  manner.  He  had  not  reflected  sufficiently  on  the  extent  to 
which  he  was  liable  to  be  injured  by  misrepresentation,  perhaps  miscon 
ception.  He  relates,  that  his  thoughts  that  night  were  very  serious,  and 
the  temptations  from  the  indignity  just  offered,  and  a  sense  of  despera 
tion  which  suddenly  came  over  him.  But  they  were  only  the  thoughts 
of  a  night,  and  passed  away  after  more  cool  and  just  reflections.  These 


INJUDICIOUS   BEMARK   OF   A   COMMISSIONER.  193 

thoughts  he  very  ingenuously  reveals.  "I  began  to  consider  whether  it 
would  not  be  better  to  stand  with  the  sans  culottes  of  the  country ;  but  I 
could  not  reconcile  it  to  myself,  to  disturb  the  Union ;  that  would  be  a 
wickedness  beyond  all  possibility  of  contemplation.  But  this  country 
might  secede  from  it !  That  is  a  right  that  is  never  given  up  in  society. 
A  part  of  a  country,  as  well  as  an  individual,  may  quit  a  government ; 
and,  no  doubt,  this  country  will  quit  the  United  States  in  due  time.  That 
may  be  by  the  consent  of  the  Union,  or  without.*  But  at  present,  there 
would  be  no  consent ;  the  example  would  be  dangerous  to  give.  Com 
mon  interest  would  not  suffer  it.  We  are  bound  to  the  Union  for  our 
portion  of  the  public  debt,  contracted  in  the  struggle  for  independence ; 
demands  against  the  Union  must  first  be  satisfied,  before  it  can  be  dis 
solved.  The  United  States  have  lands  beyond  us ;  they  cannot  be  shut 
out  from  these,  by  an  independent  government  between.  But  is  it 
practicable  to  establish  and  support  such  a  government?  Perhaps  it 
might  claim  those  lands  to  the  westward,  and  invite  all  the  world  to  take 
possession  of  them ;  collect  all  the  banditti  of  the  frontier  of  the  States 
to  help  us  to  fight  for  them — tell  the  Spaniards  to  come  up  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Ohio  and  give  us  free  trade — let  the  British  keep  the  posts  and 
the  southern  shores  of  the  lakes,  and  they  will  gladly  furnish  us  with 

*  It  must  be  recollected  that  these  observations  relate  to  a  period  when  the 
Union  was  not  yet  consolidated  under  the  Federal  constitution,  although  the  ideas 
are  remarkable,  coming  from  one  who  was  almost  an  enthusiast  in  its  favor.  The 
idea  of  future  distinct  confederacies  was  then  common.  The  vast  extent  of  coun 
try,  separated  by  natural  boundaries,  and  great  diversity  of  interests,  opposed  ap 
parently  hopeless  obstacles  to  a  permanent  union.  The  day  of  steam  had  not  yet 
risen;  there  were  no  canals,  rail  roads,  or  even  turnpikes,  scarcely  any  thing  more 
than  pack-horse  paths.  The  lakes  and  the  south  belonged  to  foreign  nations,  and 
the  wilderness  was  held  by  the  savages.  The  idea  of  identity  of  interests  was  then 
new ;  that  of  separation,  as  necessity  prompted,  was  still  fresh  from  the  recent 
separation  from  Great  Britain.  It  was  impossible  to  have  foreseen  the  changes 
effected  in  the  habits,  history  and  attachments  of  the  people  during  three  genera 
tions.  The  immense  increase  in  the  facilities  of  communication  could  not  have 
been  conceived  by  the  most  poetic  imagination.  No  one  could  have  conceived  that 
in  half  a  century  the  country  should  have  thus  become  consolidated,  and  for  all 
practical  purposes  diminished  in  extent ;  unless  he  could  also  have  foreseen  the 
giant  progress  of  invention  and  science.  If  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  lived  to  this 
day,  he  would  have  opposed  the  separation  under  all  circumstances,  as  creating  ten 
thousand  evils,  when  it  might  possibly  escape  one  by  that  fatal  resort.  In  the 
expression  that  the  time  would  come  when  the  West  would  fall  off  from  the  East, 
he  spoke  according  to  the  prevailing  opinion  and  the  state  of  the  country  at  the 
time,  which  no  one  could  foresee  would  in  so  short  a  period  be  so  marvelously 
altered,  and  fitted  for  a  PERPETUAL  UNION. 


194  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

arms  and  means  of  war — get  the  Indians  of  the  woods  to  assist  us,  which 
could  be  done  by  the  British,  in  spirit  still  hostile  and  eager  to  embrace 
the  opportunity  for  revenge,  and  willing  to  check  the  progress  of  this 
republic.  We  might  wage  war — formidable  war — and  might  succeed. 
But  what  would  be  that  success  ?  A  poor  and  dependent  republic,  in 
stead  of  this  great  and  rising  confederacy.  If  selfish  considerations  should 
prevail,  even  this  would  be  better  than  to  be  suspected  by  the  govern 
ment,  while  acting  with  fidelity  to  it,  and  at  the  same  time  incurring  the 
contumely  of  the  people  for  supposed  infidelity  to  a  cause  which  I  con 
demn.  But  these  were  only  the  thoughts  of  a  night.  I  saw  Mr.  Ross 
the  next  morning,  and  explained  to  him  my  chagrin  of  the  preceding 
day,  and  my  reflections  in  consequence  of  it ;  giving  him  to  understand 
that  I  had  half  a  mind  to  become  an  insurgent  in  earnest.  He  took  it 
more  seriously  than  I  intended.  His  expression  was,  'The  force  of 
genius  is  almighty — give  them  not  the  aid  of  yours/  *  I  told  him  that 
nothing  but  self-preservation  would  lead  me  to  think  of  it."  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge's  mind  was  soothed  by  Mr.  Ross,  who  assured  him  that  no  suspicion 
could  possibly  fall  on  him ;  that  the  commissioners,  the  preceding  day, 
were  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  explanations  he  had  given  in  the  presence 
of  Craig ;  and  that  what  the  latter  had  said,  had  not  left  the  least  im 
pression. 

The  expressions  of  commissioner  Bradford,  considering  the  critical 
situation  of  the  country,  were,  to  say  the  least,  inconsiderate.  The 
relations  of  the  United  States  with  Spain  and  Great  Britain  were  such, 
that  it  must  be  admitted,  that  the  reflections  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  were 
not  altogether  visionary.  The  consequence  of  spurning  such  a  man  with 
contumely,  without  first  hearing  him,  might  have  been  followed  by 
serious  consequences.  He  might  have  been  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
insurgents,  if  possessed  of  less  exalted  and  patriotic  feelings;  in  that 
case,  he  would  soon  have  established  relations  with  the  two  powers  just 
named ;  organized  a  force  to  seize  the  passes  of  the  mountains — procured 
money  and  arms,  until  a  war  would  speedily  have  issued  between  those 

*  Mr.  Brackenridge  never  professed  to  be  a  fighting  man,  but  somehow  or  other 
was  never  found  wanting  when  it  was  necessary  for  self-defense.  He  speaks  very 
candidly  of  the  fears  he  experienced  on  various  occasions,  and  even  with  a  touch 
of  humor.  Cowards  do  not  jest  about  their  fears.  His  courage  was  of  the  kind 
described  by  Abbe'  Barthelmy,  "He  knew  his  danger,  feared  it,  yet  met  it."  If  he 
had  taken  hold  of  the  insurrection,  it  would  soon  have  worn  a  different  aspect. 
Like  Rienzi,  his  habits  were  literary,  but  his  instincts  those  of  the  statesman  and 
soldier. 


THE   CONFERENCE.  195 

powers,  which,  "if  not  victory,  would  have  been  at  least  revenge."  But 
Mr.  Brackenridge  was  an  enthusiast  in  the  " rising  glory  of  America/'* 
and  could  not  be,  however  wounded  by  the  remarks  of  those  who  did 
not  know  his  real  sentiments  and  position,  induced  to  swerve  from  the 
path  of  patriotic  duty.  As  a  speaker  and  a  writer,  he  had  taken  a 
decided  part  in  the  revolution,  and  was  a  zealous  supporter  of  the  Federal 
constitution  and  that  of  the  State.  He  was  neither  a  demagogue  nor  an 
aristocrat,  but  gave  his  support  both  to  the  people  and  to  the  government. 
Still  he  had  within  him  a  fiery  spirit,  a  keen  sense  of  injustice,  capable 
of  being  roused  to  desperation  by  insult  and  contumely. 

An  occurrence  took  place  almost  immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the 
commissioners,  calculated  to  produce  a  very  unfavorable  impression,  and 
which  disclosed  the  existence  in  town  of  a  dangerous  spirit  among  a 
small  portion  of  the  thoughtless  and  worthless.  A  riotous  and  disorderly 
assemblage  raised  a  liberty-pole  before  the  lodgings  of  the  commissioners, 
and  would  have  run  up  a  flag  with  seven  stars  for  the  four  western  coun 
ties,  and  for  Bedford  and  the  two  counties  of  Virginia,  but  this  was  pre 
vented  by  the  well  disposed  citizens,  who  prevailed  on  them  to  substitute 
the  flag  of  the  fifteen  States.  This  was  the  first  and  only  distinct  mani 
festation  among  any  class  of  a  desire  to  separate  from  the  Union,  even  if 
such  an  inference  must  be  necessarily  drawn  from  this  act.  The  matter 
was  afterward  the  subject  of  indictment  as  a  disturbance  of  the.. peace, 
and  the  parties  were  convicted  by  a  jury  and  fined  by  the  court.")" 

The  commissioners  of  the  United  States  and  on  the  part  of  the  State, 
and  the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  people,  having  met,  the  conference 
was  opened  on  the  part  of  the  commissioners,  by  expressing  the  concern 
they  felt  for  the  events  which  had  occasioned  that  meeting;  but  they 
declared  their  intention  to  avoid  any  unnecessary  observations  on  them, 
said  it  was  their  business  to  endeavor  to  compose  the  disturbances  which 
prevailed,  and  to  restore  the  authority  of  the  laws  by  measures  wholly  of 
a  conciliatory  nature. 

It  is  important  here  to  bear  in  mind  that  this  was  a  formal  recognition 
of  the  committee  of  conference,  instead  of  being  regarded  as  a  mere  off- 

*  When  a  student  at  Princeton  College,  he  wrote,  in  conjunction  with  Freneau,  a 
poem  entitled  the  "Rising  Glory  of  America,"  in  the  form  of  dialogue.  It  is 
printed  in  Freneau' s  works,  and  in  a  late  edition  the  part  appertaining  to  Mr. 
Brackenridge  is  left  out.  The  poem  foreshadowed  in  a  remarkable  manner  the 
future  greatness  of  America.  It  was  composed  some  years  before  the  American 
revolution. 

f  Addison's  Reports,  274. 


196  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

shoot  of  a  treasonable  assemblage.  Although  representing  the  people, 
they  at  once  united  with  the  government  commissioners  for  the  purpose 
of  accomplishing  the  same  object,  the  pacification  of  the  country.  This 
was  equivalent  to  an  act  of  oblivion  as  respected  them,  as  to  every  previous 
act,  provided  their  subsequent  conduct  continued  in  conformity  with  their 
present  action;  and  yet,  strange  to  say,  even  those  who  exerted  themselves 
most  to  bring  about  the  desired  submission,  and  especially  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  and  Mr.  Gallatin,  were  still  regarded  as  traitors  by  the  intemperate 
partisans  and  supporters  of  government ! 

It  was  further  stated  by  the  commissioners,  that  the  forcible  opposition 
which  had  been  recently  made  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  violated 
the  great  principles  on  which  the  republican  government  is  founded ; 
that  every  such  government  must  at  all  hazards  enforce  obedience  to  the 
general  will ;  and  that  so  long  as  they  admitted  themselves  to  be  a  part 
of  the  nation,  it  was  manifestly  absurd  to  oppose  the  national  authority. 

The  commissioners  then  proceeded  to  speak  of  the  obligation  on  the 
part  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  cause  the  laws  to  be  ex 
ecuted  ;  the  measures  he  had  taken  for  that  purpose ;  his  desire  to  avoid 
the  necessity  of  coercion,  and  the  general  nature  of  the  powers  he  had 
vested  in  them ;  and  finally  requested  to  know  whether  the  conferees 
could  give  any  assurance  of  a  disposition  in  the  people  to  submit,  or 
would  recommend  such  submission  to  them  ? 

The  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  after  this, 
addressed  the  conferees  on  the  subject  of  the  late  disturbances  in  that 
country ;  forcibly  represented  the  mischievous  consequences  of  such  con 
duct;  explained  the  nature  of  their  mission,  and  declared  they  were 
ready  to  promise  in  behalf  of  the  Executive  authority  of  the  State,  a  full 
pardon  and  oblivion  for  all  that  was  past,  on  condition  of  entire  submis 
sion  to  the  laws. 

It  is  proper  here  to  remind  the  reader  that  the  conferees  were  intrusted 
with  the  cause  of  the  people  whom  they  represented,  and  it  was  their 
duty  to  represent  it  in  the  most  favorable  light  as  negotiators,  and  ob 
tain  for  their  constituents  the  best  terms  they  could,  although  the  con 
ferees  for  themselves  had  unanimously  agreed  to  submit  to  the  govern 
ment.  They  had  appointed  a  sub-committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Cook, 
Gallatin  and  Brackenridge,  which  chose  the  latter  to  conduct  the  negotia 
tions,  both  verbally  and  in  writing,  and  who  now  made  the  following 
reply.  He  gave  a  narrative  of  the  causes  of  discontent  and  uneasiness 
which  very  generally  prevailed ;  these  were  stated  not  with  a  view  of 
founding  any  demands,  but  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  the  existing 


CAUSES    OF   DISAFFECTION.  197 

disaffection.  Many  of  the  causes  had  long  existed,  and  some  from  the 
first  settlement  of  the  country.  Among  other  things,  the  people  com 
plained  of  the  decisions  of  the  State  courts,  which  discountenanced  im 
provement  titles,  and  gave  the  preference  to  those  existing  only  on 
paper.  They  complain  of  the  war  with  the  Indians,  which  has  so  long 
vexed  the  frontier;  and  of  the  inefficient  manner  in  which  it  has  been 
conducted  by  the  government ;  they  complain,  that  they  have  been  con 
tinually  harassed  by  military  duty,  in  being  called  out  to  repel  incursions ; 
that  the  general  government  had  been  inattentive  to  the  treaty  of  peace, 
respecting  the  western  posts,  which  formed  the  rallying  points  of  those 
Indians;  they  complain  of  the  indifference  of  the  government  as  to  the 
securing  the  free  flfevigation  of  the  Mississippi,  in  consequence  of  which, 
together  with  the  hostility  of  the  Indians,  the  people  of  the  West  had  no 
outlet  by  the  natural  channel  for  the  produce  of  their  farms,  while  the 
mountains  shut  them  in  on  the  East.  That  in  consequence  of  these 
things,  the  tax  on  distilled  spirits  was  particularly  unequal  and  oppres 
sive  ;  and  this,  together  with  the  ruinous  practice  of  compelling  them  to 
appear  in  the  Federal  courts  in  Philadelphia,  was  particularly  grievous, 
which  last  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  late  disturbances.  That  Con 
gress  had  neglected  their  remonstrances  and  petitions ;  and  that  there 
was  a  great  hardship  in  being  summoned  to  answer  for  penalties  in  the 
courts  of  the  United  States,  at  such  a  distance  from  the  vicinage.  The 
suspension  of  the  settlement  at  Presq'  Isle — the  engrossing  large  bodies 
of  land  as  purchasers  from  the  State,  by  individuals,  was  mentioned  among 
the  prevailing  causes  of  discontent.  Also  the  killing  certain  persons  at 
General  Neville's  house,  and  the  sending  soldiers  from  the  garrison  with 
out  authority  of  law.  To  these  was  added  the  appointment  of  General 
Jtfeville  as  Inspector  of  the  survey,  whose  former  popularity,  and  favors 
received  from  the  people,  had  made  his  acceptance  of  that  office  particu 
larly  offensive.  It  was  observed,  in  conclusion,  that  the  persons  who  were 
the  actors  in  the  late  disturbances,  had  not  intended  originally  to  proceed 
to  such  extremities,  but  were  led  to  it  from  the  acts  of  those  who  Opposed 
them,  which  occasioned  the  shedding  of  blood ;  that  the  forcible  opposition 
which  had  been  made  to  the  law,  was  produced  by  the  pressure  of  griev 
ances,  and  not  by  hostility  to  the  government ;  but  if  there  was  any  pros 
pect  of  redress,  no  people  would  more  readily  show  themselves  good  citizens, 
and  cease  their  opposition  to  the  obnoxious  measures  of  the  government. 
The  commissioners  expressed  their  surprise  at  the  extent  of  these 
complaints,  and  intimated  that  if  all  these  matters  were  really  causes  of 
uneasiness  and  dissatisfaction  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  it  would  be 

14 


198  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

impossible  for  the  government  to  satisfy  them.  But  some  of  them  were  of 
a  nature  more  serious  than  others.  Though  they  would  not  speak  officially, 
they  stated  what  was  generally  understood  as  to  the  conduct,  measures  and 
expectations  of  government  with  respect  to  the  Mississippi  navigation, 
the  treaty  of  peace,  the  suspension  of  the  settlement  at  Presq'  Isle,  &c. 
That  as  to  the  acts  of  Congress  which  had  been  forcibly  opposed,  if  i* 
were  proper  that  they  should  be  repealed,  Congress  alone  could  repeal 
them ;  but  while  they  were  laws,  they  must  be  carried  into  execution. 
That  the  petitions  of  the  western  counties  had  not  been  neglected,  nor 
their  interest  overlooked ;  that  in  fact,  the  local  interests  of  these  coun 
ties  were  better  represented  than  those  of  any  other  part  of  the  State; 
they  having  no  less  than  three  gentlemen  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
when  it  appeared  by  the  census  that  their  numbers  would  entitle  them 
only  to  two.  That  the  acts  in  question  had  been  often  under  the  consider 
ation  of  Congress ;  that  they  had  always  been  supported  by  a  considerable 
majority,  in  which  they  would  find  the  names  of  several  gentlemen,  con 
sidered  in  these  counties  as  the  firmest  friends  of  the  country.  That 
although  the  laws  relating  to  the  general  interests  of  the  Union  did  not 
admit  of  a  repeal,  modifications  had  been  made,  and  some  favorable  altera 
tions  in  consequence  of  their  representations;  and  that  at  the  last  session, 
the  State  courts  had  been  vested  with  jurisdiction  over  offenses  against 
those  acts  which  would  enable  the  President  to  remove  one  of  their  prin 
cipal  complaints.  That  the  convenience  of  the  people  had  been,  and 
always  would  be  consulted;  and  the  conferees  were  desired  to  say,  if  there 
was  any  thing  in  the  power  of  the  Executive  that  yet  remained  to  be 
done,  to  make  the  execution  of  the  acts  convenient  and  agreeable  to  the 
people,  it  would  be  granted. 

One  of  the  conferees  then  inquired,  whether  the  President  could  not 
suspend  the  execution  of  the  excise  acts,  until  the  meeting  of  Congress; 
but  he  was  interrupted  by  others,  who  declared  that  they  considered  such 
a  measure  as  impracticable.  The  commissioners  expressed  the  same  opin 
ion,  and  the  conversation  then  became  more  particular,  respecting  the 
powers  the  commissioners  possessed;  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  the 
conferees  expressing  their  views  upon  the  proposal  to  be  made,  and  of 
their  calling  the  standing  committee  together  before  the  first  of  Septem 
ber.  But  as  it  was  agreed  that  the  propositions  and  answers  should  be 
reduced  to  writing,  these  must  be  referred  to  for  the  result  of  the  confer 
ence,  of  which  the  outline  has  just  been  given. 

When  men  of  sense,  and  honest  intentions,  come  together,  it  does  not 
require  much  discussion  to  arrive  at  a  proper  understanding.  It  had  been 


WRITTEN   STATEMENTS.  199 

represented  on  the  part  of  the  conferees,  that  they  did  not  consider  them 
selves  authorized  to  do  more  than  report  to  the  standing  committee,  and 
these  again  to  the  deputies  at  Parkinson's  Ferry.  It  was  also  said,  that 
time  was  very  desirable  to  reconcile  the  people  to  the  result  of  the  con 
ference.  But  the  commissioners  gave  the  most  cogent  reasons  against  this, 
and  among  others,  that  much  dissatisfaction  was  beginning  to  show  itself 
on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  and  if  any  thing  could  be  done  to 
obtain  the  Executive  clemency,  it  must  be  done  at  once.  The  conferees, 
vin  consequence  of  this  representation,  agreed  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of 
Vhe  commissioners.  They  had  done  their  duty  to  their  constituents 
in  fully  representing  all  their  complaints,  well  or  ill-founded ;  it  now 
became  them  as  lovers  of  peace,  not  to  persist  with  obstinacy  in  unreason 
able  demands.  The  following  correspondence  now  took  place.  A  simi 
lar  and  separate  conference  was  held  by  the  conferees  and  the  commis 
sioners  on  the  part  of  the  State,  Messrs.  M'Kean  and  Irvine,  and  followed 
by  a  similar  correspondence. 

From  the  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  the  Committee  of  Conference 
Assembled  at  Pittsburgh. 

"  PITTSBURGH,  August  21st,  1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — Having  had  a  conference  with  you,  on  the  important  subject 
which  calls  us  to  this  part  of  Pennsylvania,  we  shall  now  state  to  you  in  writing 
agreeably  to  your  request,  the  nature  and  object  of  our  mission  hither.  Consider 
ing  this  as  a  crisis  infinitely  interesting  to  our  fellow  citizens,  who  have  authorized 
you  to  confer  with  us,  we  shall  explain  ourselves  to  you  with  that  frankness  and 
sincerity  which  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion  demands. 

"You  well  know  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  charged  with  the  ex 
ecution  of  the  laws.  Obedience  to  the  national  will  being  indispensable  in  a  re 
publican  government,  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  strictly  enjoined  it  as 
his  duty,  '  to  see  that  the  laws  are  faithfully  executed.'  And  when  the  ordinary 
authorities  of  the  government  are  incompetent  for  that  end,  he  is  bound  to  exert 
those  higher  powers  with  which  the  nation  has  invested  him  for  so  extraordinary 
an  occasion. 

"  It  is  but  too  evident  that  the  insurrections  which  have  lately  prevailed  in 
some  of  the  western  counties,  have  surpassed  the  usual  exercise  of  the  civil  au 
thority;  and  it  has  been  formally  notified  to  the  President  by  one  of  the  associate 
Judges,  in  the  manner  the  law  prescribes,  '  that  in  the  counties  of  Washington  and 
Allegheny,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  laws  of  the  United  States  are  opposed, 
and  the  execution  thereof  obstructed,  by  combinations  too  powerful  to  be  sup 
pressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings  or  the  powers  vested  in  the 
Marshal  of  that  district.'  He,  therefore,  perceives  with  the  deepest  regret,  the 
necessity  to  which  he  may  be  reduced,  of  calling  forth  the  national  force,  in  order 
to  support  the  national  authority,  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be  executed  ;  but  he  has 


200  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

determined  previously  to  address  himself  to  the  patriotism  and  reason  of  the 
people  of  the  -western  counties,  and  to  try  the  moderation  of  government,  in  hopes 
that  he  may  not  be  compelled  to  resort  to  its  strength.  But  we  must  not  conceal 
it  from  you,  that  it  is  also  his  fixed  determination,  if  these  hopes  should  be  disap 
pointed,  to  employ  the  force — and  if  it  be  necessary^  the  whole  force  of  the  Union, 
to  secure  the  execution  of  the  laws.  He  has,  therefore,  authorized  us  to  repair 
hither,  and  by  free  conferences,  and  the  powers  vested  in  us,  to  endeavor  to  put  an 
end  to  the  present  disturbances,  and  to  the  opposition  to  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
in  a  manner  that  may  be  finally  satisfactory  to  all  our  fellow  citizens. 

"We  hope  that  this  moderation  in  the  government  will  not  be  misconceived  by 
the  citizens  to  whom  we  are  sent.  The  President,  who  feels  a  paternal  solicitude 
for  their  welfare,  wishes  to  prevent  the  calamities  that  are  impending  over  them — 
to  recall  them  to  their  duty,  and  prove  to  the  whole  world,  that  if  military  coercion 
must  be  employed,  it  is  their  choice,  not  his. 

"  The  powers  vested  in  us,  will  enable  us  so  to  arrange  the  execution  of  the  acts 
for  raising  a  revenue  on  distilled  spirits  and  stills,  that  little  inconvenience  will 
arise  therefrom  to  the  people — to  prevent,  as  far  as  is  consistent  with  the  public 
interests,  the  commencing  prosecutions  under  those  acts,  at  a  distance  from  the 
places  where  the  delinquents  reside — to  suspend  prosecutions  for  the  late  offenses 
against  the  United  States — and  even  to  engage  for  a  general  pardon  and  oblivion 
of  them. 

"But,  gentlemen,  we  explicitly  declare  to  you,  that  the  exercise  of  these  powers 
must  be  preceded  by  full  and  satisfactory  assurances  of  a  sincere  determination  in 
•  the  people  to  obey  the  laws  of  the  United  States  ;  and  their  eventual  operation  must 
depend  upon  a  corresponding  acquiescence  in  the  execution  of  the  acts  which  have 
been  opposed.  We  have  not,  and  coming  from  the  Execative,  you  well  know  that 
we  cannot  have  any  authority  to  suspend  the  laws,  or  to  offer  the  most  distant 
hopes,  that  the  acts,  the  execution  of  which  has  been  obstructed,  will  be  repealed. 
On  the  contrary,  we  are  free  to  declare  to  you  our  private  opinions,  that  the  na 
tional  councils,  while  they  consult  the  general  interests  of  the  republic,  and  en 
deavor  to  conciliate  every  part,  by  local  accommodations  to  citizens  who  respect 
the  laws,  will  sternly  refuse  every  indulgence  to  men  who  accompany  their  requests 
with  threats,  and  resist  by  force  the  public  authority. 

"Upon  these  principles,  we  are  ready  to  enter  with  you  into  the  details  necessary 
for  the  exercise  of  our  powers — to  learn  what  local  accommodations  are,  yet  want 
ing  to  render  the  execution  of  the  laws  convenient  to  the  people — to  concert  with 
you  measures  for  restoring  harmony  and  order,  and  for  burying  the  past  in  obliv 
ion,  and  to  unite  our  endeavors  with  yours,  to  secure  the  peace  and  happiness  of 
our  common  country. 

"  It  is  necessary  to  apprize  you  thus  early,  that  at  present  we  do  not  consider 
ourselves  as  authorized  to  enter  into  any  conferences  on  this  subject  after  the  first 
of  September  ensuing.  We  therefore  hope  that  the  business  will  be  so  conducted, 
that  some  definite  answer  may  be  given  to  us  before  that  day. 

"  We  cannot  believe,  that  in  so  great  a  crisis,  any  attempts  to  temporize  and  pro 
crastinate  will  be  made  by  those  who  sincerely  love  their  country,  and  wish  to  se 
cure  its  tranquility. 


WRITTEN   STATEMENTS.  201 

"We  also  declare  to  you,  that  no  indulgence  will  be  given  to  any  future  offense 
against  the  United  States,  and  that  they  who  shall  hereafter,  directly  or  indirectly, 
oppose  the  execution  of  the  laws,  must  abide  the  consequences  of  their  conduct. 

JAMES  Ross, 
J.  YEATES, 
WM.  BRADFORD." 

To  the  foregoing,  the  conferees  made  the  following  answer,  signed  by 

the  chairman : 

Answer  of  the  Committee. 

"PITTSBURGH,  August 22d,  1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — Having  in  our  conference,  at  considerable  length,  stated  to 
you  the  grounds  of  that  discontent  which  exists  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this 
country,  and  which  has  lately  shown  itself  in  acts  of  opposition  to  the  excise  law, 
you  will  consider  us  as  waiving  any  question  of  the  constitutional  power  of  the 
President  to  call  upon  the  force  of  the  Union  to  suppress  them.*  It  is  our  object, 
as  it  is  yours,  to  compose  the  disturbance. 

"  We  are  satisfied,  that  in  substance  you  have  gone  as  far  as  we  could  expect 
the  Executive  to  go.  It  only  remains  to  ascertain  your  propositions  more  in  detail, 
and  to  say  what  arrangement  it  may  be  in  your  power  to  make  with  regard  to  con 
venience  in  collecting  the  revenue  under  the  excise  laws;  how  far  it  may  be  consist 
ent  with  the  public  interest,  to  prevent  commencing  prosecutions  under  those  laws 
at  a  distance  from  places  where  the  delinquents  reside;  on  what  conditions,  or  cir 
cumstances,  prosecutions  for  the  late  violations  shall  be  suspended ;  that  is  to  say, 
whether  on  the  individual  keeping  the  peace,  or  on  its  being  kept  by  the  country 
in  general — and  also  with  regard  to  the  general  amnesty,  whether  the  claiming  the 
benefit  of  it,  by  an  individual,  shall  depend  on  his  own  future  conduct,  or  that  of 
the  whole  community  ? 

"We  have  already  stated  to  you,  in  conference,  that  we  are  empowered  to  give 
you  no  definitive  answer  with  regard  to  the  sense  of  the  people,  on  the  great  ques 
tion  of  acceding  to  the  law  ;  but  that  in  our  opinion,  it  is  the  interest  of  the  coun 
try  to  accede ;  and  that  we  shall  make  this  report  to  the  committee,  to  whom  we 
are  to  report,  and  state  to  them  the  reasons  of  our  opinion;  that  so  far  as  they 
have  weight,  they  may  be  regarded  by  them.  It  will  be  our  endeavor  to  conciliate, 
not  only  them,  but  the  public  mind  in  general,  to  our  views  on  this  subject.  We 
hope  to  be  assisted  by  you,  in  giving  all  that  extent  and  precision,  clearness  and 
certainty,  to  your  propositions,  that  may  be  necessary  to  satisfy  the  understand 
ings,  and  engage  the  acquiescence  of  the  people. 

"It  is  to  be  understood,  that  in  acceding  to  the  law,  no  inference  is  to  be  drawn, 
or  construction  made,  that  we  will  relinquish  a  constitutional  opposition  ;  but  that 
we  will,  undeviatingly,  and  constantly,  pursue  every  legal  means  and  measures  for 
obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  law  in  question. 

*A  doubt  existed  in  the  mind  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Edmund  Randolph, 
whether  a  case  had  been  made  out,  by  the  certificate  of  Judge  Wilson,  to  author 
ize  the  calling  out  of  the  militia.  Whatever  might  be  the  legal  question,  the  fact 
of  the  necessity  was  notorious. 


202  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

"As  we  are  disposed  with  you,  to  have  the  sense  of  the  people  taken  on  the  sub 
ject  of  our  conference  as  speedily  as  may  be,  with  that  view,  we  have  resolved  to 
call  the  committee  to  whom  our  report  is  to  be  made,  at  an  earlier  day  than  had 
been  appointed,  to  wit:  on  Thursday,  the  28th  instant,  but  have  not  thought  our 
selves  authorized  in  changing  the  place,  at  Redstone,  Old  Fort,  on  the  Monon- 
gahela. 

By  order  of  the  committee. 

EDWARD  COOK,  Chairman. 
"  To  the  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Union." 

In  compliance  with  the  request  for  more  specific  details  as  to  the  con 
ditions,  &c.  the  commissioners  communicated  the  following  note  : 

"  The  commissioners  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  confer 
with  the  citizens  in  the  western  part  of  Pennsylvania,  having  been  assured  by  the 
committee  of  conference  of  their  determination  to  approve  the  proposals  made,  and 
to  recommend  to  the  committee  appointed  by  the  meeting  at  Parkinson's  ferry,  a 
submission  to  the  acts  of  Congress,  do  now  proceed  to  declare  what  assurances  of 
submission  will  be  deemed  full  and  satisfactory,  and  to  detail  the  engagements 
they  are  prepared  to  make. 

"  1.  It  is  expected,  and  required  by  the  said  commissioners,  that  the  citizens 
composing  the  said  general  committee,  do  on  or  before  the  1st  day  of  September, 
explicitly  declare  their  determination  to  submit  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  they  will  not  directly  or  indirectly  oppose  the  acts  for  raising  a  revenue  on 
distilled  spirits  and  stills. 

"  2.  That  they  do  explicitly  recommend  a  perfect  and  entire  acquiescence  under 
the  execution  of  said  acts. 

"  3.  That  they  do  in  like  manner  recommend  that  no  violence,  injuries  or  threats 
be  offered  to  the  person  or  property  of  any  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  citizen 
complying  with  the  laws,  and  to  declare  their  determination  to  support  (as  far  as 
the  laws  require)  the  civil  authority  in  affording  the  protection  due  to  all  officers 
and  citizens. 

"4.  That  measures  be  taken  by  meetings  in  election  districts,  or  otherwise,  the 
determination  of  the  citizens  in  the  fourth  survey  of  Pennsylvania  to  submit  to 
the  said  laws,  and  that  satisfactory  assurances  be  given  by  the  said  commis 
sioners  that  the  people  have  so  determined  to  submit,  on  or  before  the  14th  of  Sep 
tember  next. 

"The  said  commissioners,  if  a  full  and  perfect  compliance  with  the  above  re 
quisition  shall  take  place,  have  power  to  promise  and  engage  in  the  manner  follow 
ing,  to  wit: 

"1.  No  prosecution  for  any  treason,  or  other  indictable  offense,  against  the 
United  States,  committed  in  the  fourth  survey  of  Pennsylvania,  before  this  day, 
shall  be  proceeded  on,  or  commenced,  until  the  10th  day  of  July  next. 

"2.  If  there  shall  be  a  general  and  sincere  acquiescence  in  the  execution  of  the 
said  laws,  until  the  said  10th  day  of  July  next,  a  general  pardon  and  oblivion  of 
all  such  offenses  shall  be  granted,  excepting  therefrom,  nevertheless,  every  person 


CONDITIONS   OF   SUBMISSION.  203 

who  shall  in  the  meantime  willfully  obstruct,  or  attempt  to  obstruct,  the  execution 
of  any  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  or  be  in  any  wise  aiding  or  abetting 
therein. 

"3.  Congress  having  by  an  act  passed  on  the  fifth  day  of  June  last,  authorized 
the  State  courts  to  take  cognizance  of  offenses  against  the  said  acts  for  raising 
revenue  upon  distilled  spirits  and  stills,  the  President  has  determined  that  he  will 
direct  suits  against  such  delinquents  to  be  prosecuted  therein  ;  if  upon  experiment, 
it  be  found  that  local  prejudices,  or  other  causes,  do  not  obstruct  the  faithful  ad 
ministration  of  justice.  But  it  is  to  be  understood,  that  of  this  he  must  be  the 
judge,  and  that  he  does  not  mean  by  this  determination  to  impair  any  power  vested 
in  the  Executi  /e  of  the  United  States. 

"  Certain  }  eneficial  arrangements  for  adjusting  delinquencies  and  prosecutions 
for  penalties,  now  depending,  shall  be  made  and  communicated  by  the  officers  ap 
pointed  to  carry  said  acts  into  execution. 

"  Given  under  our  hands  at  Pittsburgh,  this  22d  day  of  August,  1794. 

JAMES  Ross, 
J.  YEATES, 
WM.  BRADFORD. 
"  To  the  Committee  of  Conference." 

The  following  note  was  sent  by  the  committee  of  conference : 

"PITTSBURGH,  August  23,  1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — We  presume  it  has  been  understood  by  you  that  the  confer 
ence  on  our  part  consists  of  members,  not  only  from  the  counties  west  of  the  Al 
legheny  mountains,  but  from  Ohio  county  in  Virginia,  and  your  propositions  made 
in  general  by  your  first  letter,  being  addressed  to  this  conference,  the  Ohio  county 
was  considered  as  included;  yet  in  your  propositions  made  in  detail  by  your  last, 
you  confine  them  to  the  survey  within  Pennsylvania.  We  would  request  an  ex 
planation  on  this  particular. 

"We  have  only  further  to  say,  we  shall  make  a  faithful  report  of  your  propo 
sitions,  which  we  approve,  and  will  recommend  them  to  the  people ;  and  however 
they  may  be  received,  we  are  persuaded  nothing  more  could  have  been  done  by  you, 
or  us,  to  bring  the  business  to  an  accommodation. 

By  order  of  the  committee. 

EDWARD  COOK,  Chairman. 

"  To  the  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Union. " 

Reply  of  the  Commissioners.  * 

«  PITTSBURGH,  August  23d,  1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — Having  received  your  assurances  of  your  approbation  of  the 
propositions  made  by  us,  and  your  determination  to  recommend  them  to  the  peo- 

*  This  letter  does  not  appear  to  be  in  the  report  made  by  the  conferees  to  the 
committee.  It  says:  "In  consequence  of  the  above,  a  conference  took  place  with 
the  gentlemen  from  Ohio,  and  some  arrangements  were  made  accordingly.  " 


204  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

pie,  we  have  nothing  further  to  add,  except  to  reply  to  that  part  of  your  letter 
which  relates  to  the  gentlemen  from  Ohio  county. 

"  The  whole  tenor  of  our  letter  of  the  21st  inst.  shows  that  we  had  come  among 
you  in  consequence  of  the  disturbances  which  had  prevailed  in  the  western  parts 
of  Pennsylvania  ;  to  prevent  the  actual  employment  of  military  coercion  there,  as 
contemplated  by  the  President's  proclamation ;  and  that  the  late  offenses  referred 
to,  were  the  insurrections  which  had  prevailed  in  some  of  the  western  counties. 
We  therefore  cannot  extend  our  propositions. 

"  In  addition  to  this,  we  were  well  assured  that  the  people  of  Ohio  county  have 
not  generally  authorized  those  gentlemen  to  represent  them,  and  we  cannot  at  pres 
ent  undertake  to  make  any  definite  arrangements  with  them. 

"  We  are,  however,  willing  to  converse  with  those  gentlemen  on  the  subject ;  and 
we  have  no  doubt  that  on  satisfactory  proofs  of  their  determination  to  support  the 
laws  of  their  country,  and  of  an  entire  submission  to  them  by  those  from  whom 
they  came  being  given,  the  President  will,  upon  our  recommendation,  extend  a 
similar  pardon  to  any  late  offense  committed  against  the  United  States,  if  any  such 
have  been  committed.  We  are  willing,  on  receiving  such  assurances  from  them,  to 
recommend  such  application  accordingly. 

JAMES  Ross, 
J.  YKATBS, 
\\  M.  BRADFORD. 
"  To  the  Committee  of  Conference." 

While  the  commissioners  prepared  their  report  to  the  government  of 
the  United  States  of  the  result  of  the  conference,  the  conferees  committed 
to  Mr.  Brackenridge  the  task  of  preparing  that  to  be  laid  before  the 
standing  committee  at  Brownsville.  Mr.  Gallatin  in  his  speech  in  the 
Legislature,  states  that  he  differed  from  its  author,  in  some  particulars. 
He  might  have  been  right,  but  a  mere  difference  does  not  of  itself  prove 
him  to  have  been  so.  This  report  was  submitted  to  a  friendly  examina 
tion  by  the  commissioners,  who  made  some  suggestions  which  were 
adopted  by  the  author. 

The  following  letter  was  delivered  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  just  before  his 
departure  from  Brownsville,  directed  to  Messrs.  Kirkpatrick,  Smith, 
Powers,  Bradford,  Marshall,  Edgar,  Cook,  Gallatin,  Lang,  Martin,  Lucas, 
and  Brackenridge,  late  conferees : 

"PITTSBURGH,  August  27,  1794. 

"  GENTLEMEN  : — Since  your  departure  from  Pittsburgh,  we  have  transmitted 
information  of  our  proceedings  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  it  being  evident  from 
them,  that  the  satisfactory  proof  of  a  sincere  submission  cannot  be  obtained  before 
the  first  of  September,  we  may  undertake  to  assure  you,  that  the  movement  of  the 
militia  will  be  suspended  until  further  information  is  received  from  us. 

"  We  also  authorize  you  to  assure  the  friends  of  order,  who  may  be  disposed  to 
exert  themselves  to  restore  the  authority  of  the  laws,  that  they  may  rely  upon  all 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONFEREES.  205 

the  protection  the  government  can  give,  and  that  every  measure  necessary  to  re 
press  and  punish  the  violence  of  ill-disposed  individuals  who  may  dissent  from  the 
general  sentiment,  (if  there  should  be  any  such,)  will  be  promptly  taken  in  the 
manner  the  law  directs. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  servants, 

JAMES  Ross, 

J.  YEATES, 

WM.  BRADFORD.  " 

"  In  drafting  the  report,"  says  Mr.  Brackenridge,  "  I  had  introduced 
the  general  statement  of  grievances,  with  a  view  to  show  that  we  had 
made  the  most  of  our  case.*  But  the  commissioners  thought  it  would 
rather  encourage  opposition  than  submission — it  was  therefore  stricken  out. 

"  I  had  stated,  strongly,  the  sense  of  the  commissioners  of  the  out 
rages  committed ;  the  burning,  the  expulsion,  the  intercepting  the  mail, 
the  march  from  Braddock's  Field.  It  was  with  a  view  of  placing  these 
things  in  the  strongest  light  before  the  people,  in  order  that  they  might  the 
better  appreciate  the  value  of  the  amnesty.  I  am  disposed  to  believe  that 
these  gave  offense  to  Bradford  and  Marshall.  From  this  time  they 
showed  a  marked  coolness  toward  me.  I  cannot  believe  that  Marshall  was 
at  all  dissatisfied  at  being  relieved  from  the  extremely  hazardous  situation 
in  which  he  had  been  placed. 

"  I  added,  in  the  conclusion,  some  reasons  as  grounds  for  conceding  to 
the  propositions  of  the  commissioners.  They  were  such  as  I  thought 
would  have  weight  with  the  people.  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  his  speech  in  the 
Legislature  tf  Pennsylvania,  on  the  subject  of  the  Insurrection,  says, 
'  They  were  such,  I  suppose,  as,  in  the  judgment  of  the  author,  would 
make  most  impression  upon  the  people ;  on  that  head,  however,  I  think 
he  was  mistaken/  I  think  now  (continues  Mr.  Brackenridge,)  as  I  did 
then,  that  they  were  the  most  likely  to  produce  the  effect;  but  that  is  a  mere 
matter  of  opinion,  which  I  am  not  going  to  dispute.  The  true  demo 
cratic  principle  on  which  I  think  it  should  be  put,  was,  without  doubt, 
that  the  will  of  the  people  should  govern.  The  national  will  had  made 
the  law,  and  should  be  obeyed.  It  is  an  abstract  argument  that  must  sat 
isfy  the  understanding,  but  cannot  reconcile  the  heart.  It  is  difficult  to 
reconcile  the  idea  that  the  majority  made  the  law,  however  oppressive  to 
us,  yet  the  good  of  the  whole,  or  of  the  greater  number,  requires  us  to 
submit.  My  argument,  therefore,  chiefly  contemplated  the  want  of 

*  It  is  to  this  Mr.  Ross  alludes,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  when  he  says: 
"And  when  you  came  as  a  committee-man  to  settle  the  terms  of  submission,  I  am 
persuaded  there  is  none  will  deny  that  you  exerted  yourself  to  get  every  reason 
able  concession  on  the  part  of  the  government,  in  favor  of  your  constituents." 


206  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

power.  I  also  introduced  the  idea  of  postponement,  and  submitting  under 
present  circumstances,  and  thus  acquiescing  in  a  present  evil,  in  the 
hope  of  a  future  remedy.  But,  said  one  to  me,  l  the  people  can  never  be 
roused  again/  I  know  that,  and  it  is  therefore  safe  to  refer  them  to  a 
future  day.  The  people  would  begin  to  look  back  when  passion  had  sub 
sided,  and  thus  see  the  precipice  on  which  they  had  been  standing.  Let 
the  law  go  into  operation,  and  they  would  not  find  it  the  evil  they  ima 
gined  it  to  be/' 

The  above  reasoning  would  not  be  likely  to  suggest  itself  to  one  brought 
up  under  a  despotic  government,  where  the  sovereign  is  every  thing  and 
the  people  nothing  •  where  obedience — mere  obedience,  is  all  that  is  re 
quired  ;  and  where  the  crouching  slave  must  prostrate  himself  before 
the  cap  and  plume  of  power.  It  is  a  kind  of  reasoning  which,  perhaps, 
savors  of  Machiavelism  —  yet  there  are  but  two  ways  of  influencing  the 
action  of  the  people,  moral  suasion  or  brute  force.  The  "proud  spirit  of 
the  freeman  is  not  to  be  subdued  by  a  frown  or  a  blow ;  whenever  this  is 
the  case,  the  vital  spark  of  liberty  is  extinguished.  The  sovereign  will  of 
the  majority  must,  notwithstanding,  be  respected,  and  the  people  made  to 
yield  to  it  as,  in  part,  their  own  will ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  care  must  be 
taken  not  to  crush  that  sturdy  spirit  of  resistance,  without  which  free 
institutions  will  soon  degenerate  into  despotism.  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
always  a  democrat,  maintained  that  a  free  people  should  be  induced  by 
reason  to  be  the  conquerors  over  their  own  passions,  and  not  humbled  and 
broken  by  outward  force.  These  were  the  sentiments  whtcn  governed 
his  course  during  the  insurrection :  the  reverse  of  those  which  then  pre 
vailed  in  the  Federal  party,  with  its  strong  Hamiltonian  government,  its 
sedition  laws  and  its  standing  army.  In  a  government  like  ours,  all  the 
arts  of  persuasion  and  peace  should  be  exhausted,  before  a  resort  to  force; 
not  so  with  despotisms  and  those  who  mimic  them. 

During  the  negotiations,  a  publication  appeared  in  the  Pittsburgh 
Gazette,  which  had  an  injurious  eifect,  both  as  respects  Mr.  Brackenridge 
personally,  and  the  object  he  was  then  laboring  to  effect  with  so  much 
earnestness.  It  was  a  spurious  attempt  at  wit  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  of 
Indian  chiefs,  either  intended  as  a  burlesque  on  the  insurgents,  or  a 
satire  on  the  excise  law,  it  is  difficult  to  say  which.  Persons  of  little  dis 
crimination  attributed  this  production  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  as  is  often 
the  case,  merely  on  the  ground  of  his  reputation  for  wit ;  for  there  is  not 
the  slightest  resemblance  in  style,  and  besides,  without  any  motive  which 
could  induce  him  to  write  such  a  thing.  He  promptly  denied  it,  and  the 
denial  was  corroborated  by  Mr.  Scull,  the  printer.  Moreover,  it  appeared 


THE  INDIAN  TREATY  DIALOGUE.  207 

afterward  that  the  production  was  that  of  a  decided  friend  of  the  excise 
law,  who  left  his  name  with  the  printer  for  any  one  who  might  wish  to 
know  it.  The  puerile  production  was  ascribed  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  by 
his  enemies,  and  represented  as  intended  to  ridicule  the  government. 
Even  after  the  lapse  of  half  a  century,  his  enemies  persist  in  attributing 
it  to  him,  and  Mr.  Wharton,  in  his  voluminous  compilation  in  the  volume 
entitled  "  State  Trials,"  says  it  was  denied  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  at  the  time 
in  a  "lame  sort  of  way."  It  was  impossible  for  the  denial  to  have  been 
more  explicit,  and  the  fact  placed  beyond  doubt  by  the  editor  of  the  paper.* 
In  these  negotiations,  it  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  occu 
pied  that  position  to  which  his  superior  talents  and  high  character 
entitled  him.  The  transactions  were  too  much  of  a  public  and  official 
character,  to  permit  Findley,  and  others  prejudiced  against  him,  to  cast 
him  in  the  background  by  exalting  Mr.  Gallatin  above  him.  Let  justice 
be  done;  and  there  is  nothing  further  from  the  desire  of  the  author  of 
this  work  than  to  detract  from  the  merit  of  Mr.  Gallatin ;  he  freely  ac 
knowledges  his  eminent  talents,  and  valuable  services  in  putting  a  stop  to 
the  insurrection.  He  goes  farther,  and  does  not  hesitate  to  defend  him 
from  those  enemies  of  his,  and  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  who  assailed 
him  with  the  epithets  of  disorganizer  and  demagogue,  and  even  traitor, 
on  account  <jf  those  resolutions,  passed  at  public  meetings  two  years  before, 
against  the  excise  law.  The  whole  history  of  these  transactions — the 
government  documents  and  admissions — all  prove  that  this  was  oppres 
sive  and  unequal ;  that  the  people  had  reason  and  right  to  complain,  even 
in  language  rude  and  "  intemperate."  If  those  complaints  must  only  be 
uttered  in  humble  and  temperate  language,  who  is  to  prescribe  the  terms 
of  that  language  ?  The  oppressor,  of  course,  would  not  be  the  fit  person 
to  prescribe  it!  Surely  the  rights  of  the  people  stand  upon  higher 
ground  than  this!  Yet,  I  admit,  that  the  people  should  be  solemnly 
impressed  with  the  sentiment,  that  there  is  nothing  more  atrocious  in  a 
free  government,  than  violent  and  forcible  opposition  to  the  laws,  or  re- 

*  "Understanding  that  a  certain  publication  which  appeared  in  our  paper  some 
time  ago,  containing  speeches  in  imitation  of  an  Indian  treaty,  and  supposed  to  re 
flect  on  the  militia  of  Jersey,  &c.  has  been  attributed  abroad  to  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
we  are  ready  to  declare  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  is  not  the  author. 

"  The  printer  is  sorry  that  the  publication  above  alluded  to  has  given  offense. 
The  author,  who  has  always  been  an  open  and  avowed  advocate  against  the  violent 
proceedings,  had  no  other  intention  than  to  give  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
States  a  representation  of  the  different  ideas  of  the  people  in  this  country  at  that 
time,  without  meaning  a  reflection  on  any  man  or  set  of  men.  It  is  expected  that 
these  facts  will  remove  all  prejudices  that  may  have  taken  place." 


208  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

sistance  to  their  execution,  which  saps  the  foundation  of  all  government 
and  all  security.  While  this  truth  was  fully  acknowledged  by  the  con 
ferees,  it  will  be  seen,  by  the  correspondence,  that  they  were  most  careful 
to  preserve  to  the  people  the  right  to  pursue  all  constitutional  and  lawful 
means  of  procuring  a  repeal  of  the  excise  laws,  which  they  honestly  re 
garded  as  unjust  and  oppressive. 

The  terms  offered  by  the  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  President, 
cannot  be  too  much  praised.  They  bear  that  stamp  of  humanity  and 
firmness  combined,  which  distinguished  the  true  greatness  of  Washington. 
It  is  a  lamentable  reflection,  that  they  were  not  afterward  adopted  as 
frankly  and  as  promptly,  by  the  standing  committee  at  Brownsville,  and 
a  large  portion  of  the  people,  as  they  were  by  the  committee  of  confer 
ence.  If  this  had  been  the  case,  the  country  would  have  settled  down 
in  peace,  and  much  misery,  suffering  and  anxiety  would  have  been  spared. 
At  this  distance  of  time,  it  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  fact  that  terms 
so  reasonable  and  moderate,  presented  in  a  way  so  little  calculated  to  of 
fend  the  feelings  of  the  proudest  freeman,  were  not  at  once,  and  unani 
mously,  embraced  by  the  people.  Let  us  hope  that  since  that  day  our 
countrymen  have  made  some  advance  in  virtue  and  intelligence. 

Although  a  vantage  ground  had  been  obtained  by  the  committee  of 
conference,  in  the  favorable  terms  obtained  from  the  commissioners,  still 
the  battle  was  yet  to  be  fought;  and  owing  to  the  height  of  insane  pas 
sion  to  which  the  people  had  been  wrought,  the  issue  was  very  doubtful, 
and  full  of  danger  to  Messrs.  Brackenridge  and  Gallatin,  (and  especially  to 
the  former,)  who  would  be  compelled  to  confront  this  mass  of  violence  and 
ignorance — bold,  noisy,  and  perhaps  outnumbering  the  peaceful  and  well 
disposed,  who  would  gladly  hail  the  report  of  the  conferees  as  the  har 
binger  of  peace. 

Already  the  leaders  in  the  committee  of  conference,  and  especially  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  began  to  feel  the  effects  of  vulgar  detraction.  A  great  out 
cry  was  made,  and  more  particularly  among  those  who  had  been  most  ac 
tive  in  the  late  scenes  of  violence.  It  was  asserted  that  he  had  been 
bribed ;  that  it  was  known  that  lawyers  would  take  fees ;  that  the  com 
missioners  had  brought  gold  with  them  ;  and  that  he  had  received  enough 
to  render  it  unnecessary  for  him  to  practice  law  during  the  remainder  of 
his  life  !  His  moral  courage  was  put  to  the  test,  while  his  personal  safety 
was  by  no  means  certain.  By  voluntarily  incurring  the  loss  of  his  pres 
ent  popularity,  he  had  abandoned  all  hope  of  being  elected  to  Congress, 
for  which  he  was  then  a  candidate,  and  previous  to  this,  with  almost  a 
certainty  of  being  elected.  As  to  Bradford,  he  very  soon  relapsed  into 


DISSATISFACTION    OF   THE    PEOPLE.  209 

his  old  ways — the  moment  he  thought  the  popular  tide  was  beginning  to 
turn,  he  was  swept  along  with  it ;  and  showed  himself  at  the  last  to  be 
the  same  weak,  mischievous  being  that  he  had  been  from  the  first.  Was 
he  possessed  of  eloquence,  the  only  quality  on  which  his  popularity  could 
rest  ?  No ;  but  he  conld  declaim,  and  thus  supplied  a  voice  to  the  rash 
and  inconsiderate.  There  is  also  a  reason  which  may  be  discovered,  by 
looking  a  little  deeper  into  human  nature.  The  acts  of  violence  com 
mitted  in  burning  Neville's  house,  had  formed  a  sort  of  conscious  sepa 
ration  in  society  between  those  who  had  shared  in  it  and  those  who  had 
not — a  separation  of  the  bulls  from  the  goats,  which  served  to  keep  alive 
the  ferocity  which  had  been  engendered  by  that  act  of  outrage.  Those 
who  had  openly  approved  of  that  and  other  similar  acts,  were  placed  in  the 
same  footing  with  the  participators  of  them.  It  was  guilt  thirsting  for 
the  commission  of  new  crimes,  or  companionship  in  its  worse  than  misery. 
Mr.  Gallatin  in  his  evidence  on  the  trials,  says  :  "  I  spoke  but  two  words, 
( amnesty  and  repeal/  '  He  spoke  the  word  "  repeal,"  but  Mr.  Brack- 
enridge  first  spoke  the  word  "  amnesty" — and  in  addition,  the  word  "  sub 
mission/'  These  two  words  were  first  spoken  by  him  at  the  Mingo  Creek 
meeting,  where  he  so  happily  drew  the  line  of  distinction  between  those 
who  were  compromised  in  the  late  acts  of  violence,  and  those  who  were 
not.  The  idea  of  amnesty  was  never  lost  sight  of  by  him,  and  events 
had  verified  what  he  then  said  of  the  mildness  and  clemency  of  Washing 
ton,  and  "his  unwillingness  to  shed  the  blood  of  his  countrymen,  by  whom 
he  knew  he  was  universally  beloved."  The  evidence  of  Mr.  Henry  Pur- 
viance  is  conclusive  on  this  head.  It  is  aione  sufficient  to  put  to  rest  the 
slanders  of  a  thousand  Hildreths  and  Craigs — his  words  are,  "The  course 
pursued  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  through  the  whole  of  the  insurrection,  had 
but  two  objects  in  view,  to  bring  about  submission,  and  at  the  same  time 
procure  an  amnesty  for  the  country/'  Mr.  Purviance  stood  high  as  a 
lawyer,  and  at  the  time  of  making  this  statement,  was  the  public  prose 
cutor.  What  more  meritorious  motives  could  actuate  any  man  than  those 
just  mentioned  ?  He  sacrificed  a  most  brilliant  political  career  in  Con 
gress,  (afterward  occupied  by  Mr.  Gallatin,)  to  his  love  of  country,  and 
his  devotion  to  virtuous  principles.  When  we  have  the  evidence  of  all 
his  distinguished  cotemporaries,  without  a  single  contradiction,  is  it  not 
surprising  that  any  one  at  this  day  should  have  the  audacity  to  speak  of 
him  in  the  language  of  the  two  writers  just  named?* 

*  Hildreth  and  Craig. 


210 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    VIII. 


An  Indian  Treaty. 

"Speeches  intended  to  be  spoken  at  a 
Treaty  now  holding  with  the  Six  United 
Nations  of  White  Indians,  settled  at 
the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  on  the  20th  of 
August,  1794,  by  the  Commissioners 
sent  from  Philadelphia  for  that  pur 
pose. 

"Captain  Blanket,  an  Indian  chief, 
spoke  as  follows  : 

"'BROTHERS — We  welcome  you  to  the 
old  council  fire  at  this  place — it  is  a 
lucky  spot  of  ground  for  holding  Indian 
treaties.  No  good  has  attended  your 
treaties  at  Beaver  Creek,  Muskingum, 
&c.  As  the  proffer  of  this  treaty  has 
originated  with  your  great  council  at 
Philadelphia,  we  therefore  expect  you 
have  good  terms  to  offer.  But  you 
know,  brothers,  that  it  ever  has  been  a 
custom  to  pay  Indians  well  for  coming 
to  treaties ;  and  you  may  be  assured, 
that  unless  we  are  well  paid,  or  fully  satis 
fied,  your  attempts  of  any  kind  will  not 
have  the  least  effect.  However,  we  do 
not  doubt  but  the  pay  is  provided ;  and 
that  you  have  a  sufficiency  of  blankets 
and  breech-clouts,  powder  and  lead;  and 
that  the  wagons  are  close  at  hand.  You 
know,  brothers,  that  our  neighbors,  the 
British,  over  the  lakes,  pay  their  Indians 
well ;  that  they  have  inexhaustible  stores 
of  blankets  and  ammunition,  and  that  if 
they  were  offering  us  a  treaty,  they 
would  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  satisfy 
all  our  demands.' 

"Captain  Whiskey  spoke  next: — 

"  «  BROTHERS  —  My  friend,  Captain 
Blanket,  has  indulged  himself  in  a  little 
drollery  about  blankets,  &c.  but  I  must 
speak  to  the  point.  I  am  told  that  the 


people  of  your  great  council  call  us  a 
parcel  of  drunken  ragamuffins,  because 
we  indulge  ourselves  with  a  little  of  our 
|  homespun  whiskey ;  and  that  we  ought 
to  pay  well  for  this  extraordinary  luxury. 
What  would  they  think  if  the  same  was 
said  of  them,  for  drinking  beer  and 
cider  ?  Surely  the  saying  will  apply  with 
equal  force  in  both  cases.  We  say  that 
our  whiskey  shall  not  be  saddled  with  an 
unequal  tax.  You  say,  it  shall ;  and  to 
enforce  the  collection  of  three  or  four 
thousand  dollars  per  annum  of  net  pro 
ceeds,  you  will  send  an  army  of  12,950 
men,  or  double  that  number  if  necessary. 
This  is  a  new  fashioned  kind  of  economy, 
indeed.  It  is  a  pity  that  this  army  had 
not  been  employed  long  ago,  in  assisting 
your  old  warrior,  General  Wayne,  or 
chastising  the  British  about  the  lakes. 
However,  I  presume  it  is  the  present 
policy  to  guard  against  offending  a  nation 
with  a  king  at  their  head.  But  remem 
ber,  brothers,  if  we  have  not  a  king  at 
our  head,  we  have  that  powerful  monarch, 
Captain  Whiskey,  to  command  us.  By 
the  power  of  his  influence,  and  a  love  to 
his  person,  we  are  impelled  to  every  great 
and  heroic  act.  You  know,  brothers, 
that  Captain  Whiskey  has  been  a  great 
warrior  in  all  nations,  and  in  all  armies. 
He  is  a  descendant  of  that  nation  called 
Ireland ;  and  to  use  his  own  phrase,  he 
has  peopled  three-fourths  of  this  western 
world  with  his  own  hand.  We,  the  Six 
United  Nations  of  White  Indians,  are 
principally  his  legitimate  offspring;  and 
those  who  are  not,  have  all  imbibed  his 
principles  and  passions — that  is,  a  love 
of  whiskey ;  and  will  therefore  fight  for 
our  bottle  till  the  last  gasp.  Brothers, 
you  must  not  think  to  frighten  us  with 


INDIAN   TKEATY   BURLESQUE. 


211 


fine  arranged  lines  of  infantry,  cavalry 
and  artillery,  composed  of  your  water 
melon  armies  from  the  Jersey  shore; 
they  would  cut  a  much  better  figure 
-warring  with  crabs  and  oysters,  about 
the  capes  of  the  Delaware.  It  is  a  com 
mon  thing  for  Indians  to  fight  your  best 
armies,  in  u  proportion  of  one  to  five; 
therefore  we  would  not  hesitate  a  moment 
to  attack  this  army  at  the  rate  of  one  to 
ten.  Our  nations  can,  upon  an  emergency, 
produce  twenty  thousand  warriors ;  you 
may  then  calculate  what  your  army  ought 
to  be.  But  I  must  not  forget  that  I  am 
making  an  Indian  speech  ;  I  must  there 
fore  give  you  a  smack  of  my  national 
tongue — Tougash  Getchie — Tougash  Get- 
chie ;  very  strong  man  me,  Captain  Whis 
key.' 

"Captain  Alliance  next  took  the  floor  : 
"  «  BROTHERS  —  My  friend,  Captain 
Whiskey,  has  made  some  fine  flourishes 
about  the  power  of  his  all-conquering 
monarch,  Whiskey;  and  of  the  intre 
pidity  of  the  sons  of  St.  Patrick  in 
defense  of  their  beloved  bottle.  But  we 
will  suppose  when  matters  are  brought 
to  the  test,  that  if  we  should  find  our 
selves  unequal  to  the  task  of  repelling 
this  tremendous  army,  or  that  the  great 
council  will  still  persevere  in  their  deter 
mination  of  imposing  unequal  and  op 
pressive  duties  upon  our  whiskey,  who 
knows  but  some  evil  spirit  might  prompt 
us  to  a  separation  from  the  Union,  and 
call  for  the  alliance  of  some  more  friendly 
nation.  You  know  that  the  great  nation 
of  Kentucky  have  already  suggested  the 
idea  to  us.  They  are  at  present  Mis 
sissippi  mad,  and  we  are  whiskey  mad ; 
it  is,  therefore,  hard  to  tell  what  may  be 
the  issue  of  such  united  madness.  It 
appears  as  if  the  Kentuckians  were  dis 
posed  to  bow  the  knee  to  the  Spanish 
monarch,  or  kiss  the  Pope's  a — e,  and 
wear  a  crucifix,  rather  than  be  longer 
deprived  of  their  darling  Mississippi; 


and  we  might  be  desperate  enough,  rather 
than  submit  to  an  odious  excise,  or  un 
equal  taxes,  to  invite  Prince  William 
Henry,  or  some  other  royal  pup,  to  take 
us  by  the  hand,  provided  he  would  guar 
antee  equal  taxation,  and  exempt  our 
whiskey.  This  would  be  a  pleasing  over 
ture  to  the  royal  family  of  England ; 
they  would  eagerly  embrace  the  favorable 
moment,  to  add  again  to  their  curtailed 
dominions  in  America,  to  accommodate 
some  of  their  numerous  brood  with  king 
doms  and  principalities.  We  would  soon 
find  that  great  warrior  of  the  lakes, 
Simcoe,  flying  to  our  relief,  and  employ 
ing  those  numerous  legions  of  white  and 
yellow  savages  for  a  very  different  pur 
pose  to  what  they  have  now  in  view. 
If  the  Kentuckians  should  also  take  it 
into  their  heads  to  withhold  supplies 
from  your  good  old  warrior  Wayne,  who 
is  often  very  near  starving  in  the  wilder 
ness,  his  army  must  be  immediately  an 
nihilated,  and  your  great  council  might 
forever  bid  adieu  to  their  territory  west 
of  the  mountains.  This  may  seem  very 
improbable  indeed ;  but  as  great  wonders 
have  happened  in  Europe  within  the 
course  of  three  years  past.' 

"Captain  Pacificus  then  rose,  and  con- 
luded  the  business  of  the  day: 

'"BROTHERS — My  friend  Alliance  has 
made  some  very  alarming  observations ; 
and  I  confess  they  have  considerable 
weight  with  me.  A  desperate  people 
may  be  drove  to  desperate  resources ;  but 
as  I  am  of  a  peaceable  disposition,  I 
shall  readily  concur  in  every  reasonable 
proposition  which  may  have  a  tendency 
to  restore  tranquility,  and  secure  our 
union  upon  the  true  principles  of  equal- 
ty  and  justice.  It  is  now  time  to  know 
the  true  object  of  your  mission;  if  you 
are  messengers  of  peace,  and  come  to 
offer  us  a  treaty,  why  attempt  to  deliver 
t  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  If  you 
are  only  come  to  grant  pardons  for  past 


212 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


offenses,  you  need  not  have  fatigued 
yourselves  with  such  extraordinary  dis 
patch  on  the  journey;  we  have  not  yet 
begged  your  pardon ;  we  are  'not  yet  at 
the  gallows  or  the  guillotine,  for  you  will 
have  to  catch  us  before  you  bring  us 
there.  But  as  I  am  rather  more  of  a 
counselor  than  a  warrior,  I  am  more 
disposed  to  lay  hold  of  the  chain  rather 
than  the  tomahawk.  I  shall  therefore 
propose  that  a  total  suspension  of  all 
hostilities,  and  the  cause  thereof,  shall 
immediately  take  place  on  both  sides, 
until  the  next  meeting  of  our  great  na 
tional  council.  If  your  powers  are  not 
competent  to  this  agreement,  we  expect, 
as  you  are  old  counselors  and  peaceable 
men,  that  you  will  at  least  report  and 
recommend  it  to  our  good  old  father  who 
sits  at  the  helm.  We  know  it  was  his 
duty  to  make  proclamation,  &c.  &c.,  but 
we  expect  every  thing  that  can  result 
from  his  prudence,  humanity  and  benev 
olence,  toward  his  fellow  creatures.' 

*'  A  belt  on  which  is  inscribed  '  Plenty 
of  whiskey,  without  excise.'  " 


"A  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
committee  appointed  at  the  meeting 
at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  on  the  14th  of 
August,  1794,  to  confer  with  the  com 
missioners  on  the  part  of  the  Execu 
tive  of  the  Union,  and  on  the  part  of 
the  Executive  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the 
subject  of  the  late  opposition  to  the 
laws  of  the  Union,  and  violation  of 
the  peace  of  the  State  government. 
On  the  part  of  the  Executive  of  the  Union. 

William  Bradford,  Attorney  General  of 
the  United  States. 

Joseph  Yeates,  Associate  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania. 

Jasper  Ross,  Senator  in  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States. 
On  the  part  of  the  Executive  of  Pennsylvania. 

Thomas  M'Kean,   Chief  Justice  of   the 
State  of  Pennsylvania. 


William  Irvine,    Representative   in   the 
Congress  of  the  United  States. 

COMMITTEE    OF   CONFERENCE. 
Westmoreland  County.         Washington  County. 
John  Kirlipatrick,  David  Bradford,   • 

George  Smith,  John  Marshall, 

John  Powers.  James  Edgar. 

Fayette  County.  Allegheny  County. 

Edward  Cook,  Thomas  Morton, 

Albert  Gallatin,         John  Lucas, 
James  Lang.  H.  H.  Brackenridge. 

Ohio  County  (Virginia). 

William  M'Kinley,     William  Sutherland, 
John  Stevenson. 

"A  committee  having  met  on  the  20th, 
proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  chairman, 
npon  which  Edward  Cook  was  nominated 
and  took  his  place. 

"A  question  was  made,  whether  the 
proposed  conference  with  commission 
ers  from  the  government  should  be 
private  or  public.  It  was  determined 
that  it  should  be  private,  as  less  liable 
to  interruption,  and  as  leading  the  com 
missioners  from  the  government  to  give 
a  more  frank  and  full  communication  of 
their  sentiments  and  intentions;  and  that 
after  the  preliminary  arrangements,  the 
correspondence  as  to  what  was  material, 
would  be  in  writing,  which  the  committee 
were  not  at  liberty  to  communicate  to 
the  public  immediately,  but  to  report  to 
the  committee  of  safety,  which  was  to 
meet  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  September. 

"It  was  moved  and  directed  that  two 
members  be  appointed  to  wait  upon  the 
commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Union 
and  of  the  State  government,  and  to  ad 
just  with  them  the  place  and  time  of 
conference, 

"Thomas  Morton  and  James  Edgar 
were  appointed. 

"Agreeable  to  arrangement,  a  confer 
ence  took  place  at  ten  o'clock  next  day, 
and  was  opened  by  a  communication  on 
the  part  of  the  commissioners  of  the 


REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  OF  CONFERENCE. 


213 


Union,  stating  with  all  the  solemnity  due 
to  the  occasion,  the  extreme  pain  it  had 
given  to  the  Executive,  to  have  heard 
from  time  to  time  of  the  deviations  from 
the  constitutional  line  of  expressing  a 
dislike  of  particular  laws,  to  those  means 
of   violence   and   outrage   which   would 
lead  to  the  having  no  laws  at  all ;  that 
in  the  case  of   the  present  infractions, 
they  were  solemnly  called  upon  by  the 
constitution  to  exert   the   force  of  the 
Union  to  suppress  them ;  but  that  in  the 
first  instance  all  those  lenient  measures 
of  accommodation  were  about  to  be  tried, 
that  the  great  reluctance  of  the  Execu 
tive  to  have  recourse  to  force,  had  indu 
ced  it  to  use;  that  for  this  purpose  they 
had  been  commissioned  with  certain  pow 
ers  from  the  Executive,  in  order  that,  if 
possible,  short  of  bloodshed,  submission 
to  the  laws  might  be  obtained,  and  peace 
restored ;  that  in  the  meantime  the  most 
effectual  and  decisive  measures  had  been 
taken,  that  should  a  pacification  be  found 
impracticable,  by  an  address  to  the  pa 
triotism  and  reason  of  the  people,  sub 
mission  must  be  enforced,  and  however 
painful,  the  strength  of  the  Union  drawn 
out  to   effect  it;    that  the  militia  were 
actually  draughted,  and  their  march  de 
layed  only  until  the  first  of  September 
next;  within  which  time,  it  behooved  the 
people  of  this  country  to  make  up  their 
minds  and  give  answer,  that  the  govern 
ment  might  know  what  to  expect. 

"Oil  the  part  of  the  commissioners 
from  the  Executive  of  Pennsylvania,  it 
was  stated,  that  it  was  in  like  manner 
with  great  pain  that  it  had  been  heard 
by  the  State  government,  that  a  resist 
ance  to  the  laws  of  the  Union,  and  vio 
lations  of  the  public  peace,  had  taken 
place  within  this  particular  jurisdiction; 
violations  of  so  flagrant  a  nature  as  the 
invasion  of  personal  security  in  a  domes 
tic  habitation  of  an  officer  of  govern 
ment;  the  burning  down  his  mansion 


house  ;  reducing  him  to  the  necessity  of 
relinquishing  the  country  by  a  flight  at 
an  unreasonable  hour,  and  by  a  circui 
tous  route  of  many  hundred  miles  through 
a  wilderness;  the  attacking  the  Marshal ; 
expelling  an  Associate  Judge,  the  Pro- 
thonotary  of  the  county,  &c.,  and  above 
all,  invading  the  cabinet  of  government, 
in  the  intercepting  of  the  public  mail, 
and  violating  the  right  of  the  citizen  by 
breaking  the  repository  of   his  private 
thoughts,  which  ought  to  have  been  con 
sidered  as  sacred  as  in  his  scrutoire;  that 
the  laws  of  the  Union  were  a  part  of  the 
laws  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  State  gov 
ernment,  on  principles  of  delicacy  and 
honor,  could  not  avoid  taking  a  very  sen 
sible  part  in  defending  them,  independ 
ent  of    that  obligation  under  which  it 
was  by  the  constitution ;  but  that  these 
outrages  were  breaches  of  the  municipal 
law,  and  as  such  the  State  government 
was  under  the  indispensable  necessity  of 
taking  notice  of  them,  and  by  every  ne 
cessary  coercion  repressing  them ;  that 
for  this  purpose  the  Governor  had  deter 
mined  to  give  the  most  prompt  and  deci 
ded  assistance  to  the  general  government, 
in  the  requisition   of  militia,   and  had 
thought  it  proper  to  call  the  Assembly,  in 
order  to  make  provision  for  any  further 
force  that  the  exigency  of  repressing  the 
insurrection  might  require ;  but  that  it 
must  be  peculiarly  distressing  to  be  under 
the  necessity  of  arming  against  a  country 
always   heretofore    respectable    for    its 
obedience  to  the  laws ;  a  country  which 
had  been  peculiarly  the  object  of  atten 
tion  with  the  present  Executive ;  never 
theless,  it  was   impossible  to   avoid  it, 
unless   order,   by  the   voluntary  act   of 
the  citizens,  could  be  restored ;  that  to 
effect  this  object  the  Governor  had  com 
missioned  them  to  cooperate  in  their  good 
offices  with   the  commissioners   on   the 
part  of  the  Union,  and  for  this  purpose, 
inasmuch  as  the  consciousness  of  having 

15 


214 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


violated  the  laws  might  lead  to  a  further 
violation  as  a  means  of  impunity,  they 
were  authorized,  on  an  accommodation 
with  commissioners  of  the  United  States, 
and  an  assurance  of  a  disposition  to 
preserve  peace,  to  stipulate  and  en 
gage  a  tree  and  full  indemnity  for  what 
was  past,  so  far  as  regarded  the  com 
monwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  and  that  it 
would  give  them,  personally,  great  pleas 
ure  indeed,  if  by  these  means  a  return 
could  be  facilitated  to  this  country  to 
the  bosom  of  peace  and  happiness. 

"On  the  part  of  the  committee,  a  nar 
rative  was  given  of  the  grounds  of  that 
uneasiness  and  discontent  which  have 
existed  in  this  country,  and  have  grown 
up  at  length  to  that  popular  fury  which 
has  shown  itself  in  the  late  transactions. 

"  To  this  the  commissioners  replied, 
and  then  proceeded  to  state  more  partic 
ularly  the  nature  of  their  powers,  and 
that  certain  assurances  were  necessary 
previous  to  their  exercise,  all  which  hav 
ing  been  reduced  to  writing,  the  docu 
ments  will  speak  for  themselves.  They 
also  declared  their  expectations  that  the 
committee  would  declare  their  sense  on 
this  subject. 

"It  was  answered  by  the  committee, 
that  it  was  their  duty  to  hear,  and  re 
port,  for  to  this  purpose  were  they  ap 
pointed  ;  but  no  power  lay  with  them  to 
stipulate  for  the  people. 

"It  was  stated  on  the  part  of  the  j 
commissioners,  that  such  was  their  situa 
tion,  that  they  could  not  dispense  with 
requiring  from  the  committee,  at  least  to 
recommend  what  opinion  they  themselves 
should  form  on  the  subject  of  the  pro 
positions  made,  as  otherwise  they  could 
have  no  encouragement  to  go  on,  and 
wait  the  result  of  the  opinion  of  the 
people  of  the  country. 

"This  was  thought  reasonable,  and  it 
was  agreed  on  the  part  of  the  committee 
that  it  should  be  so. 


"It  was  then  agreed  that  the  propo 
sitions  of  the  commissioners  should  be 
received  in  writing,  and  the  conference 
was  adjourned." 

"The  following  letter  was  now  received 
from  the  commissioners  on  the  part  of 
the  Union : 

"At  a  conference  between  Thomas 
M'Kean  and  William  Irvine,  commission 
ers  appointed  by  the  Governor  of  Penn~ 
sylvania,  in  behalf  of  said  State,  and 
Messieurs  Kirkpatrick,  Smith,  Powers, 
Bradford,  Marshall,  Edgar,  Cook,  Gal- 
latin,  Lang,  Brackenridge,  Morton  and 
Lucas,  appointed  at  a  meeting  of  com 
mittees  from  the  several  townships  with 
in  the  counties  of  Westmoreland,  Wash 
ington,  Fayette  and  Allegheny,  for  the 
purpose,  in  behalf  of  said  counties,  had 
at  Pittsburgh,  in  the  presence  of  three 
commissioners  appointed  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  August  20th, 
1794: 

"1st.  It  is  insisted  upon  as  a  preliminary 
by  the  commissioners  for  the  State,  that 
the  gentlemen  conferees  for  the  four 
counties,  each  for  himself,  shall  sign  an 
instrument  in  writing,  expressing  that 
they  will  at  all  times  be  obedient  and 
submit  to  the  laws  of  the  State,  and  also 
of  the  United  States  of  America ;  and 
that  they  will  jointly  and  severally  re 
commend  the  like  obedience  and  submis 
sion  to  our  fellow-citizens  within  the 
said  counties,  and  moreover  engage  to 
use  their  utmost  exertions  and  influence 
to  insure  the  same. 

"2d.  It  is  proposed  that  the  commit 
tee  of  sixty,  denominated  the  committee 
of  safety  for  the  said  counties,  shall 
jointly  and  severally  give  satisfactory 
assurances  to  the  commissioners  of  the 
State  in  an  instrument  in  writing,  signed 
by  them,  of  the  same  import  and  ett'ect 
with  the  preceding  article,  and  that  on 
or  before  the  —  day  of  August,  inst. 
"3d.  In  case  the  above  articles  are 


REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  OF  CONFERENCE. 


215 


bona  fide  complied  with,  and  the  people 
of  said  counties  shall  keep  the  peace, 
and  be  of  good  behavior  until  the  first 
day  of  June  next,  the  commissioners  for 
the  State,  conformable  to  the  power  and 
authority  delegated  by  his  Excellency, 
Thomas  Mifflin,  Esq.,  Governor  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  do  promise  an 
act  of  free  and  general  pardon  and 
oblivion  of  all  treasons,  insurrections, 
arsons,  riots,  and  other  offenses  inferior 
to  riots,  committed,  perpetrated,  coun 
seled,  or  suffered  by  any  person  or  per 
sons,  complying  as  aforesaid,  within  the 
counties  of  Westmoreland,  Washington, 
Fayette  and  Allegheny,  since  the  four 
teenth  day  of  July  last  past,  so  far  as 
the  same  concerns  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania  or  the  government  thereof. 
THOMAS  M'KEAN, 
WILLIAM  IRVINE. 
"Pittsburgh,  Aug.  21,  1794." 

"PITTSBURGH,  Aug.  22,  1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — The  committee  of  con 
ference  having  made  up  their  opinion 
and  expressed  it  to  the  commissioners 
on  the  part  of  the  Union,  that  it  is  the 
interest  of  this  country  that  on  the  terms 
of  accommodation  proposed  by  them, 
there  should  be  a  submission  to  that  law 
which  has  been  the  occasion  of  certain 
acts  of  opposition,  lately  said  to  be  com 
mitted  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Penn 
sylvania,  it  will  of  course  be  the  opinion 
of  this  committee  that  acts  of  opposition 
shall  cease,  and  they  will  be  disposed  to 
recommend  this  temper  and  principle  to 
others.  They  will  report  it  particularly 
to  the  committee  of  safety,  to  whom 
they  are  to  make  report ;  and  they  will 
state  the  reasons  which  have  influenced 
themselves  in  being  disposed  to  wish  a 
general  subordination  to  the  laws  of  the 
Union.  But  the  signing  any  instrument 
of  writing  will  have  the  air  of  a  recog 
nizance,  and  of  having  broke  the  peace, 


or  cf  being  disposed  to  do  it  on  their 
part,  whereas  in  fact  we  expect  to  be 
considered  as  a  body  well  affected  to  the 
peace  of  the  country,  and  coming  for 
ward  not  only  on  behalf  of  those  who 
may  have  violated  the  peace,  but  of  the 
great  body  of  the  country  who  have 
organized  themselves  in  committees  in 
order  to  preserve  it. 

"As  to  what  the  committee  of  sixty 
may  do,  must  remain  with  themselves. 
We  shall  make  report  to  them  of  the 
proposition. 

"We  wish  it  to  be  understood  that  it 
will  be  one  thing  for  us  or  them  to 
declare  our  sentiments,  and  to  support 
them  by  arguments,  and  another  to  sub 
scribe  our  names  to  anjp  writing  in  any 
other  manner  than  as  other  public  bodies 
by  their  official  representative  of  chair 
man  or  president.  We  would  request, 
therefore,  that  the  proposition  would  be 
reconsidered,  and  that  some  other  evi 
dence  of  submission  to  the  laws  may  be 
accepted  from  the  people  which  may  sub 
stantially  have  the  same  effect,  without 
a  form  which  may  be  misunderstood  by 
them,  and  in  which  they  may  not  so 
readily  acquiesce. 

"It  is  also  our  wish  and  expectation 
that  the  proposition  of  an  amnesty  may 
extend  to  the  county  of  Bedford. 

"It  is  our  idea  also,  that  it  will  have 
a  good  effect  in  reconciling  the  public 
mind  to  have  the  amnesty  considered  as 
absolute  at  this  time,  liable  to  be  for 
feited  only  as  to  its  benefits,  by  the 
future  violation  of  the  laws  by  the  in 
dividual. 

By  order  of  the  committee. 

EDWARD  COOK,  Chairman. 
THOMAS  M'KEAN  and 
WILLIAM  IRVINE, 

Commissioners  on  the  part  of  Pennsylvania." 
"PITTSBURGH,  Aug.  22,   1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — We  have  received  your 


216 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


answer,  signed  Edward  Cook,  chairman, 
of  this  day's  date,  and  observe  that  you 
have  in  a  degree  confined  yourselves  to 
a  subordination  of  the  laws  of  the  Union. 
These  we  consider  as  part  of  the  laws 
of  Pennsylvania — but  independent  of  a 
breach  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
you  cannot  be  insensible  that  the  laws, 
the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  common 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania  have  been  more 
essentially  violated  in  the  county  of  Al 
legheny  ;  and  though  from  a  knowledge 
of  your  characters  and  confidence  in 
your  dispositions,  we  rest  assured  of 
your  cheerful  obedience  to  the  laws  of 
the  State,  and  that  you  will  inculcate 
the  like  among  our  fellow-citizens,  yet 
we  would  have  been  pleased  had  it  been 
expressed. 

"Your  objections  to  signing  your 
names  respectively  to  your  answer,  we 
have  considered,  and,  though  the  signing 
the  name  as  chairman,  speaker  or  presi 
dent,  in  regular  constituted  bodies,  im 
plies  the  consent  of  the  majority,  which 
binds  the  whole,  yet  it  means  no  more ; 
and  in  the  present  body  of  twelve,  one- 
half  of  the  number  present  may  not 
have  acquiesced  in  the  act,  and  yet  it 
may  be  formally  true.  For  this  reason 
we  wished  for  your  respective  signatures ; 
or  that  it  had  been  written,  signed  by 
the  unanimous  consent  of  the  committee, 
or  that  you  had  otherwise  ascertained 
the  number. 

"We  have  never  before  heard  it  sug 
gested,  that  a  person  signing  his  name 
to  any  instrument,  implying  an  engage 
ment  or  promise  to  do  a  lawful  act,  had 
the  air  of  a  recognizance;  nor  did  we 
ever  mean  that  it  could  be  supposed, 
that  any  gentleman  of  this  committee 
was  implicated  in  the  late  riots  in  these 
counties.  We  only  wished  to  have  the 
weight  that  your  names  and  character 
would  give  to  the  effectual  quieting  the 
present  uneasiness  among  the  people. 


"When  we  were*  commissioned  to  the 
present  pacific  and  humane  service,  it 
was  not  known  to  the  Governor  that  any 
aggressioa  of  the  nature  you  allude  to 
had  been  committed  in  the  county  of 
Bedford,  and  of  course  our  powers  do 
not  extend  to  them ;  but  if  no  future  vio 
lations  of  the  peace  shall  happen  on  a 
similar  occasion,  it  is  no  more  than 
probable  his  Excellency  will  extend  his 
pardon  to  what  has  passed  since,  and 
which  may  require  an  amnesty. 

"  We  cannot  grant  a  general  pardon 
as  yet,  but  when  we  shall  receive  reason 
able  assurances  that  the  inhabitants  of 
these  counties  have  returned  to  their 
duty,  to  obedience  to  the  laws,  and  that 
peace,  order  and  tranquility  have  been 
restored,  we  shall  rejoice  in  having  the 
opportunity  of  granting  it  without  a 
day's  delay. 

We  are,  gentlemen, 

Your  most  obedient  servants, 
THOMAS  M'KEAN, 
WILLIAM  IRVINE." 

"PITTSBURGH,  August  23,  1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — We  are  satisfied  with 
the  explanation  given  of  what  was  in 
tended  by  requiring  our  individual  sig 
natures  to  any  assurance  we  should  have 
given  of  our  own  disposition  to  preserve 
peace,  or  to  conciliate  that  temper  in 
others. 

"We  are  certainly  disposed  to  pre 
serve  peace  and  to  recommend  it  to  oth 
ers,  not  only  with  regard  to  the  laws  of 
the  Union,  on  the  terms  of  accommoda 
tion  settled  with  the  commissioners  from 
thence,  but  more  especially  with  regard 
to  the  laws  of  our  respective  States,  and 
Pennsylvania  in  particular ;  we  are  unan 
imous  in  declaring  our  resolutions  to 
support  the  laws  so  that  no  impediment 
shall  exist  to  the  due  and  faithful  admin- 
stration  of  justice,  and  we  can  with  the 
*  Printed  are  in  the  Daily  Advertiser. 


REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  OF  CONFERENCE. 


217 


more  confidence  engage  this  on  behalf  of 
our  fellow  citizens,  as  at  a  general  meet 
ing  of  the  representatives  of  townships, 
on  the  14th  of  August,  inst.,  a  resolu 
tion  to  this  effect  was  expressed  by  the 
unanimous  voice  of  the  meeting :  and  in 
fact  we  can  assure  you,  though  it  may 
have  been  otherwise  construed,  that  a 
great  and  leading  object  of  that  meeting 
was  the  establishment  of  peace  amongst 
ourselves,  and  subordination  to  the  State 
government. 

By  order  of  the  committee. 

EDWARD  COOK,  Chairman. 
The  Commissioners  on  behalf  of  the  State." 

"The  committee  deliberating  on  the 
above,  the  great  and  solemn  question 
was  considered  whether  we  should  ac 
cede  or  reject,  in  other  words,  whether 
we  should  have  peace  or  a  civil  war. 

"It  was  considered  that  a  convulsion 
at  this  time  might  affect  the  great  inter 
ests  of  the  Union — that  notwithstanding 
an  unworthy  debt  was  accumulated  in 
the  hands  of  moneyed  men,  by  means  of 
the  funding  system,  yet  the  foreign  debt 
was  justly  due,  and  also  a  considerable 
part  of  the  domestic,  for  which  actual 
service  had  been  rendered,  or  value  given 
— that  it  might  affect  the  payment  of 
these  two  species  of  debt,  to  countenance 
an  opposition  which  might  communicate 
itself  to  other  branches  of  the  revenue. 
That  a  convulsion  of  this  nature  becom 
ing  general  might  affect  a  nation  of  Eu 
rope  struggling  at  this  moment  for  life 
and  liberty,  by  impeding  the  United 


States  in  making  those  remittances  in 
payment  of  the  debt  due  to  them,  which 
their  situation  essentially  demanded ; 
that  a  convulsion  even  in  this  country 
might  affect  the  negotiations  pending,  in 
which  our  interests  were  essentially  con 
cerned — the  free  navigation  of  the  Missis 
sippi — the  delivery  of  the  western  posts, 
and  our  protection  from  a  frontier  enemy. 
That  it  might  give  offense  to  our  fellow 
citizens  elsewhere,  who  might  excuse 
a  sudden  outrage,  but  might  resent  a 
formed  system  undertaken  without  their 
consent ;  more  especially  as  they  might 
not  yet  know  the  local  and  peculiar 
grievances  of  this  country,  and  be  dis 
posed  to  make  a  proper  allowance  for  the 
consequences;  that  the  constitutional 
means  of  remonstrance  might  not  yet  be 
altogether  exhausted,  and  so  it  might 
become  us  still  yet  to  persevere;  that 
even  a  contest  with  the  United  States, 
should  it  be  successful,  must  involve  this 
country,  for  a  time  at  least,  in  ruin. 

"  That  for  this  reason,  he  ought  to  lay 
his  hand  on  his  heart  and  answer,  wheth 
er  he  would  think  himself  justifiable  in 
countenancing  the  idea  of  the  war  ;  he 
ought  to  make  up  his  mind,  and  be  sure 
that  on  every  principle  he  was  justifiable, 
having  a  confidence  not  only  of  right, 
but  of  power  also. 

"For  these  and  other  reasons  it  was 
thought  advisable  to  concede,  as  contain 
ed  in  the  answer  to  the  commissioners." 
— American  Daily  Advertiser,  Sept.  5, 
1794. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CONFERENCE  LAID  BEFORE  THE  STANDING  COMMIT 
TEE —  DIFFICULTIES  ENCOUNTERED  —  VOTE  BY  BALLOT  —  MAJORITY  FOR  PEACE, 
BUT  NOT  SATISFACTORY  TO  THE  COMMISSIONERS. 

THE  report  of  the  conferees,  with  the  proposals  of  the  commissioners, 
were  intrusted,  by  common  consent,  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  to  lay  before 
the  standing  committee  for  its  approbation,  which  was  to  be  followed  by  a 
general  amnesty.  A  very  strong  current  of  prejudice  against  him  pre 
vailed  at  this  time  among  the  people,  on  account  of  the  part  he  had 
taken  in  the  committee  of  conference.  Five  or  six  hundred  copies  of 
his  report  had  been  printed,  for  the  purpose  of  being  distributed.  From 
the  sudden  outcry  raised  against  the  conferees  as  soon  as  it  was  known 
that  they  had  agreed  to  submit,  he  was  apprehensive  of  being  stopped  on 
the  way  and  the  papers  taken  from  him ;  he  succeeded,  however,  in 
reaching  Brownsville  in  safety.  Bradford  had  gone  to  Washington,  and 
finding  the  current  of  obloquy  very  strong  against  the  acceptance  of  the 
terms  among  his  more  violent  partisans,  denied  having  ever  agreed  to 
them,  and  threw  the  blame  on  Brackenridge  and  Gallatin.  The  former, 
who  had  hitherto  enjoyed  a  solid  popularity,  found  that  popularity,  for  the 
present,  greatly  impaired.  He  was  even  apprehensive  of  personal  danger; 
for  by  this  time  the  revolutionary  spirit  had  reached  its  height  of  effer 
vescence ;  it  was  in  fact  boiling  over,  and  the  enrage  thought  more  of  giv 
ing  than  of  receiving  an  amnesty.  Yet,  it  was  just  at  that  crisis  when  a 
turn  may  take  place  equally  sudden.  They  were  exasperated  at  the 
thought  of  having  been  betrayed,  as  they  believed,  by  their  agents,  the 
conferees;  but  they  were  also  in  that  state  when  that  feeling  might  re-act, 
if  they  could  be  convinced  that  the  best  that  could  have  been  expected 
had  been  done  for  their  interests. 

The  committee  met  on  the  28th  of  August,  on  the  Monongahela,  at 
Brownsville,  then  a  very  small  village  in  Fayette  county.  Mr.  Gallatin, 
although  in  his  own  neighborhood  and  less  obnoxious  than  Mr.  Brack 
enridge,  was  not  free  from  apprehension  of  personal  risk. 

The  first  thing  which  occurred  after  the  committee  had  convened,  which 


CASE   OF   JACKSON,  THE    QUAKER.  219 

was  at  an  early  hour,  was  the  appearance  of  about  seventy  men,  armed 
with  rifles,  who  had  marched  from  the  upper  part  of  Washington  county, 
some  twenty  or  thirty  miles,  but  it  is  said,  ignorant  of  the  intended  assem 
blage  of  the  committee  on  that  day.  Their  intention,  it  was  said,  was  to  burn 
the  barn,  mills  and  dwelling  of  Samuel  Jackson,  a  Quaker,  who  had  incur 
red  odium  by  calling  the  committee  a  scrub  congress  !  A  circumstance  cu 
rious  to  notice,  as  showing  the  light  in  which  they  regarded  the  authority 
established  by  themselves.  They  were  dissuaded,  with  some  difficulty, 
from  effecting  their  purpose,  but  held  the  offender  in  custody,  and  now 
brought  him  before  the  committee  for  trial  and  sentence.  The  committee 
being  organized,  Col.  Cook  in  the  chair  and  Albert  Gallatin  secretary,  the 
first  business  was  the  case  of  the  unlucky  Quaker,  against  whom  the 
charge  was  proved  by  two  witnesses ;  but  there  was  a  difficulty  to  know 
what  to  make  of  the  case.  In  the  Scripture  language,  it  would  be  "  speak 
ing  evil  of  dignities ;"  by  the  Scotch  law,  "  leasing-making."  It  might 
be  construed  sedition  at  the  common  law,  in  the  then  critical  state  of  the 
country,  as  tencKng  to  lessen  the  respect  due  to  the  constituted  authorities, 
and  evincing  a  bad  disposition  to  the  cause  of  the  people. 

Mr.  Brackenridge,  according  to  his  usual  manner  in  desperate  cases, 
resorted  to  pleasantry,  as  more  efficacious  than  any  attempt  to  reason  this 
armed  mob  out  of  their  predisposition  to  lynch-law.  "  I  recollect/'  said 
he,  "  to  have  read,  that  in  the  time  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  Lord  Protector  of 
England,  when  he  was  in  the  height  of  his  glory,  a  person  came  to  him 
and  gave  him  information  of  words  used  by  another,  greatly  contemptuous 

of  his  dignity,  viz.  i  He  has  said  that  your  Highness  may  kiss / 

*  You  may  tell  him/  said  Cromwell,  f  that  he  may  kiss  mine !'  This 
Quaker  has  called  us  a  scrub  congress  ;  let  our  sentence  be  that  he  him 
self  be  called  '  a  scrub/  ''  The  story  of  Cromwell  produced  a  sudden,  in 
voluntary  and  loud  laugh,  and  had  thrown  a  light  on  the  affair  of  the 
prisoner,  introducing  a  proper  sentiment  with  regard  to  him,  viz.  that 
there  was  more  magnanimity  in  disregarding  his  expressions  than  in  pun 
ishing  them.  The  armed  party  which  had  arrested,  took  him  off  to  give 
him  the  epithet ;  he  got  a  bucket  of  whiskey  and  water  to  drink  with 
them,  and  nothing  more  was  heard  of  an  affair  which  might  have  had  a 
tragical  end.* 

#  Dr.  Carnahan,  who  was  probably  present,  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
affair:  "Mr.  Brackenridge  very  gravely  proposed  that  he  should  be  punished  ac 
cording  to  the  Jewish  law,  '  an  eye  for  an  eye,  a  tooth  for  a  tooth.'  He  eulogized 
this  law  as  one  of  the  most  just  and  humane  laws  ever  enacted ;  that  it  required 
injuries  to  be  punished  in  kind,  just  in  proportion  to  the  offense — neither  more  nor 


220  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

The  report  was  read,  and  appeared  not  to  be  well  received,  either  by  the 
committee  or  the  bystanders.  At  some  sentences  there  was  a  murmur,  as 
in  a  church  at  the  response — not  "  Lord  help  us  to  keep  this  law/'  but 
"  Good  Lord  deliver  us."  The  people  had  expected  a  repeal  of  the  excise 
law — at  least  a  suspension  of  it — and  were  greatly  disappointed.  It  was 
seen  by  the  author  of  the  report,  that  it  would  not  do  to  urge  its  accept 
ance  immediately.  Notwithstanding  his  apparent  acquiescence,  Bradford 
urged  the  rejection  of  the  terms  without  delay.  He  said  the  conditions 
were  so  degrading,  that  no  one  possessing  the  spirit  of  a  freeman  would 
hesitate  a  moment.  It  was  important  to  give  time  to  prepare  the 
minds  of  the  committee,  and  some  of  the  outsiders.  Findley,  Gallatin, 
Smiley,  and  other  persons  capable  of  exerting  an  influence,  were  on  the 
ground,  and  might  go  among  the  people.  Edgar  begged  for  a  little  time 
for  considering,  before  they  took  a  step  that  might  involve  their  country 
in  a  civil  war.  In  a  strain  of  keen  irony,  which  Bradford  mistook  for 
truth,  he  extolled  the  talents,  learning,  penetration  and  courage  of  the 
eloquent  gentleman.  He  said  that  Mr.  Bradford  could  see,  by  intuition, 
into  the  most  difficult  subjects,  and  when  he  saw  the  path  of  duty  plain 
before  him,  he  had  the  skill  and  courage  adequate  to  every  consequence. 
For  his  part,  he  was  slow  of  apprehension  ;  he  could  not,  at  once,  like 
the  gentleman  who  urged  an  immediate  decision,  know  what  might  be 
said  against  the  motion.  He  wanted  a  little  time  to  think  the  subject 
over,  and  perhaps  he  might  be  brought  to  see  his  way  clear  to  follow  the 
gentleman,  as  his  leader.  There  might  be  others  in  the  same  state  of 
mind  with  himself,  and  he  appealed  to  the  gentleman's  acknowledged 
candor  and  liberality,  to  give  his  weaker  brethren  a  little  time  to  think  of 

less.  He  also  told  an  anecdote  respecting  the  manner  in  which  Oliver  Cromwell 
punished  a  man  who  had  used  insulting  language  toward  him  ;  and  although  this 
was  the  most  effective  part  of  his  speech,  I  shall  not  repeat  it.  '  My  proposition,' 
continued  Mr.  Brackenridge,  '  is,  that  we  punish  this  man  according  to  the  Jewish 
law,  and  after  the  manner  of  that  illustrious  republican,  Oliver  Cromwell.  And 
whereas  it  has  been  proved  that  Samuel  Jackson  has  called  us,  the  honorable  the 
representatives  of  the  four  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania,  '  the  scrub  congress,' 
I  move  that  we  pay  him  in  his  own  coin — that  we  call  him  '  a  scrub,'  and  that  he  be 
known  by  the  name  of  '  scrub  Samuel,'  as  long  as  the  world  lasts,  and  then  we 
shall  be  even  with  him.'  This  motion  was  carried  by  acclamation  in  the  midst  of  a 
tremendous  roar,  in  which  the  riflemen  heartily  joined.  Jackson  apologized,  and 
ordered  a  couple  of  buckets  of  whiskey  to  be  brought  out,  took  a  drink  with  the 
riflemen,  and  they  parted  good  friends."  The  apearance  of  the  riflemen,  although 
not  premeditated,  had  its  effect  on  the  committee,  and  was  one  cause  of  the  fear, 
after  this,  over  the  members. 


DIFFICULTIES   ENCOUNTERED.  221 

the  subject;  that  unanimity  in  so  important  a  crisis  was  greatly  to  be  de 
sired.  It  was  moved  to  adjourn  until  the  next  morning.  When  this 
took  place  Bradford  called  out  the  Washington  members,  and  they  retired 
to  consult  apart. 

Mr.  Brackenridge  had  crossed  the  river  to  a  farm-house  to  pass  the 
night,  and  in  order  to  be  out  of  the  way  if  any  violence  had  been  med 
itated,  which  he  thought  not  improbable  in  the  present  excited  state  of 
the  assemblage;  that  is,  of  the  committee  and  outsiders.  "  For/'  says 
the  author  of  the  "  Incidents,"  "  what  is  popularity  at  such  time  ?  It  is 
but  the  turning  of  the  hand  up  or  down,  from  the  height  of  favor  to  the 
lowest  point  of  obloquy  and  persecution.  Was  there  any  man  in  Penn 
sylvania  more  popular  than  Dickinson,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
American  Kevolution  ?  He  was  said  to  be  opposed  to  a  declaration  of 
independence,  and  became  obnoxious.  James  Wilson  was  at  the  height 
of  his  political  power  amongst  the  people ;  but  he  had  disapproved  of  the 
form  of  constitution  they  had  adopted  in  the  commonwealth,  and  they 
were  about  to  murder  him  in  his  own  house.  I  possessed,  up  to  this 
present  time,  the  best  kind  of  popularity — a  popularity  obtained  after 
much  obloquy,  which  had  been  suffered  to  correct  itself  through  a  series 
of  years — a  popularity  obtained,  doubtless,  by  sailing  a  little  with  the  pop 
ular  gale,  at  least  not  opposing  it ;  but  chiefly  by  a  steady  and  upright 
demeanor  in  my  profession.  The  popular  mind,  though  passionate,  is 
generous,  and  if  it  becomes  sensible  that  it  has  wronged  a  man,  it  will 
repair  the  wrong.  I  knew  that  a  breath  on  the  subject  of  the  excise  law 
would  put  it  to  a  temporary  death.  However,  I  had  no  thought  of  the 
loss  of  popularity,  but  so  far  as  it  would  produce  personal  danger  on  the 
ground.  Gallatin  was  in  his  own  county,  and  yet  was  not  without  fear, 
and  with  reason." 

The  appearance  of  the  seventy  men  armed,  and  with  a  lawless  design, 
gave  good  reason  for  uneasiness;  for  no  one  could  tell  how  far  this  spirit 
extended  with  others,  or  what  direction  it  might  take.  There  had  been, 
during  the  evening,  much  warmth  among  the  Bradford  party,  and  even 
some  talked  of  offering  violence  to  the  opposite  leaders.  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  crossed  back  early  in  the  morning,  and  met  Gallatin,  James  Lang 
and  others  of  the  committee  of  conference,  who  were  much  alarmed  at 
the  bad  feeling  which  prevailed.  Strong  terms  were  applied  to  Mr. 
Brackenridge  for  having  employed  his  talents  as  a  lawyer  to  persuade 
the  committee  of  twelve.  Bribery  was  insinuated ;  in  fact,  such  a  dispo 
sition  seemed  to  prevail,  that  he  began  to  doubt  the  propriety  of  proceed 
ing  any  farther  in  the  business,  as  it  was  not  understood  that  the  con- 


222  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

ferees  were  to  run  the  risk  of  their  own  lives  in  recommending  to  the 
people  their  interests.  But,  as  Gallatin  was  disposed  to  try  it,  he  deter 
mined  to  run  the  same  risk.  It  now  became  a  question  who  should  lead 
off  in  the  appeal  to  the  exasperated  people.  «Mr.  Brackenridge  proposed 
that  James  Edgar*  should  open  the  way;  but  he  declined  for  some  reason 
or  other,  and  it  was  therefore  assigned  to  Gallatin. 

The  meeting  having  convened,  with  a  formidable  number  of  outsiders 
— many  of  them  from  the  Mingo  Creek  settlement,  the  hot-bed  of  the  in 
surrection — Gallatin  addressed  the  chair  in  a  speech  of  several  hours,  and, 
contrary  to  expectation,  was  listened  to  with  great  attention,  not  the 
slightest  interruption  or  disturbance  occurring  during  its  delivery ;  a  cir 
cumstance  which,  perhaps,  goes  to  show  that  there  was  more  appearance 
of  violence  than  reality.  The  speeches,  of  which  we  are  about  to  give 
a  mere  naked  outline,  were  no  holiday  declamations,  but  true  eloquence 
brought  forth  by  a  real  occasion,  where  the  object  was  to  sway  the  minds 
of  a  reluctant  audience,  and  to  prevail  upon  them  to  adopt  the  measures 
proposed  by  the  speakers.  It  was  unlike  the  case  of  those  modern 
"stump  speeches/'  as  they  are  called,  where  the  design  is  to  amuse,  or 
produce  a  general  impression,  and  not  to  carry  a  distinct  proposition  by 
means  of  argument  and  persuasion.  Such  occasions  rarely  occur,  unless 
it  be  on  jury  trials. 

Gallatin  began  by  tracing,  in  the  clearest  manner,  the  difference  be 
tween  the  case  of  the  people  in  the  western  counties  and  the  cause  of  the 
American  Revolution.  In  the  present  case,  no  principle  had  been  vio 
lated  ;  the  West  had  been  represented  in  making  the  law ;  it  was  their 
act  by  their  own  agents,  -and  not  the  mandate  of  one  assuming  a  false  su 
premacy.  He  then  entered  into  a  minute  examination  of  the  law  itself, 
and  the  alterations  it  had  undergone  from  time  to  time,  to  accommodate 
it  to  the  convenience  of  the  people.  The  amount  of  tax  had  been  re 
duced,  and  the  mode  of  collecting  it  changed;  and  there  was  just  reason 
to  expect  that  the  law  would  be  repealed  altogether.  Every  effort  would 
be  made  to  effect  the  repeal,  and  there  was  a  well-founded  hope  of  success. 

*  The  following  is  the  characteristic  notice  of  this  gentleman,  by  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge,  in  the  "  Incidents :"  "  He  was  an  Associate  Judge  of  Washington  county 
and  a  leader  in  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  the  western  country  ;  had  been  a  Pres 
byter  or  Elder  from  his  youth ;  had  been  a  member  of  committees  in  the  early  pe 
riod  of  the  Revolution,  and  of  legislative  assemblies  or  deliberative  committees,  ever 
since.  His  head  was  prematurely  gray  ;  his  face  was  thin  and  puritanic,  like  the 
figures  of  the  old  republicans  of  the  Long  Parliament.  He  was  a  man  of  sense,  and 
not  destitute  of  eloquence." 


SPEECH    OP    GALLATIN.  223 

He  explained  the  concessions  of  the  United  States  commissioners,  as  set 
forth  in  the  report  of  the  conferees,  in  relation  to  relinquishment  of  ar 
rearages,  as  comprehended  under  the  words,  "  beneficial  arrangements 
will  be  made/' 

He  proceeded  to  discuss,  very  fully,  the  local  and  existing  reasons  of 
complaint  against  the  government.  He  spoke  of  the  prevailing  Indian 
war,  the  obtaining  the  posts,  and  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
through  the  negotiations  of  the  Federal  government,  and  which  it  would 
be  impossible  for  this  small  portion  of  the  Union  to  accomplish,  of  itself. 

He  represented  the  mischiefs  that  had  been  done  and  were  likely  to 
follow,  if  the  people  persisted  in  their  opposition.  It  would  have  the 
effect  of  weakening  the  spirit  of  liberty  itself;  for  ultimately  they  would 
be  compelled  to  yield.  An  example  may  be  seen  in  the  State  of  Massa 
chusetts — formerly  the  most  democratic,  now  the  most  aristocratic — since 
the  insurrection  in  that  State  was  put  down  by  military  force.  Certain  it 
is,  that  illegal  opposition,  when  reduced,  has  a  tendency  to  make  the 
people  abject  and  the  government  tyrannic.  He  then  represented  the 
injury  done  to  the  spirit  of  liberty  throughout  the  Union,  and  the  injury 
to  the  republican  cause  throughout  the  world. 

He  demonstrated  the  superiority  of  the  structure  of  our  republic  over 
all  that  had  been,  and  denounced  the  atrocity  of  shaking  or  undermining 
so  fair  a  fabric.  Then  followed  a  clear  and  conspicuous  view  of  the  com 
parative  strength  of  the  Union  in  a  contest  with  this  country,  and  the 
folly  of  looking  for  aid  from  Spain  or  England,  or  any  of  the  adjoining 
States.  Next  followed  an  estimate  of  what  would  be  lost  and  what  would 
be  gained,  even  by  success. 

Finally,  the  complicated  ignominy  and  ruin  on  all  these  principles 
which  would  attend  the  persisting  in  this  course  of  opposition,  when 
there  was  no  longer  the  slightest  reason  for  it.* 

*  Mr.  Gallatin  was  a  native  of  Geneva,  in  Switzerland.  He  was  of  a  good  family, 
received  an  excellent  general  education,  and  came,  in  early  youth,  to  the  United 
States  ;  that  is,  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  in  which  he  took  some  part.  He 
excelled  as  a  mathematician  and  financier,  but  was  not  bred  to  any  particular  pro 
fession.  His  talent  for  public  speaking  was  developed  by  circumstances.  Without 
being  eloquent  or  animated,  he  commanded  attention  by  his  clear  and  forcible  rea 
soning  and  extensive  information.  He  was  at  first  opposed  to  the  Federal  constitu 
tion,  and  it  is  believed  that  his  mind  was  cramped  by  the  narrow  confederacy  in 
which  he  was  born,  so  as  to  disqualify  him,  in  some  measure,  for  conceiving  the  pos 
sibility  of  one  adapted  to  the  vast  surface  of  the  United  States  of  America.  In 
consequence  of  this,  he  was  rather  opposed  to  the  extension  of  our  territory.  His 
brilliant  political  career  belongs  to  our  national  history. 


224  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

Mr.  Brackenridge  followed  Mr.  Gallatin,  under  the  disadvantage  of  a 
subject  on  which  the  prominent  topics  had  been  elaborately  and  very  ably 
discussed.  Gallatin  had  been  didactic  and  deliberate,  though  animated. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  entered  more  directly  into  the  question  to  be  deter 
mined,  and  was  more  vehement  and  impassioned,  addressing  himself 
chiefly  to  their  consciences,  their  interests  and  their  fears.  It  may  be 
remarked,  that  the  speakers  all  seemed  to  take  it  for  granted  that  the 
question  to  be  decided  was  one  of  peace  or  war,  as  it  would  be  the  neces 
sary  consequence  of  the  acceptance  or  refusal  of  the  terms  offered  by  the 
commissioners. 

He  began  by  asking,  what  end  did  they  propose  to  attain  by  refusing 
to  accept  the  propositions  held  out  by  the  commissioners  ?  Do  you  not 
know  that  the  consequences  will  be  war  ?  Are  you  prepared  for  war  ? 
Have  you  seriously  considered  the  responsibility  of  such  an  act  ?  Can 
you  make  war  upon  the  Federal  government,  yet  remain  part  of  it  ?  No ; 
you  must  declare  independence ;  and  not  only  of  the  United  States,  but 
you  must  also  separate  from  the  State.  Have  you  reflected  upon  this 
necessity  ?  Where  are  your  armies,  your  supplies  of  military  stores,  your 
treasury?  You  have  none  of  these;  and  yet,  you  harbor  the  idea  of 
going  to  war  with  fifteen  States,  possessing  them  all ;  and  with  experi 
enced  officers  and  Washington  at  their  head ! 

Do  you  expect  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  law  by  war,  and  such  a  war  ? 
The  idea  is  madness.  There  can  be  but  one  alternative — we  must  over 
throw  the  government,  or  it  must  overthrow  us ;  and  is  there  any  man  so 
visionary  as  to  think  that  in  the  end  you  will  not  be  compelled  to  yield, 
whatever  small  advantages  you  may  obtain  in  the  beginning  ?  And  even 
if  success  were  possible,  you  cannot,  as  moral  men,  reconcile  it  to  your 
consciences.  You  owe  a  part  of  the  public  debt  contracted  in  the  war  of 
Independence;  can  you  quit  the  confederacy  without  discharging  your 
share  of  that  debt  ?  The  state  has  public  lands  in  the  western  countries, 
have  we  any  right  to  deprive  her  of  these  ?  Have  we  any  right  to  shake 
off  the  burdens  of  the  present  Indian  war,  in  which  the  government  is 
engaged  for  us  ?  We  can  do  none  of  these  things  without  a  disregard  to 
common  honesty  as  well  as  patriotism.  Neither  a  citizen  of  any  commu 
nity,  nor  any  portion  of  that  community,  can  honestly  abandon  it,  so  long 
as  there  are  obligations  yet  remaining  to  be  fulfilled.  He  is  a  deserter 
who  quits  his  country  under  such  circumstances. 

But  where  is  the  imagination  so  wild  as  to  hope  for  success  against 
such  odds  ?  It  is  not  in  your  power  to  secede.  The  example  of  success 
would  be  fatal  to  the  confederacy.  It  cannot  be  permitted.  The  whole 


MR.  BRACKENRIDGE'S  SPEECH.  225 

force  of  the  nation  will  be  brought  against  you.  Suppose  that,  by  seizing 
the  passes  of  the  mountains,  you  give  a  check  to  the  first  fifteen  thousand 
men,  double  the  number  will  return.  The  passes  of  the  mountains  will 
be  taken  and  fortified.  You  know  the  firmness  of  Washington  ;  his  duty 
will  require  him  to  call  forth  the  whole  energies  and  power  of  the  nation, 
and  it  must  subdue  us  in  the  end.  What  will  be  your  condition  then, 
and  what  your  sufferings  in  the  mean  time  ?  Your  country  laid  waste, 
your  towns  in  ashes,  and  your  bones  and  those  of  your  sons  bleaching  on 
many  a  field  of  battle  !  The  Indians  defeated  Harmar,  then  St.  Clair,  and 
are  now  driven  into  the  lake  by  Wayne  !  Can  you  maintain  a  war  of 
years  against  numbers  and  the  purse  ?  Can  you  even  count  upon  a  per 
fect  union  and  fidelity  among  yourselves  ?  This  country  is  new  and  thinly 
settled,  and  every  part  is  not  equally  in  concert  in  the  cause.  And  you 
will  blindly  persevere  in  an  opposition  which  can  lead  to  nothing  but 
war — civil  war,  the  most  horrible  of  all  wars.  You  are  even  now  standing 
on  the  brink  of  a  precipice  ! 

Let  us  suppose  the  attempt  at  separation  successful,  what  can  you  gain  ? 
Its  fruits  would  be  poverty,  dependence  and  degradation.  You  would  be 
shut  out  from  the  sea  on  the'east;  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  would 
still  be  closed  to  you ;  and  on  the  north-west  the  British  would  still  retain 
the  posts,  as  a  refuge  for  the  Indians.  If  the  whole  force  of  the  Union 
has  not  been  able  to  accomplish  the  two  last,  how  can  you  expect  that  it 
will  be  effected  by  a  small,  disjointed  portion  of  that  Union  ?  Do  you 
count  upon  the  aid  of  England  or  Spain  ?  This  would  be  like  leaning  on 
a  broken  staff.  You  would  be  compelled  to  pay  for  such  aid  by  servile 
dependence ;  and  have  you  so  soon  forgotten  the  struggles  you  went 
through  in  the  war  of  Independence  ?  War  is  a  dreadful  state  under  any 
circumstances,  but  more  especially  civil  war  —  brother  against  brother, 
father  against  son,  and  nearest  neighbors  either  at  daggers  drawn  or  living 
in  fear  of  each  other.  Do  you  think  all  are  sincere  who  are  clamoring  for 
war  ?  Some  wish  to  be  thought  brave,  some  have  no  experience  of  the 
sufferings  incident  to  a  state  of  war,  others  join  the  cry  from  the  mere 
force  of  example,  and  because  they  are  wanting  in  the  moral  courage  to 
think  and  act  for  themselves.  Let  the  voice  of  the  majority  be  for  peace, 
and  you  will  soon  find  all  on  that  side.  I  have  my  eye  on  men  in  this 
very  committee,  and  could  name  them,  who  have  privately  avowed  them 
selves  for  peace,  and  yet  affect  to  be  for  war  from  a  fear  of  expressing 
their  real  sentiments.  These  very  men  are  desirous  of  getting  out  of 
the  present  difficulties,  almost  on  any  terms ;  and  after  what  has  passed, 
almost  any  terms  short  of  life  should  be  accepted. 


226  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

The  outrages  which  have  been  committed  have  been  wanton,  grievous, 
useless.  In  construction  of  law,  they  amount  to  treason.  And  yet, 
through  the  benevolence  of  Washington,  a  way  has  been  opened  for  recon 
ciliation  and  for  oblivion  of  the  past,  which  ^ou  can  accept  without  hu 
miliation  or  dishonor.  Those  acts  were  committed,  it  is  true,  under  the 
influence  of  passion,  but  they  were  wrong,  they  were  criminal;  and  now 
that  there  has  been  a  time  for  reflection,  this  senseless  and  aimless  oppo 
sition  should  cease. 

The  committee  of  conference,  in  its  negotiations  with  the  commission 
ers,  has  been  careful  to  stipulate,  that  in  accepting  the  amnesty  you  sur 
render  no  legal  and  constitutional  right  to  seek  for  a  repeal  of  the  excise 
law,  by  constitutional  means,*  When  the  hunter  is  on  a  wrong  track,  his 
course  is  to  go  back  and  take  another  start.  The  amnesty  will  leave  you 
where  you  were  before  these  unlawful  acts  were  committed ;  you  may  then 
start  fair  again  in  efforts  better  directed  and  better  deserving  success. 

We  are  destined  to  be  a  great,  flourishing  and  powerful  nation,  if  we 
are  only  true  to  ourselves.  Nothing  can  prevent  it  but  such  dissensions 
and  disorders  as  we  have  recently  witnessed.  The  prospects  of  this  con 
federacy  are  glorious,  and  if  unfortunately  we  have  done  any  thing  to  mar 
these  prospects,  let  us  hasten  to  repair  the  error.  I  have, 'I  confess  it 
candidly,  felt  myself,  like  others,  at  a  loss  what  course  to  pursue,  until 
the  offer  of  amnesty  was  so  generously  tendered  by  the  President.  The 
way  is  now  clear;  nothing  but  obstinacy  and  slavery  to  unbridled  passion 
can  induce  any  man  to  hesitate.  I  own  I  have  regarded  the  feelings  of 
the  country  with  partiality  of  heart,  and  would  make  every  reasonable 
allowance  for  the  prevailing  dislike  to  the  law,  on  account  of  its  inequality 
and  hardship.  I  have  made  excuses  in  my  own  mind  for  their  breaking 
out  in  open  acts  of  violence.  I  have  attributed  these  to  wrong  judgment 
in  not  distinguishing  between  the  right  of  opinion  and  the  right  to  act. 
I  was  impressed  with  the  reflection  that  the  disapprobation  of  the  law, 
having  been 'general  in  the  country  and  expressed  by  almost  every  one, 
no  man  could  tell  how  far,  by  words,  he  might  have  contributed  to  that 
current  of  sentiment,  which,  swelling  beyond  the  constitutional  bounds  of 

*  Mr.  Gallatin  said,  in  his  evidence:  "  I  spoke  but  two  words — amnesty  and  re 
peal."  The  word  amnesty  was  first  spoken  by  Mr.  Brackenridge.  It  is  surprising 
to  find,  in  one  of  the  fine  reasoning  powers  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  the  strange  inconsistency 
of  uniting  the  two  words,  amnesty  and  repeal.  This  would  be,  in  fact,  offering  an 
amnesty  to  the  government  on  the  condition  of  repeal!  It  is  strange  that  he  did 
not  see  this,  after  the  attempt  to  compel  the  repeal  by  force  of  arms ;  it  was  for  the 
government  to  hold  out  a  pardon,  on  condition  of  submission. 


MR.  BRACKENRIDGE'S  SPEECH.  227 

remonstrance,  has  at  length  broken  out  into  open  acts  of  insurrection. 
Every  man  should  feel  a  disposition  to  repair  the  mischief  that  has  been 
done,  and  use  his  endeavors  to  save  those  who  have  rashly  been  drawn 
into  the  commission  of  acts  not  previously  contemplated — acts  in  violation 
of  the  peace  and  safety  of  society — acts  destructive  of  his  own  happiness. 
It  is  but  natural  that  my  feelings  should  be  enlisted  for  those  among 
whom  I  have  resided  for  so  many  years,  and  with  whom  I  have  been  so 
often  connected  in  business  and  social  intercourse,  or  in  professional  re 
lations.  My  attachments  are  all  here;  and  I  have  no  higher  aim  than  to 
save  my  fellow-citizens  by  giving  the  best  advice  in  my  power.  If  I, 
who  have  not  participated,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  any  of  these  acts  which 
have  brought  our  country  to  its  present  crisis,  am  willing  to  embrace  the 
amnesty,  surely  those  who  have  been  actually  implicated  well  may. 

When  I  was  the  first  to  suggest  an  amnesty,  and  application  to  the 
clemency  of  the  Executive,  I  had  little  thought  it  would  have  been  ten 
dered  to  us  in  the  manner  it  has  been.  I  have  uniformly  disapproved, 
whenever  a  suitable  and  proper  opportunity  presented  itself,  of  those  un 
fortunate  doings  which  require  the  act  of  oblivion  on  the  part  of  the  gov 
ernment,  and  I  disapprove  of  them  now.  No  man  who  is  not  blinded  by 
passion  can  approve  them.  This  is  my  last  effort,  and  my  last  advice  to 
you  is  to  accept  of  the  proffered  amnesty.  Having  done  my  duty  as  a 
citizen,  I  am  determined  to  withdraw  for  the  future  from  all  interming 
ling  in  these  affairs;  conceiving  myself  discharged,  in  honor  and  con 
science,  from  all  farther  participation  in  these  negotiations. 

The  acceptance  of  the  amnesty,  cheerfully,  and  if  possible  unanimously, 
is  the  only  course  left  to  save  the  country,  whose  march  of  prosperity  has 
already  been  much  impeded  by  these  events.  Notwithstanding  the  causes 
of  complaint,  it  was  beginning  to  improve ;  farms  were  opened,  buildings 
were  erected,  and  lands  were  improving  in'  value.  We  now  see  the  reverse 
of  this  picture.  A  depression  has  followed  upon  this  general  state  of  in 
security.  Instead  of  an  accession  of  population,  many  are  endeavoring  to 
sell  their  lands  for  the  purpose  of  going  farther  west — to  some  country 
where  law  and  order  still  prevail.  No  country  can  flourish  where  person 
and  property  are  insecure.  Every  man  has  felt  the  effect  already  in  the 
depreciation  of  his  farm  or  his  house.  I  don't  value  what  property  I 
possess  at  more  than  half  what  it  was  worth  before  the  late  disturbances. 
I  give  it,  then,  as  my  last  and  most  earnest  advice,  that  you  accept  the 
act  of  oblivion,  so  generously  tendered  to  you  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  presented,  as  it  is,  in  a  form  so  acceptable  by  the  com 
missioners,  with  whom  our  committee  was  appointed  to  confer. 


228  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

James  Edgar  followed  in  a  speech  of  some  length  and  solemnity  of 
manner •  his  speech  was  replete  with  good  sense,  and  well  adapted  to  the 
persons  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  From  the  respectful  attention  given 
to  these  speeches  for  at  least  ten  hours,  great  iopes  were  entertained  that 
they  had  produced  a  favorable  effect. 

Bradford  now  rose  to  speak ;  he  had  been  urged  by  his  followers,  who 
besought  and  threatened.  What,  said  they,  will  you  suffer  Brackenridge 
and  Gallatin  to  run  us  down?  Thus  urged  on,  and  contrary  to  his  engage 
ments  to  the  commissioners,  he  broke  out  in  one  of  his  most  violent  fits  of 
declamation,  and  in  the  Sempronius  style,  declaring  himself  "  still  for 
war."  In  allusion  to  the  concluding  part  of  Mr.  Brackenridge's  speech,  he 
said,  u Dastardly  to  talk  of  property,  when  liberty  is  at  stake;  we  will 
defeat  the  first  army  that  attempts  to  cross  the  mountains;  we  will  seize 
their  arms  and  baggage,  and  then  organize  an  army  that  will  prevent  any 
further  attempt."  "Not  so  easy,  either,"  said  one  of  the  outsiders — 
a  Col.  Crawford,  an  old  Indian  fighter,  who  had  some  experience  of  war, 
which  Bradford  had  not.  Bradford  continued,  in  a  speech  or  declamation, 
in  favor  of  war,  and  even  used  the  word  independence,  in  his  boasting 
harangue,  perhaps  the  only  instance  in  which  it  was  spoken  by  the  ene 
mies  of  peace  during  the  insurrection,  but  which  must  be  regarded  as 
mere  idle  boasting.  He  sought  to  rekindle  the  flame  of  the  violent, 
while  the  fears  of  many,  and  the  conscious  guilt  of  others,  appeared  to 
counterbalance  the  sound  and  wholesome  advice  they  had  just  listened  to 
from  the  other  speakers. 

Gallatin,  after  some  remarks,  now  moved  to  take  the  vote  on  the  propo 
sitions  of  the  commissioners.  Objections  were  made  to  taking  any  vote 
at  all.  The  question  was  put,  shall  a  vote  be  taken  ?  It  was  determined 
in  the  negative,  the  committee  of  conference,  only,  rising.  It  was  then 
moved  to  take  a  vote  by  ballot  on  the  propositions,  as  it  was  presumed  that 
there  might  be  a  reluctance  among  the  members  of  the  standing  commit 
tee,  to  let  their  sentiments  be  known.  It  was  moved,  shall  a  vote  by 
ballot  be  taken  ?  But  this  was  also  negatived,  the  committee  of  confer 
ence  alone  voting. 

Here  was  a  moment  of  delicacy  indeed.  The  refusal  to  take  a  vote  was 
tantamount  to  a  rejection  of  the  propositions ;  and  what  would  be  the 
consequence  ?  Measures  must  have  been  taken  instantly  to  prepare  for 
war.  Bradford  would  have  come  forward  with  his  specification  of  arms, 
ammunition  and  funds,  in  which  he  had  been  baffled  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry.  Brackenridge  and  Gallatin  would  probably  have  been  arrested  on 
the  spot.  For  the  example  of  the  French  terrorists  was  then  in  the  public 


RELUCTANCE   TO   VOTB.  229 

mind,  especially  with  Bradford,  who  had  caught  not  a  little  of  the  revolu 
tionary  spirit  of  France. 

Gallatin,  at  this  critical  juncture,  proposed  to  take  a  vote  by  ballot,  not 
to  be  made  a  part  of  the  answer  to  the  commissioners,  but  merely  "  to 
know  our  own  minds/'  There  was  unwillingness  at  first  to  agree  even  to 
this,  for  every  man  was  afraid  that  the  handwriting  of  his  ballot  would  be 
known,  and  it  might  transpire  how  he  voted. 

In  this  unpleasant  dilemma,  which  so  singularly  displays  the  des 
potism  of  public  opinion  in  a  democratic  community,  a  member  of  the 
committee  of  sixty  (whose  name  has  not  been  preserved,)  rising,  and 
having  a  scrap  of  paper  in  his  fingers  with  the  word  yea  written  on  one 
part  and  nay  on  the  other,  held  it  up,  and  proposed  that  sixty  such  scraps, 
with  the  words  yea  and  nay,  written  in  the  same  manner,  should  be  pre 
pared  by  the  secretary,  and  a  scrap  given  to  each  of  the  members ;  and 
let  every  one  divide  his  scrap  into  two  parts,  with  the  yea  on  the  one  part 
and  the  nay  on  the  other,  and  let  him  chew  or  tear  the  nay  or  the  yea,  as 
he  might  think  proper,  and  put  the  other  piece  into  the  hat  held  by  the 
secretary.  When  these  were  drawn  out,  it  would  be  seen  what  the  private 
sense  of  the  committee  was,  without  the  possibility  of  knowing  how 
another  voted.  This  was  thought  safe,  and  adopted  ;  thus  virtually,  and 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  taking  a  vote  by  ballot.  Perhaps  the  curios 
ity  to  know  where  the  majority  existed,  was  the  principal  inducement  to 
the  adoption  of  this  singular  plan. 

It  was  curious  to  observe  the  care  with  which  every  one  divided  his 
ticket  so  as  to  conceal  his  vote.  All  having  now  voted,  and  the  tickets 
drawn  out,  there  appeared  thirty-four  yeas  and  twenty-three  nays.*  Here 
was  certainly  a  very  respectable  majority,  and  verified  the  declaration  of  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  in  his  speech,  that  there  were  members  who  privately  enter 
tained  a  different  opinion  from  that  which  they  publicly  avowed.  And 
yet  it  is  surprising,  that  after  the  masterly  reasoning  and  powerful  ap 
peals  of  Brackenridge,  Gallatin  and  Edgar,  there  should  be  so  many  votes 
in  the  negative.  The  vote  was,  notwithstanding,  decisive,  and  suddenly 
changed  the  face  of  affairs.  The  supposed  dreaded  majority  was  now 
proved  to  be  a  minority,  and  the  fearful  influence  of  that  supposed  major 
ity  was  gone.  The  mountain,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  was  enraged,  but  it 
was  the  rage  of  disappointment,  despair  and  impotence.  The  friends  of 
order  were  suddenly  relieved  from  the  reign  of  terror,  and  began  to  exhibit 
a  bolder  countenance.  The  clouds  of  insurrection  were  broken,  and  began 

*  Six  afterward  declared  that  they  had  voted  nay  by  mistake ;  the  vote  then 
stood  forty  against  seventeen. 

16 


230  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

to  scatter ;  the  mutterings  of  the  thunder  were  still  heard,  but  it  was  of 
the  retiring,  and  not  of  the  coming  storni.  Bradford  stood  appalled ;  his 
power  and  influence  were  at  an  end  ;  he  withdrew  from  the  place  almost 
immediately,  and  was  not  heard  of  again  unfcil  some  time  after,  when  he 
was  one  of  the  first  to  hasten  to  seize  the  horns  of  the  altar,  or  in  ether 
words,  to  take  the  benefit  of  the  amnesty,  in  the  midst  of  his  deserted 
followers,  who  now  cried  out,  "  Dagon,  how  art  thou  fallen  !"  But  being 
excepted,  on  account  of  his  last  act,  and  perhaps  on  account  of  his  robbery 
of  the  mail,  he  took  to  the  river  and  escaped,  leaving  a  lesson  to  after-times 
of  the  folly  of  empty  popularity. 

After  a  short  recess,  the  standing  committee  again  met  in  the  after 
noon  ;  in  the  meantime,  the  outsiders,  who  had  manifested  the  most  de 
cided  disapprobation  of  the  vote,  had,  for  the  greater  part,  withdrawn, 
leaving  the  committee  almost  alone.  The  opposition  had  no  leader  in  the 
committee.  The  resolution  approving  the  report  was  adopted  without 
objection,  and  even  without  a  division,  and  was  certified  to  the  commis 
sioners.  It  was  now  proposed  to  choose  a  new  committee  of  conference, 
in  order  to  see  if  some  modifications  of  the  terms,  and  prolongation  of  the 
time,  might  not  be  obtained ;  but  nothing  was  hinted  as  to  unwillingness 
to  submit,  or  of  opposing  the  excise  law,  after  the  passage  of  the  resolu 
tion  declaring  it  to  be  the  interest  of  the  people  to  adopt  the  report  of  the 
first  conferees.  These  conferees  could  not,  with  propriety,  oppose  the  new 
motion,  and  were  no  doubt  pleased  with  this  fair  opportunity  of  withdraw 
ing  from  their  thankless  office.  Yet  they  were  convinced  that  it  was 
idle  to  hope  for  better  terms  than  those  which  had  been  obtained,  or  even 
a  desirable  modification  of  them,  as  they  had  been  assured  by  the  com 
missioners  that  they  had  already  gone  to  the  full  extent  of  their  powers  in 
favor  of  the  people.  They  had  at  the  same  time  privately  intimated,  that 
the  alarming  intelligence  from  the  east  of  the  mountains  rendered  any 
delay  out  of  the  question.  It  thus  appears  that  the  state  of  mind  of  the 
people  in  the  eastern  counties,  whether  exaggerated  or  not,  had  an  unfor 
tunate  influence  on  the  disposition  of  the  commissioners  toward  those  in 
the  west ;  and  it  is  very  possible,  that  but  for  this,  the  severe  terms  after 
ward  exacted  would  not  have  been  imposed. 

The  friends  of  peace  in  the  committee,  who  had  been  afraid  of  express 
ing  their  sentiments,  were  now  emboldened  in  each  neighborhood,  and 
six  of  them,  after  the  balloting,  endeavored  to  exculpate  themselves  from 
the  suspicion  of  having  voted  in  the  negative,  by  asserting  that  the  nay 
had  been  given  by  mistake.  The  more  timid,  or  those  who  had  been 
most  violent  on  former  occasions,  but  had  been  convinced  in  the  com- 


INSURRECTION  BROKEN  DOWN.  231 

mittee,  were  still  afraid  to  avow  themselves  openly,  through  fear  of  their 
neighbors,  or  from  unwillingness  to  incur  the  charge  of  inconsistency. 
Yet  there  was  no  instance  of  any  insult  or  violence  offered  to  any  one  for 
his  vote.  The  feeling  which  showed  itself  in  the  committee  after  the  re 
moval  of  the  restraint  of  fear,  was  now  visible  over  the  whole  country. 
The  violent  were  awed,  and  the  lovers  of  peace  and  order  ceased  to  be 
afraid  to  speak  out  ]  and  this  state  of  things  continued  rapidly  to  gain 
ground — public  meetings  were  called  every  where  in  favor  of  submission, 
until  the  approach  of  the  army,  when  all  appearance  of  opposition  had  not 
only  ceased,  but  was  changed  into  general  alarm  for  their  own  safety. 

The  standing  committee  adjourned  without  day,  and  the  resolution, 
which  was  expected  to  be  followed  by  a  general  amnesty,  was  certified  to 
the  commissioners,  accompanied  by  a  letter  from  the  chairman,  explaining 
the  appointment  of  the  new  committee  of  conference. 

"At  a  meeting  of  the  standing  committee  of  the  western  counties,  held  at 
Brownsville  on  the  28th  and  29th  of  August,  1794, 

"  The  report  of  the  committee  appointed  to  confer  with  the  commissioners  of 
government  being  takeu  into  consideration,  the  following  resolutions  were  adopted 
to  wit : 

"  1.  Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  it  is  the  interest  of  the 
people  of  the  country  to  accede  to  the  proposals  made  by  the  commissioners  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  the  foregoing  resolution  be  transmitted  to  the 
commissioners. 

(A  true  copy.)  EDWARD  COOK,  Chairman. 

ALBERT  GALLATIN,  Secretary." 

Letter  of  the  Chairman. 

"BROWNSVILLE,  Aug.  29,  1794. 

"  GENTLEMEN: — Difficulties  having  arisen  with  us,  we  have  thought  it  necessary 
to  appoint  a  committee  to  confer  with  you,  in  order  to  procure,  if  possible,  some 
further  time,  in  order  that  the  people  may  have  leisure  to  reflect  on  their  true  sit 
uation. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  your  obedient  servant,  EDWARD  COOK. 

"  P.  S. — Inclosed,  you  have  a  copy  of  the  resolutions  on  that  subject. 
."  The  Honorable  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States." 

The  new  committee  of  conference  was  composed  of  the  following  per- 
ions :  John  Probst,  Robert  Dickey,  John  Nesbit,  David  Phillips,  John 
M'Clelland,  George  Wallace,  Samuel  Wilson  and  John  Marshall. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  measures  so  wisely  devised  by 
Washington  were  not  accepted,  at  once  and  unanimously,  without  any 
further  proceeding  in  the  vain  hope  of  improving  the  conditions,  but 


232  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

which  could  have  no  other  effect  than  to  give  the  appearance  of  a  reluc 
tant  assent,  and  make  it  the  justification  for  imposing  terms  more  severe. 
If  this  had  been  'done,  it  is  probable  that  there  would  have  been  a  general 
amnesty  according  to  the  stipulation  and  agreement  between  the  first  con 
ferees  and  the  commissioners,  and  the  army  would  have  been  disbanded. 
At  least,  this  ought  to  have  been  the  case,  unless  the  administration,  en 
tertaining  the  views  imputed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  by  Findley, 
had  determined  that  the  army  should  march  in  any  event. 

The  commissioners  took  a  different  view  of  the  subject.  In  their  opin 
ion,  the  acceptance  was  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory  in  the  committee,  on 
account  of  the  opposition  there  and  the  want  of  unanimity ;  that  the  reign 
of  terror  which  deterred  the  peaceful  citizens  from  accepting,  still  pre 
vailed  ;  that  it  prevailed  to  such  a  degree  as  to  be  incompatible  with  the 
free,  full  and  liberal  terms  offered  by  the  government.  The  author  of 
this  work  cannot  but  regard  that  view  of  the  subject  as  unfortunate,  and 
with  the  highest  respect  for  the  eminent  talents  and  unimpeachable  inten 
tions  of  the  commissioners,  erroneous.  This  has  been  attributed  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  by  Findley,  whose  leaning  toward  a  strong 
government  was  well  known ;  but  that  he  ever  entertained  or  expressed 
the  sentiment  imputed  to  him,  that  the  new  government  could  not  be 
considered  as  permanently  established  until  it  made  itself  felt  by  physical 
force,  the  author  is  unwilling  to  believe,  without  more  positive  evidence 
than  he  has  yet  seen.  He  is  rather  disposed  to  attribute  this  determina 
tion  on  the  part  of  the  commissioners  to  the  distance  between  the  scene 
of  action  and  the  seat  of  government,  and  the  great  difficulty  of  knowing 
the  true  state  of  things  on  the  east  as  well  as  on  the  south-west  side  of  the 
mountains.  It  is  impossible,  at  this  day,  to  form  any  just  idea  of  the 
state  of  communication  at  that  period,  between  portions  of  country  be 
tween  which  all  barriers  have  been  removed.  The  author  firmly  believes 
that  if  Washington  could  have  been  on  the  spot  to  judge  with  his  own 
eyes,  the  insurrection  might  have  ended  differently.  The  great  body  of 
the  western  people  were  influenced  by  an  honest  belief  that  they  had 
been  treated  unjustly,  and  were  neither  depraved  nor  disloyal.  It  could 
not  in  reason  be  expected,  that  after  so  much  excitement,  the  terms  of 
submission,  however  reasonable,  would  be  at  once  accepted,  and  without 
some  appearance  of  reluctance.  The  opposition  could  not  be  quelled  in 
stantaneously,  without,  at  the  same  time,  breaking  down  the  spirit  of  a 
free  people,  and  with  it  all  the  nobility  and  worth  fitting  them  to  be  the 
citizens  of  a  free  country.  The  substantial  adoption  of  the  terms,  the 
author  cannot  but  think,  was  a  sufficient  fulfillment  of  the  compact  between 


THE  NEW   CONFEREES.  233 

the  conferees  and  the  commissioners.  A  bare  majority  ought  to  have 
sufficed,  even  if  the  commissioners  had  any  right  to  go  behind  the  resolu 
tion  to  inquire  how  it  was  passed.  The  opposition  having  been  once  de 
feated,  we  know  that  it  is  in  the  nature  of  things,  in  such  assemblies,  for 
the  majority  to  grow  stronger  and  the  minority  weaker.  All  that  was 
asked  was  the  further  favor  of  a  short  delay,  but  not  as  a  condition  at 
tached  to  the  acceptance  of  the  terms  ;  and  the  only  effect  of  the  denial 
would  be  to  leave  the  resolution  in  full  force,  as  if  nothing  of  the  kind 
had  accompanied  it.  This  subject  will  be  again  adverted  to. 

On  the  1st  of  September,  a  few  days  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
standing  committee,  the  new  committee  appeared  in  Pittsburgh  and  ad 
dressed  the  following  note  to  the  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States : 

"PITTSBURGH,  Sept.  1st,  1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — The  committee  appointed  by  the  committee  of  safety  at  Red 
stone,  the  28th  of  August  last,  to  confer  with  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
States,  and  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  agreeable  to  the  resolutions  of  said  com 
mittee,  do  request  : 

"  1st.  That  the  said  commissioners  give  an  assurance  on  the  part  of  the  general 
government,  to  an  indemnity  to  all  persons  as  to  the  arrearages  of  excise,  that 
have  not  entered  their  stills  to  this  date. 

"2d.wWill  the  commissioners  aforesaid  give  to  the  llth  day  of  October  next,  to 
take  the  sense  of  the  people  at  large,  of  the  four  counties  west  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  that  part  of  Bedford  west  of  the  Allegheny  mountains,  and  the  Ohio  county 
in  Virginia,  whether  they  will  accede  to  the  resolution  of  the  said  commissioners, 
as  stated  at  large  in  the  conference  with  the  committee  of  conference  met  at  Pitts 
burgh  the  21st  day  of  August  last. 

"By  order  of  the  committee.  JOHN  M'CLELLAND. 

"  The  Honorable  the  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania." 

To  this  ill-concocted  letter,  the  commissioners  returned  the  following 
reply : 

"PITTSBURGH,  Sept.  1st,  1794. 

"GENTLEMEN: — We  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date;  and  as  time  presses, 
have  determined  to  give  it  an  immediate  answer,  although  we  shall  be  prevented 
thereby  from  making  so  full  and  correct  a  reply  as  the  importance  of  the  subject 
requires. 

"In  our  correspondence  with  the  late  committee  of  conference,  we  detailed 
those  assurances  of  submission  to  the  laws,  which  would  have  been  deemed  full 
and  satisfactory,  and  which  were  necessary  to  the  exercise  of  the  powers  vested  in 
us.  This  detail  was  minutely  settled  in  the  conference,  with  a  sub-committee  of 
that  body.  From  a  desire  on  our  part  to  accommodate,  and  to  render  the  pro 
posals  as  unexceptionable  as  possible,  they  were  altered  and  modified  at  their 


234  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

request,  till  being  superior  to  all  exception,  they  received  the  unanimous  approba 
tion  of  those  gentlemen. 

"The  detail  thus  settled,  required  from  the  standing  committee  assurances  of 
their  explicit  determination  to  submit  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States;  that  they 
would  not  directly  or  indirectly  oppose  the  execution  of  the  acts  for  raising  a 
revenue  upon  distilled  spirits  and  upon  stills ;  and  that  they  would  support  as  far 
as  the  laws  require,  the  civil  authority  in  affording  protection  due  to  all  officers 
and  other  citizens.  These  assurances  have  not  been  given.  On  the  contrary,  we 
learn  with  emotions,  difficult  to  be  repressed,  that  in  the  meeting  of  the  committee, 
at  Redstone,  resistance  to  the  laws  and  open  rebellion  against  the  United  States 
were  publicly  advocated,  and  that  two-fifths  of  that  body,  representing  twenty-three 
townships,  totally  disapprove  the  proposals,  and  preferred  the  convulsions  of  a  civil 
contest  to  the  indulgence  offered  them  by  their  country.  Even  the  members  composing 
the  majority,  although  by  a  secret  and  undistinguishing  vote  they  expressed  an 
opinion  that  it  was  the  interest  of  the  people  to  accede  to  the  proposals,  did  not 
themselves  accede  to  them,  nor  give  the  assurances,  nor  make  the  recommendations 
explicitly  required  of  them.  They  have  adjourned  without  day,  and  the  terms 
are  broken  on  their  part. 

"Our  expectations  have  been  unfortunately  disappointed;  the  terms  required 
have  not  been  acceded  to.  You  have  been  sent  hither  to  demand  new  terms;  and 
it  is  now  necessary -for  us  to  decide  whether  we  will  return  home,  or  enter  into 
other  arrangements. 

"Upon  reflection,  we  are  satisfied  that  the  President  of  the  United  States,  while 
he  demands  satisfactory  proofs  that  there  will  be  in  future  a  perfect  submission  to 
the  laws,  does  not  wish  the  great  body  of  the  people  should  be  finally  concluded 
by  the  conduct  or  proceedings  of  that  committee ;  and  if  the  people  themselves 
will  make  the  declaration  required  of  the  standing  committee,  and  give  satisfactory 
proofs  of  a  general  and  sincere  determination  to  obey  the  laws,  the  benefits  offered 
may  still  be  obtained  by  those  individuals  who  shall  explicitly  avow  their  submis 
sion  as  hereinafter  mentioned. 

"It  is  difficult  to  decide  in  what  manner  the  said  declarations  and  determina 
tions  of  the  people  to  submit  peaceably,  should  be  taken  and  ascertained.  We 
have  thought  much  on  this  subject,  and  are  fully  satisfied  that  a  decision  by  ballot 
will  be  wholly  unsatisfactory,  and  that  it  will  be  easy  to  produce  by  these  means 
an  apparent  but  delusive  unanimity.  It  is,  therefore,  necessary  that  the  deter 
mination  of  every  individual  be  publicly  announced.  In  a  crisis,  and  on  a  ques 
tion  like  this,  it  is  dishonorable  to  temporize.  Every  man  ought  to  declare  him 
self  openly,  and  give  his  assurances  of  submission  in  a  manner  that  cannot  be 
questioned  hereafter.  If  a  civil  contest  must  finally  take  place,  the  government 
ought  to  know  not  only  the  numbers,  but  the  names  of  the  faithful  citizens,  who 
may  otherwise  be  in  danger  of  being  confounded  with  the  guilty.  It  therefore 
remains  with  you  to  say,  whether  you  will  recommend  such  a  mode  of  procedure, 
and  will  immediately  arrange  with  us  the  manner  in  which  the  sense  of  the  people 
may  be  publicly  taken,  and  written  assurances  of  submission  obtained,  within  the 
time  already  limited.  We  desire  an  explicit  and  speedy  answer  in  writing. 

"You  request  us  to  'give  assurances  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  that  an 


TERMS    OF   SUBMISSION.  235 

indemnity  shall  be  granted,  as  to  the  arrears  of  excise  to  all  persons  that  have 
not  entered  their  stills  to  this  date.'  If  it  were  proper  to  remit  all  arrears  of 
duty,  we  cannot  conceive  why  those  who  have  entered  their  stills  should  not 
receive  a  similar  indulgence  with  those  who  have  refused  to  do  so ;  nor  why  you 
demand  peculiar  favors  for  the  opposers  of  the  acts,  while  you  abandon  those  who 
have  complied  to  the  strictness  of  the  laws. 

"We  have  gone  on  that  subject  as  far  as  we  think  advisable.  The  clause  was 
introduced  at  the  request  of  the  late  committee  of  conference  ;  and  even  the  style 
of  expressing  it  was  settled  with  them.  We,  therefore,  have  nothing  more  to  add 
to  that  subject. 

"You  require  also  that  time  be  given  until  the  llth  day  of  October,  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  sense  of  the  people.  That  is  wholly  inadmissible.  On  the  day  of 
the  conference,  the  time  allowed  was  deemed  sufficiently  long ;  and  we  are  sorry 
to  perceive  that  delay  only  tends  to  produce  an  indisposition  to  decide.  There  are 
strong  reasons,  obvious  to  a  reflecting  mind,  against  prolonging  the  time  a  single 
hour.  Nothing  is  required  but  a  declaration  of  that  duty  which  every  man  owes 
to  his  country,  and  every  man  before  this  day  must  have  made  up  his  mind  on  the 
subject.  Six  weeks  have  already  elapsed  since  the  ordinary  exercise  of  civil 
authority  has  been  forcibly  suppressed,  the  officers  of  government  expelled,  and 
the  persons  and  property  of  well  disposed  citizens  exposed  to  the  outrages  of  pop 
ular  violence.  The  protection  which  is  due  to  peaceable  citizens,  the  respect  which 
every  government  owes  to  itself,  and  the  great  interests  of  the  United  States, 
demand  that  the  authority  of  the  laws  be  quickly  restored.  To  this  we  may  add 
that  the  militia  (which,  by  late  orders  from  the  President,  have  been  increased  to 
15,000  men,  including  1,500  riflemen  from  Virginia,  under  the  command  of  Major 
General  Morgan,)  have  received  orders  to  assemble;  and  we  cannot  undertake  to 
promise  that  their  march  will  be  long  suspended.  All  possible  means  to  inform, 
to  conciliate  and  to  recall  our  fellow-citizens  to  their  duty,  have  been  used.  That 
their  infatuation  still  continues,  we  regret,  but  are  persuaded  that  further  modera 
tion  and  forbearance  will  but  increase  it. 

"If  the  whole  country  shall  declare  its  determination  peaceably  to  submit,  the 
hopes  of  the  Executive  will  be  fulfilled ;  but  if  a  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
survey  shall  persist  in  their  unjustifiable  resistance  to  the  lawful  authority  of  the 
United  States,  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  government  to  confound  the  innocent 
with  the  guilty ;  you  may  therefore  assure  the  friends  of  order  and  the  laws  that 
they  may  rely  upon  promptly  receiving  all  the  protection  the  government  can 
give  ;  and  that  effectual  measures  will  be  taken  to  suppress  and  punish  the  violence 
of  those  individuals  who  may  endeavor  to  obstruct  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and 
to  involve  their  country  in  a  scene  of  calamity,  the  extent  and  seriousness  of  which 
it  is  impossible  to  calculate. 

"It  is  easy  to  perceive,  from  the  whole  scope  of  this  letter,  that  no  part  of  it  is 
addressed  to  the  gentlemen  of  Ohio  county,  Virginia. 

JAMES  Ross, 
JASPER  YEATES, 
WM.  BRADFORD. 

"  Messrs.  Dickey,  Probst,  Nesbit,  Marshall,  Phillips,  M'Clelland,  Wallace  and 
Wilson." 


236  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

The  conferees  replied  as  follows  : 

"PITTSBURGH,  Sept.  2,  1794. 

"GENTLEMBN: — We  have  received  your  letter  of  yesterday,  and  after  having 
duly  considered  its  contents,  we  are  all  of  opinion  that  it  is  the  interest  and  duty 
of  the  people  of  the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania  to  submit  to  the  execution 
of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  upon  tho 
principles  and  terms  stated  by  the  commissioners ;  and  we  will  heartily  recom 
mend  this  measure  to  them.  We  are  also  ready  to  enter  into  the  detail  with  you 
of  fixing  and  ascertaining  the  time,  place  and  manner  of  collecting  the  sense  of 
the  people  upon  this  very  momentous  subject. 

"Signed  by  the  unanimous  order  of  the  committee. 

JOHN  M'CLELLAND. 
"To  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania." 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  new  committee,  which  does  not  seem  re 
markable  for  ability,  instead  of  obtaining  better,  very  gladly  accepted 
worse  terms  than  those  presented  by  the  report  of  the  first  committee  of 
conference.  It  is  proper  to  remark  here,  that  they  do  not  refer  these 
terms  to  the  standing  committee,  which  had  ceased  to  exist ;  all  they  had 
authority  to  do,  was  to  request  some  favorable  modification  of  the  condi 
tions  proposed  to  the  first  committee.  If  they  failed  in  this,  the  only 
question  that  arose  would  be  as  to  the  fact  of  rejection  or  acceptance  of 
the  propositions  by  the  standing  committee.  On  this  question,  we  have 
taken  issue  with  the  commissioners.  We  contend  that  the  vote  was  a 
sufficient  acceptance — and  there  can  be  no  question,  but  that  the  arrange 
ment  entered  into  with  the  new  committee  was  totally  unauthorized,  and 
cannot  be  regarded  in  the  light  of  a  compact,  as  in  the  case  with  the  first 
committee  of  conference.  The  following  is  the  record  of  the  new  con 
ference  : 

"At  a  conference  between  the  commissioners  from  the  United  States  and  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the  one  part,  and  Messrs.  Probst,  Dickey,  Nesbit,  Mar 
shall,  Phillips,  M'Clelland,  Wallace  and  Wilson,  conferees,  appointed  by  the  stand 
ing  committee  at  Brownsville,  (Redstone  Old  Fort,)  on  the  28th  and  29th  days  of 
August,  1794,  it  was  agreed,  that  the  assurances  required  from  the  citizens  in  the 
fourth  survey  of  Pennsylvania,  should  be  given  in  writing,  and  their  sense  ascer 
tained  in  the  following  manner : 

"That  the  citizens  of  the  said  survey,  (Allegheny  county  excepted,)  of  the  age 
of  eighteen  years  and  upward,  be  required  to  assemble  on  Thursday,  the  llth 
instant,  in  their  respective  townships,  at  the  usual  place  for  holding  township 
meetings ;  and  that  between  the  hours  of  twelve  and  seven,  in  the  afternoon  of 
the  same  day,  any  two  or  more  of  the  members  of  the  meeting  who  assembled  at 
Parkinson's  Ferry  on  the  14th  ultimo,  resident  in  the  township,  or  a  justice  of 
the  peace  of  said  township,  do  openly  propose  to  the  people  assembled,  the  follow 
ing  questions,  'Do  you  now  engage  to  submit  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 


TERMS   OP   SUBMISSION.  237 

that  you  will  not  hereafter,  directly  or  indirectly,  oppose  the  execution  of  the  acts 
for  raising  the  revenue  upon  distilled  spirits  and  stills  ?  And  do  you  also  under 
take  to  support,  as  far  as  the  laws  require,  the  civil  authority  in  affording  the 
protection  due  to  all  officers  and  other  citizens?  Yea,  or  nay?' 

"That  the  said  citizens,  resident  in  Allegheny  county,  shall  meet  in  their  respec 
tive  election  districts  on  the  said  day,  and  proceed  in  the  same  manner  as  if  they 
were  assembled  in  townships. 

"  That  a  minute  of  the  number  of  yeas  and  nays  be  made  immediately  after  as 
certaining  the  same. 

"  That  a  written  or  printed  declaration  of  such  engagement  be  signed  by  all 
those  who  vote  in  the  affirmative,  of  the  following  tenor,  to  wit : 

"«I  do  solemnly*  promise  henceforth  to  submit  to  the  laws  of  the  United 
States ;  that  I  will  not,  directly  nor  indirectly,  oppose  the  execution  of  the  acts 
for  raising  a  revenue  on  distilled  spirits  and  stills ;  and  that  I  will  support,  as  far 
as  the  law  requires,  the  civil  authority  in  affording  the  protection  due  to  all 
officers  and  other  citizens.' 

*->-„"  This  shall  be  signed  in  the  presence  of  the  said  members  or  justices  of -the 
peace,  attested  by  him  or  them,  and  lodged  in  his  or  their  hands. 

"  That  the  said  persons,  so  proposing  the  questions  stated  as  aforesaid,  do  as 
semble  at  the  respective  county  court  houses,  on  the  13th  inst.,  and  do  ascertain 
and  make  report  of  the  numbers  of  those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  in  the 
respective  townships  or  districts,  and  of  the  number  of  those  who  Toted  in  the 
negative  ;  together  with  their  opinion  whether  there  be  such  a  general  submission 
of  the  people  in  their  respective  counties,  that  an  office  of  inspection  may  be  im 
mediately  and  safely  established  therein. 

"  That  the  said  report,  opinion  and  written  or  printed  declarations,  be  trans 
mitted  to  the  commissioners,  or  any  one  of  them,  at  Uniontown,  on  or  before  the 
16th  instant. 

"If  the  said  assurances  shall  be  bona  fide  given  in  the  manner  prescribed,  the 
commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  do  promise  and  engage  in  the  man 
ner  following,  to  wit : 

"1.  No  prosecution  for  any  treason  or  other  indictable  offense  against  the 
United  States,  committed  within  the  fourth  survey  of  Pennsylvania,  before  the  22d 
day  of  August  last,  shall  be  commenced  or  prosecuted  before  the  10th  day  of  July 
next,  against  any  person  who  shall,  within  the  time  limited,  subscribe  such  as 
surance  and  engagement  as  aforesaid,  and  perform  the  same. 

"2.  On  the  said  10th  day  of  July  next  there  shall  be  granted  a  general  pardon 
and  oblivion  of  all  the  said  offenses,  excluding  therefrom,  nevertheless,  every  per 
son  who  shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  subscribe  such  assurance  and  engagement  in 
manner  aforesaid,  or  shall,  after  such  subscription,  violate  the  same,  or  willfully 
obstruct  or  attempt  to  obstruct  the  execution  of  the  said  acts,  or  be  aiding  or 
abetting  therein. 

"3.  Congress  having,  by  an  act  passed  on  the  5th  day  of  June  last,  authorized 
the  State  courts  to  take  cognizance  of  offenses  against  the  said  acts  for  raising  a 

*  This  word,  and  "henceforth,"  being  objected  to,  was  omitted  by  consent  of 
the  commissioners. 


238  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

revenue  upon  distilled  spirits  and  stills,  the  President  has  determined  that  he  will 
direct  suits  against  such  delinquents  to  be  prosecuted  therein,  if,  upon  experiment, 
it  be  found  that  local  prejudices  or  other  causes  do  not  obstruct  the  faithful  ad 
ministration  of  justice;  but  it  is  to  be  understood  that  of  this  he  must  be  the 
judge,  and  that  he  does  not  mean  by  this  determination  to  impair  any  power  vested 
in  the  Executive  of  the  United  States. 

"4.  Certain  beneficial  arrangements  for  adjusting  the  delinquencies  and  prose 
cutions  for  penalties  now  depending,  shall  be  made  and  communicated  by  the 
officers  appointed  to  carry  the  said  acts  into  execution. 

JAMES  Ross, 
J.  YEATES, 
WM.  BRADFORD. 

"  Signed,  in  behalf  of  the  committee*  representing  the  fourth  survey  of  Penn 
sylvania,  unanimously  by  the  members  present — John  Probst,  Robert  Dickey,  John 
Nesbit,  David  Philips,  John  Marshall,  Samuel  Wilson,  George  Wallace,  John 
M'Clelland.  Pittsburgh,  Sept.  2,  1794." 

"We,  the  underwritten,  do  also  promise,  in  behalf  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
that  in  case  the  assurances  now  proposed  shall  be  bona  fide  given  and  performed 
until  the  10th  day  of  July  next,  an  act  of  free  and  general  pardon  and  oblivion  of 
all  treasons,  insurrections,  arsons,  riots,  and  other  offenses  inferior  to  riots,  com 
mitted,  counseled,  or  suffered  by  any  person  or  persons  within  the  four  western 
counties  of  Pennsylvania,  since  the  14th  day  of  July  last  past,  so  far  as  the  same 
concerns  the  said  State,  or  the  government  thereof,  shall  be  then  granted ;  exclud 
ing  therefrom  every  person  who  shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  subscribe  such  assur 
ance,  or  who  shall  after  such  subscription  willfully  violate  or  obstruct  the  laws  of 
the  State  or  of  the  United  States. 

THOMAS  M'KEAN, 
WILLIAM  IRVINE." 

The  proceedings  in  relation  to  the  amnesty  having  been  thus  detailed, 
the  measures  which  were  adopted  by  the  commissioners  will  be  considered 
on  the  principles  of  justice  and  sound  policy.  There  is  no  reason  why 
these  should  not  be  the  same  as  would  govern  other  parties  in  their  nego 
tiations  ;  when  the  government  condescends  to  negotiate  at  all,  this  must 
be  admitted.  What  was  the  question  presented  to  the  standing  commit 
tee,  as  a  recognized  body  ?  It  was  the  adoption  or  rejection  of  the  terms 
of  amnesty  which  the  committee  of  conference  had  agreed  to  recommend 
to  the  standing  committee  of  sixty,  and  which  they  could  not  do  unless 
they  were  first  approved  by  the  conferees ;  this  must  be  implied  without 
any  express  declaration  on  their  part  to  the  commissioners.  The  con 
ferees,  it  cannot  be  denied,  fully  complied  with  their  engagements,  by 
urging  the  acceptance  of  the  terms  by  every  means  in  their  power.  These 

*In  behalf  of  a  committee  which  had  not  authorized  them,  and  which  at  the 
time  of  signing  had  ceased  to  exist. 


239 

terms  formed  a  part  of  their  report,  in  language  that  could  not  be  mis 
taken,  and  the  acceptance  was  certified  by  the  chairman  and  secretary. 
The  mere  phraseology,  whether  it  be  expressed  in  the  simple  words,  "  we 
accept  the  terms  proposed,"  or,  "  we  consider  it  the  interest  of  the  country 
to  accept  them,"  can  make  no  difference — the  meaning  is  the  same. 

On  what  grounds  was  the  acceptance  rejected  by  the  commissioners  ? 
First,  that  the  resolution  was  not  adopted  by  a  sufficient  majority,  or  by 
unanimity,  being  only  three-fifths  in  its  favor  •  and  second,  that  the  vote 
was  not  open,  or  viva  voce,  but  secret,  by  ballot ;  and  for  that  reason,  not 
a  fair  expression  of  the  will  of  the  voters.  The  answer  to  the  first  is,  that 
to  expect  absolute  unanimity,  as  in  the  case  of  a  Polish  diet,  was  unrea 
sonable,  and  contrary  to  all  our  republican  ideas.  Among  freemen,  where 
diversity  of  opinion  will  prevail,  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  obtain  a  unan 
imous  vote  on  any  proposition  which  has  been  the  subject  of  free  discus 
sion.  And  ajs  to  the  vote  by  ballot,  surely  no  one  will  contend  that  it  is 
not  the  most  reliable  mode  of  obtaining  an  expression  of  the  unbiassed 
will  of  the  voter.  No  matter  how  the  vote  was  taken,  provided  it  was 
free,  and,  in  point  of  fact,  was  taken.  There  was  no  mode  prescribed. 
The  commissioners,  as  one  party,  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  mode,  but 
only  with  the  result.  The  mode  was  for  the  standing  committee,  and  the 
commissioners  had  no  right  to  know  what  passed  in  it,  what  angry  debates 
took  place,  or  what  arguments  were  used,  or  who  opposed,  or  who  sus 
tained  the  resolution.  There  was  no  agreement  that  the  vote  should  be 
taken  viva  voce,  or  be  unanimous.  There  was  none  that  the  acceptance 
should  be  in  any  set  form  of  words,  or  in  exact  terms  prescribed  by  the 
commissioners.  The  recommendation  to  the  people  was  the  proper  mode, 
because  the  standing  committee  was  only  acting  on  delegated  power  from 
the  congress  of  delegates,  who  had  the  power  to  give  the  final  decision, 
although  practically  the  vote  of  the  standing  committee  would  be  regarded 
as  conclusive.  That  congress  did  actually  assemble  in  two  weeks  after,  and 
unanimously  ratified  the  resolution,  and  accepted  the  terms  in  the  very 
words  and  in  the  manner  required  by  the  commissioners  ! 

As  to  the  violent  debates  in  the  committee,  it  could  not  be  expected 
that  nothing  but  passive  submission  would  be  witnessed  there ;  and  with 
respect  to  the  treasonable  expressions  said  to  have  been  uttered,  this  was 
only  imputable  to  one  man;  and  the  Christian  religion  might  as  well  be 
rejected,  because  there  happened  to  be  a  Judas  among  the  Apostles. 
During  nearly  ten  hours  the  committee  and  outsiders  listened  to  the 
speeches  of  those  who  supported  the  government  and  urged  submission, 
and  this  without  impatience  or  interruption,  which  surely  ought  to  coun- 


240  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

terbalance  the  intemperate  language  of  a  few  speakers  on  the  side  of  the 
opposition.  No  one,  except  Bradford,  rose  to  reply  to  Messrs.  Bracken- 
ridge,  Gallatin  and  Edgar.  But  the  sudden  and  great  revulsion  which 
took  place  the  moment  the  vote  was  announ«ed,  not  only  with  the  com 
mittee  and  circumstante  corona,  but  throughout  the  country,  ought  to 
have  been  known  and  weighed  by  the  commissioners.  From  that  moment, 
it  was  evident  to  all  that  the  insurrection  was  broken  down ;  and  it  be 
came  certain  that  the  beautiful  spectacle  was  about  to  be  exhibited,  of  an 
insurrection  against  the  laws  subdued  by  the  moral  power  of  the  people 
themselves,  without  the  necessity  of  calling  out  the  military  force — a 
spectacle  a  thousand  times  more  interesting  to  humanity  than  the  experi 
ment  whether  there  was  sufficient  energy  in  the  government  to  subdue 
them  by  the  bayonet !  The  additional  reason  given  by  the  commission 
ers,  that  there  was  danger  of  the  rising  of  the  people  on  the  other  side  of 
the  mountains  and  in  Maryland,  (no  doubt  much  exaggerated,)  only  goes 
to  prove  that  they  themselves  were  not  in  a  situation  to  judge  coolly  and 
impartially.  At  this  distance  we  can  view  all  the  circumstances  with  a 
degree  of  coolness  which  no  one  was  capable  of  at  the  time.  Even  the 
two  cotemporary  writers,  Mr.  Brackenridge  and  William  Findley,  are 
disposed  to  cast  the  censure  on  the  standing  committee  rather  than  on  the 
commissioners;  perhaps  influenced  by  chagrin,  or  mortification  at  the  un 
reasonable  difficulties  made  by  the  standing  committee. 
•  If  the  rejection  of  the  vote  of  the  standing  committee  by  the  commis 
sioners,  does  not  meet  the  approbation  of  the  author  of  this  work,  still 
less,  on  fair  and  just  principles,  can  he  approve  of  the  substitute,  requi 
ring  individual  assurance,  instead  of  the  general  one,  by  the  whole  coun 
try  in  its  collective  or  representative  capacity.  That  substitute  confounded 
the  innocent  with  the  guilty — it  was  revolting  to  a  man  who  was  con 
scious  of  having  done  his  duty  as  a  citizen,  and  on  no  occasion  having 
opposed  the  execution  of  the  laws,  to  be  required  to  make  a  declaration 
which  he  felt  as  degrading,  as  publicly  expressing  repentance  for  a  crime 
which  he  never  committed,  and  making  a  promise  to  refrain  for  the  future 
from  the  commission  of  acts  which  he  never  contemplated.  It  was  like 
the  passing  subjugum,  or  under  the  yoke,  of  the  inhabitants  of  conquered 
cities  in  ancient  times.  Besides,  practically  considered,  it  was  impossible 
for  the  whole  population,  in  one  day,  even  in  separate  districts,  over  an 
extent  half  as  large  as  the  whole  State,  without  allowance  for  sickness  or 
other  causes  which  might  prevent  attendance,  to  comply  with  the  terms 
imposed.  At  least  a  week  should  have  been  allowed  for  signing.  The 
mode  agreed  upon  on  the  part  of  the  conference  would  have  answered 


INJUSTICE   TO   THE   WESTERN    PEOPLE.  241 

every  purpose — the  plan  of  general  submission,  instead  of  the  one  requi 
ring  each  individual  to  come  in  person  to  affix  his  name  to  a  paper.  There 
was  nothing  to  prevent  the  commissioners  from  presenting  the  question  to 
the  congress  of  delegates,  which  could  have  been  assembled  in  a  week. 

Again,  there  is  a  serious  question  to  be  answered — by  what  authority 
was  the  arrangement  made  with  the  new  committee  ?  The  standing  com 
mittee,  after  adopting  the  report  of  the  first  conferees,  appointed  the  new 
committee  for  a  specific  purpose,  and  then  adjourned  without  day,  neither 
requiring  them  to  report  to  themselves  nor  to  the  congress  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry.  The  duty  of  the  new  committee  was  to  obtain,  if  possible,  a  pro 
longation  of  time,  to  allow  the  people  to  become  more  fully  impressed 
with  the  necessity  of  submission,  and  to  declare  it  through  their  dele 
gates.  This  was  perfectly  compatible  with  the  resolution  declaring  it  to 
be  the  interest  of  the  people  to  accept  the  terms  offered  them  by  the  com 
missioners  ;  and  if  that  request  were  refused,  then  the  resolution  still  re 
mained  in  force,  notwithstanding  the  appointment  of  the  new  committee. 
The  new  agreement,  accepting  new  and  less  favorable  terms,  was  a  nullity; 
they  had  no  authority  to  set  aside  a  benevolent  stipulation,  and  accept  in 
its  stead  one  of  the  most  unjust  and  unreasonable. 

In  concluding  this  chapter,  one  observation  ought  to  be  made  in  justice 
to  the  people  of  the  western  counties,  then  new  and  little  better  than  a 
wilderness  frontier,  now  populous  enough  to  form  a  kingdom ;  it  is  this  : 
with  the  exception  of  the  riot  at  Neville's  house,  and  some  half  dozen  other- 
minor  acts  of  violence  over  the  whole  extent  of  Western  Pennsylvania  during 
four  months,  no  serious  outrages  were  committed  on  the  property  or  person 
of  any  individual.  How  different  from  the  ruffianly  acts  of  other  coun 
tries  in  such  a  state  of  anarchy  !  The  people,  although  legally  wrong, 
honestly  believed  they  were  morally  right.  The  excise  law  was  univer 
sally  odious  ;  the  Legislature  of  the  State  had  instructed  their  Senators  to 
exert  themselves  for  its  repeal,  and  the  State  Executive  had  protested 
against  it  in  strong  language.  It  was  acknowledged  by  the  Federal  gov 
ernment  that  it  required  amendments  to  satisfy  well  grounded  causes  of 
complaint,  and  some  additional  modifications  were  stipulated  by  the  com 
missioners,  as  far  as  they  had  authority  to  do  so.  The  western  people 
were,  without  mitigation,  stigmatized  as  insurgents,  and  their  acts  asso 
ciated,  in  the  minds  of  many,  (and  continue  to  be  at  this  day,)  with  those 
of  thieves,  incendiaries  and  outlaws — not  murderers,  for  not  a  drop  of 
blood  was  shed  by  them  during  the  whole  period,  although  the  lives  of 
some  of  them  were  sacrificed.  Without  attempting  to  justify  their  un 
lawful  acts,  still,  in  order  to  do  justice  to  them,  their  motives,  as  well  as 


242  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

their  general  conduct,  should  be  taken  into  consideration.  But  whatever 
may  be  said,  by  way  of  apology  or  palliation,  it  was  not  the  less  obligatory 
to  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  law,  and  crush  all  opposition  to  the  law 
ful  authority.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  good  citizen  to  submit  to  the  evils 
of  the  law  until,  in  the  proper  way  and  at  the  proper  time,  they  could  be 
removed,  there  being  no  evil  greater  than  anarchy  and  insubordination. 
Hitherto  but  one  side,  and  that  the  unfavorable  side,  as  respects  the  in 
surgents,  has  been  given  by  historians  and  public  functionaries  There  is 
another  side,  and  it  is  that  of  the  conduct  of  the  government  agents  to 
the  western  people,  in  the  pretended  suppression,  by  military  force,  of  an 
insurrection  already  suppressed  by  themselves.  In  doing  this,  there  was 
a  hundred  times  more  gross  violation  of  law — more  cruel  injustice — more 
wanton,  ruffianly  acts,  than  were  committed  by  the  insurgents,  and  this 
without  provocation.  These  outrages  have  hitherto  been  passed  over  al 
most  in  silence;  but,  if  it  be  a  duty  to  record  and  pronounce  sentence  of 
condemnation  on  the  opposition  to  law  and  order,  as  a  warning  in  future, 
it  is  not  less  so  to  hold  up  to  just  reprobation  the  cruel,  wanton  and  op 
pressive  of  those  government  subordinates.*  All  this  would  have  been 
avoided  by  a  simple  proclamation  of  amnesty  to  the  whole  country,  as  at 
first  proposed,  by  the  commissioners,  under  the  instructions  of  Washing 
ton,  agreed  to  by  the  first  committee  of  conference,  and,  as  we  contend, 
sufficiently  ratified  by  the  standing  committee.  Reason,  gratitude,  inter 
est — every  consideration  in  this  case,  would  have  shed  their  benign  influ 
ence  over  a  well-meaning,  but  erring  people.  The  march  of  an  army  of  fif 
teen  thousand  men,  at  a  greater  expense  than  the  whole  whiskey  tax  ever 
yielded — a  tax  which,  after  the  trial  of  a  few  years,  was  repealed — would 
not  have  taken  place,  to  subdue  a  portion  of  our  own  fellow-citizens;  and 
the  historian  would  not  have  had  to  record  this  unfortunate  episode  in 
our  national  history. 

*  Macaulay,  in  his  recent  volumes  of  the  History  of  England,  has  been  justly 
censured  for  his  leniency  to  William,  on  the  subject  of  the  massacre  of  Glencoe. 
The  difference  in  that  case  and  the  present,  is,  that  William  did  not  forbid  the  act, 
while,  in  the  case  of  the  arrests  of  the  "dreadful  night,"  they  were  in  plain  disregard 
of  the  orders  of  Washington.  The  perpetrators  were  not  called  to  account,  because 
the  victims  were  outlawed  in  public  opinion  by  having  the  epithet  of  insurgents 
applied  to  them.  For  that  reason  it  becomes  the  more  urgent  duty  of  the  histo 
rian  to  do  them  justice. 


REPORT    OF   UNITED    STATES    COMMISSIONER. 


243 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    IX. 


Extract  from  the  Report  of  the  United 
States  Commissioners  to  the  Executive. 
"  The  hopes  exerted  by  the  favorable 
issue  of  this  conference,  [the  first  con 
ference,']  were  not  realized  by  a  cor 
respondent  conduct  in  the  citizens  who 
composed  what  was  called  the  'standing 
committee.'  They  assembled  at  Browns 
ville,  (Redstone  Old  Fort,)  ou  the  28th 
of  August,  and  broke  up  on  the  29th,  and 
on  the  following  day  a  letter  was  received 
from  Edward  Cook,  their  chairman,  an 
nouncing  that  difficulties  had  arisen,  and 
that  a  new  committee  of  conference  was 
appointed ;  and  although  the  resolve 
which  is  hereto  annexed  was  passed,  it  did 
not  appear  that  the  assurances  of  sub 
mission  which  had  been  demanded  had 
been  given. 

"The  underwritten  were  informed  by 
several  of  the  members  of  that  meeting, 
as  well  as  other  citizens  who  were  present 
at  it,  that  the  report  of  the  committee 
of  conference,1*  and  the  proposals  of  the 
commissioners  were  unfavorably  receiv 
ed  ;  that  rebellion  and  hostile  resistance  to 
the  United  States  were  publicly  recom 
mended  by  some  of  the  members,  [by 
Bradford  only,]  and  that  so  excessive  a 
spirit  prevailed  that  it  was  not  thought 
proper  or  safe  to  urge  a  compliance  with 
the  terms  and  preliminaries  prescribed 
by  the  underwritten,  or  the  commission 
ers  from  the  government  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  [_This  was  done  by  Gallatin,  Brack- 
enridge  and  Edgar, ~\  All  that  could  be 
obtained,  was  the  resolve  already  men 
tioned,  the  question  upon  it  being  deci 
ded  by  ballot ;  by  which  means  each  mem- 

*  That  is,  they  met  with  opposition  !  Nothing  is 
said  of  the  earnest  support  they  received,  or  the 
addresses  of  Messrs.  Gallatin,  Brackenridge  and 
Edgar.  Is  this  iair? 


ber  had  an  opportunity  of  concealing  his 
opinion,  and  of  sheltering  himself  from  the 
resentment  of  those  from  whom  violence  was 
apprehended.  [A  very  strange  objection !  ] 
But  notwithstanding  this  caution,  the 
opinion  was  far  from  being  unanimous, 
[was  this  reasonable?]  that  out  of  fifty- 
seven  votes  there  were  twenty-three 
nays,  leaving  a  majority  of  only  eleven ; 
and  the  commissioners  have  been  re 
peatedly  assured  by  different  members 
of  that  meeting,  that  if  the  question  had 
been  publicly  put,  it  would  have  been 
carried  in  the  negative  by  a  considerable 
majority.* 

"With  a  view  of  counteracting  the 
acts  and  influence  of  the  violent,  the 
underwritten  on  the  27th  of  August  ad 
dressed  a  letter  to  the  late  conferees, 
authorizing  them  to  assure  the  friends  of 
order,  who  might  be  disposed  to  exert 
themselves  to  restore  the  authority  of 
the  laws,  that  they  might  rely  upon  the 
protection  of  government,  and  that  mea 
sures  would  be  taken  to  suppress  and  pun 
ish  the  violence  of  those  individuals  who 
might  dissent  from  the  general  sentiments. 
[  Where  was  the  protection  of  government 
at  that  moment  ?  And  what  would  be  the 
effect  of  such  a  threat?  This  is  most 
astonishing  !  ]  This  letter  was  delivered 
to  one  of  the  conferees  going  to  Browns 
ville  ;  but  he  afterward  informed  the 
underwritten,  that  the  gentleman  to 

*IIow  does  it  appear  that  the  «  resolve  "  was  not 
passed  by  an  unanimous  vote  ?  The  ikct  is  not  ex 
pressly  communicated  by  the  chairman — it  must 
have  reached  the  commissioners  from  other  sour 
ces — but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  "re 
solve"  was  not  passed  on  the  ballot  vote  alone,  but 
afterward  ratiried  in  the  afternoon,  when  that  for 
the  appointment  of  a  new  committee  was  passed, 
and  which  takes  it  for  granted  that  submission 
was  agreed  to. 


244 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


whom  it  was  addressed,  did  not  '  think  it 
prudent  to  make  use  of  it,'  as  the  temper 
which  prevailed  was  such  that  it  would 
probably  have  done .  more  harm  than 
good.  [Most  certainly — where  would  have 
been  the  freedom  of  deliberation,  with  such 
a  threat  suspended  over  them?  Any  man 
of  spirit  would  have  regarded  it  as  a  gross 
insult.  ] 

"  The  conduct  of  the  meeting  at 
Brownsville,  notwithstanding  the  thin 
veil  thrown  over  it,  by  the  resolve  already 
mentioned,  was  said  to  be  considered  by 
many,  and  especially  by  the  violent  party, 
as  a  rejection  of  the  terms.  [This  is 
strangely  incorrect.  The  propriety,  the 
necessity  of  submission,  the  great  question 
to  be  decided,  was  never  called  in  question 
after  that  resolve.  Every  subsequent  act 
of  the  people  took  this  question  as  settled] 
It  was  certainly  a  partial  rejection  of 
those  proposed  by  the  commissioners, 
who  had  acquired  assurances  from  the 
members  of  that  meeting  only,  and  not 
from  the  people  themselves.  [And  was 
not  this  assurance  given  by  the  members  of 
the  meeting,  by  the  acceptance  of  the  report, 
in  the  most  comprehensive  terms,  and  with 
out  attaching  any  condition?  It  is  true, 
they  asked  for  some  modification  of  the 
terms  after  accepting  them,  but  this  was  a 
matter  of  favor,  which,  if  not  granted, 
left  the  matter  where  it  was  at  the  adoption 
of  the  resolve.  The  subsequent  acts  of  the 
people,  in  their  delegations  as  well  as  mass 
meetings,  prove  their  determination  to  sub 
mit,  although  many  of  them  objected  to  the 
mode  of  exacting  that  submission,  which  no 
reasonable  man  at  this  day  can  defend.] 

"Having,  therefore,  no  longer  any 
hope  of  an  universal  or  even  general 
submission,  it  was  deemed  necessary  by 
a  solemn  appeal  to  the  people  to  ascer 
tain  as  nearly  as  possible  the  determina 
tion  of  every  individual;  [this  unwise 
determination,  and  unjust,  more  than  un 
wise,  has  been  already  discussed;]  to  en 


courage  and  oblige  the  friends  of  order 
to  declare  themselves ;  to  recall  as  many 
as  possible  of  the  disaffected  to  their 
duty,  by  assurances  of  pardon,  dependent 
on  their  individual  conduct ;  and  to  learn 
with  certainty  what  opposition  the  govern 
ment  might  expect,  if  military  coercion 
should  be  unavoidable.  [The  best  course 
would  have  been,  immediately  after  the 
Brownsville  meeting,  to  have  recommended 
a  general  and  universal  amnesty.  It  would 
have  had  the  effect  of  magic,  and  all  op 
position  would  have  ended — every  one  would 
have  vied  in  the  emulation  to  display  their 
loyalty  —  the  standing  committee  having, 
voted  to  submit,  no  opposition  could  have 
been  expected.'] 

"  To  secure  these  advantages,  the 
underwritten  were  of  opinion  that  the 
assurances  of  submission  required  of  the 
people,  should  not  only  be  publicly  given, 
but  ought  also  to  be  reduced  to  writing ; 
and  that  the  state  of  each  county  should 
be  certified  by  those  who  were  to  super 
intend  the  meetings  at  which  the  dis 
position  of  the  people  was  to  be  ascer 
tained. 

"On  the  1st  instant,  nine  of  the  gen 
tlemen  [new  committee  of  conference,]  ap 
pointed  by  the  meeting  at  Brownsville, 
assembled  at  Pittsburgh,  and  in  the 
afternoon  required  a  conference  with  the 
commissioners,  which  was  agreed  to. 
They  produced  the  resolves  by  which 
they  were  appointed,  and  entered  into 
some  explanation  of  the  nature  of  their 
visit;  but  being  desired  to  communicate 
in  writing,  they  withdrew,  and  soon  after 
sent  a  letter  addressed  to  the  commis 
sioners  of  the  United  States  and  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  to  which  an 
answer  was  immediately  written. 

"As  no  part  of  their  letter,  although 
addressed  to  the  commissioners  of  Penn 
sylvania,  related  to  the  preliminaries 
presented  by  them,  they  made  no  answer 
in  writing  ;  but  in  a  conference  held  the 


REPORT    OF   THE   UNITED    STATES   COMMISSIONERS. 


245 


next  morning  with  those  nine  gentlemen,  1  standing  committee  and  among  the  people, 
they  verbally  declared  to  them  their  entire  for  we  say  again,  the  only  question  now 
concurrence  in  the  sentiments  contained  in  \  was  as  to  the  time  and  mode  of  submis- 


the  letter  from  the  underwritten;  and  they 
expressed  at  some  length  their  surprise 
and  regret  at  the  meeting  at  Browns 
ville.  The  conference  declared  them 
selves  satisfied  with  the  answer  they  had 
received ;  avowed  an  entire  conviction  of 
the  necessity  and  propriety  of  an  early 
submission  in  the  manner  proposed ;  and 
offered  immediately  to  enter  into  the 
detail  for  settling  the  time,  place  and 
manner  of  taking  the  sense  of  the  peo- 
pie." 

The  whole  of  the  letter  of  the  com 
missioners,  or  rather  report,  will  be 
given  in  the  appendix  to  this  work,*  and 
will  afford  a  practical  commentary  on 
the  working  of  the  plan  devised  by  them. 
It  will  prove  that  the  plan  was  in  fault, 
and  not  the  disposition  of  the  people  to 
submit.  This  second  committee  not  only 
went  farther  than  the  first  in  willingness 


sion ;  and  we  think  it  will  be  seen,  that 
with  some  few  exceptions  of  no  impor 
tance,  this  was  the  only  difficulty.  We 
repeat,  that  a  general  proclamation  of 
amnesty,  as  agreed  on  with  the  first  con 
ferees,  would  have  produced  an  universal 
acquiescence,  according  to  the  wish  of  the 
commissioners.  The  majority  of  the  peo 
ple  would  have  echoed  the  majority  of 
the  committee,  (as  in  fact  it  did,)  and 
that  majority  would  have  gone  on  in 
creasing,  until  all  appearance  of  opposi 
tion  would  have  ceased.  That  there 
should  have  been,  at  first,  some  partial 
display  of  opposition  after  the  resolve, 
was  to  be  expected;  it  was  not  in  human 
nature  for  perfect  quiet  to  be  instantly 
restored  among  a  free  people;  the  dead 
calm  of  despotism  ought  not  to  have 
been  required,  instead  of  the  gradual 
subsiding  of  the  billows  after  the  storm. 


to  submit,  but  were  willing  to  accept  any  The  writer  feels  great  reluctance  in  ex- 
terms  offered  by  the  commissioners.  Can  I  pressing  these  sentiments,  but  the  justice 
it  be  inferred  from  the  appointment  of  j  and  truth  of  history  demand  a  fearless 


such  a  committee,  that  the  standing 
committee  were  less  disposed  to  submit 
after,  than  before  the  passage  of  their 
resolution?  If  it  proves  any  thing,  it 
proves  that  somehow  or  other,  a  very 
great  change  had  taken  place  both  in  the 
*  Omitted. 


and  unbiassed  judgment,  without  regard 
to  the  authority  of  great  names — and 
that  judgment  supported  only  by  the 
weight  of  reason.  To  this  decision  we 
refer  the  reader,  without  arrogance  on 
the  one  hand,  or  affected  humility  on  the 
other. 


17 


CHAPTER    X. 

RELUCTANCE  OF  THE  PEOPLE   TO    8TGN    THE  SUBMISSION  —  MEETING  OF  THB  CONGRESS 
OF  DELEGATES,  AND  A  GENERAL  SUBMISSION. 

As  had  been  foreseen,  the  plan  of  submission  proposed  by  the  commis 
sioners  would  be  very  reluctantly  acceded  to  by  the  people.  The  objec 
tions  suggested,  not  only  as  to  the  manner,  but  the  time  allowed,  were 
fully  sustained  by  the  event.  The  5th  of  September  was  the  day  ap 
pointed  for  the  whole  extent  of  the  four  western  counties,  including  Bed 
ford,  lying  partly  within  the  mountains,  the  whole  equal  in  extent  to  three 
or  four  of  the  New  England  States.  Although  the  two  cotemporary  histo 
rians  pass  no  censure  on  the  motives  of  the  commissioners,  in  thus  unin 
tentionally  defeating  the  benevolent  design  of  Washington,  yet  they  un 
qualifiedly  disapproved  of  their  plan.  They  supposed,  however,  that  they 
could  not  act  otherwise,  in  the  circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed, 
and  they  conceived  themselves  to  be  acting  in  conformity  to  the  spirit  and 
letter  of  their  instructions.  Findley  is  of  opinion,  that  as  their  own  pow 
ers  terminated  the  day  after  that  appointed  for  the  submission,  they  could 
not  afford  longer  time  to  the  people ;  but  it  does  not  seem  that  this  would 
have  been  any  very  great  stretch  of  authority.  There  was  certainly  too 
much  haste  in  a  matter  of  such  importance.  The  report  of  the  commis 
sioners  to  the  Executive  was  evidently  written  in  the  midst  of  much  ex 
citement,  occasioned  by  the  prevailing  temper  of  the  people ;  nor  could 
they  foresee  the  change  which  a  few  weeks,  or  even  days,  would  produce 
in  their  minds.  Findley  is  more  full  on  these  topics  than  Brackenridge, 
having  written  a  year  afterward,  with  the  advantage  of  facts  subsequently 
brought  to  light,  and  at  the  same  time  of  more  mature  deliberation.  The 
views  presented  by  the  commissioners,  given  in  this  hurried  manner,  are 
therefore  to  be  received  with  caution,  as  well  as  allowance. 

The  test  to  be  subscribed,  by  each  individual,  in  the  presence  of  two 
members  of  the  standing  committee,  or  a  justice  of  the  peace,  was  as  fol 
lows: 

"  I  do  solemnly  promise,  hereafter  to  submit  to  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  I  will  not,  directly  or  indirectly,  oppose  the  execution  of 


PRACTICAL    OPERATION    OF   THE   TEST.  247 

the  act  for  raising  revenue  on  distilled  spirits  and  stills ;  and  that  I  will 
support,  as  far  as  the  law  requires,  the  civil  authority  in  affording  the  pro 
tection  to  all  officers  and  other  citizens." 

The  test,  which  was  regarded  as  a  nauseous  dose  as  soon  as  made  pub 
lic,  was  not  printed  until  the  4th  of  September  —  having  been  agreed 
to  by  the  new  conferees  two  days  before — and  was  not  generally  circu 
lated  until  after  the  4th,  when  the  conferees  left  Pittsburgh.  But  six 
days  were  therefore  allowed  for  the  distribution  of  the  papers  over  the 
extensive  region  before  mentioned,  containing  a  very  scattered  people, 
and  possessing  imperfect  means  of  intercommunication.  It  was  soon  dis 
covered  that  the  word  solemnly  was  objected  to  by  religious  people,  as 
equivalent  to  an  oath  •  and  the  commissioners,  in  consequence,  gave  notice 
in  the  Pittsburgh  Gazette,  the  only  paper  then  printed  in  the  western  coun 
ties,  that  it  might  be  omitted ;  but  this  reached  few  of  the  districts  in 
time.  With  the  peculiar  views  of  the  rigid  Presbyterians,  much  import 
ance  would  be  attached  to  the  use  of  such  words.  It  was  also  thought  by 
other  conscientious  persons,  that  the  word  henceforth  implied  that  hereto 
fore  they  had  committed  acts  in  violation  of  law  and  hostile  to  the  gov 
ernment,  and  which  they  denied  to  be  the  fact.  Many  of  those  who  had 
taken  the  extreme  caution  to  remain  quietly  at  their  homes,  and  had  ab 
stained  from  attendance  at  any  of  the  meetings,  of  whatever  description, 
were  unwilling  to  attend  those  appointed  by  the  commissioners,  and  there 
was  not  time  to  enlighten  them  on  the  subject.  Some,  in  remote  districts, 
received  no  notice  at  all  j  but  the  greater  number  of  those  who  would  not 
attend,  were  influenced  by  a  mistaken  but  honest  opinion,  that  the  signing 
the  submission  would  carry  with  it  the  acknowledgment  that  they  had 
committed  some  act  which  required  this  evidence  of  repentance  •  and 
being  conscious  of  having  done  nothing  in  violation  of  the  laws,  they 
thought  they  could  not,  on  principle,  make  such  an  unjust,  self-accusing 
confession.  These  were  honest  scruples,  and  entitled  to  respect,  but  un 
foreseen  by  the  commissioners,  and  ultimately  proved  the  whole  plan  to 
be  radically  defective.  In  fact,  the  people  generally,  in  the  rural  dis 
tricts,  when  they  attended,  had  no  opportunity  of  reading  and  examining 
the  test  (or  whatever  it  might  be  called,)  until  the  moment  of  their  coming 
together;  there  was,  of  course,  but  little  opportunity  amid  the  confusion 
for  the  more  intelligent  to  make  the  necessary  explanation.  Some  had 
objected  to  the  words  directly  or  indirectly,  which  they  construed  to  ex 
tend  even  to  the  right  of  petition  for  repeal;  others,  on  being  better 
informed  of  the  nature  of  the  test,  became  solicitous  the  next  day  to  sign, 
and  even  followed  those  who  had  the  papers,  in  order  to  obtain  permission 


248  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

to  write  down  their  names.  All  these  things  serve  to  prove  the  necessity 
of  a  longer  time;  and  to  this  cause  may  be  attributed  the  want  of  a  more 
general  acquiescence,  rather  than  to  the  fear  of  the  violent,  which  ope 
rated  to  a  much  less  extent  than  was  represented  at  the  time.  It  was  not 
reasonable  to  expect  that  an  uninformed  people,  unless  slavishly  indiffer 
ent  to  their  rights,  or  basely  submissive,  could,  in  so  short  a  time,  make 
up  their  minds  to  subscribe  a  new  test  of  allegiance,  mixed  up  with  what 
appeared  to  be  confessions  of  guilt,  when  they  were  conscious  of  innocence. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  were,  in  many  districts,  persons  who  hang 
loosely  on  society,  and  who  take  advantage  of  such  occasions  to  show  their 
power  over  the  more  respectable  people  by  exciting  terror  and  alarm.  It 
is  a  fact,  that  on  the  withdrawal  of  the  army  after  the  insurrection,  it  was 
chiefly  among  persons  of  that  class  that  enlistments  were  made  of  the 
standing  force,  kept  up  for  some  time,  to  overawe  the  insurrectionary 
propensity  which  might  still  exist,  and  for  which  these  very  people  had 
been  most  conspicuous.  The  distrust  which  had  been  engendered,  espe 
cially  by  the  anonymous  threats  of  "  Tom  the  Tinker,"  and  the  shortness 
of  time,  prevented  the  well  disposed  from  coming  to  proper  understanding 
with  each  other.  The  lawless  conduct  alluded  to,  occurred  in  some  small 
districts  where  no  excesses  had  been  previously  committed.  In  two  or 
three  instances  the  papers  were  seized  and  torn  up,  and  in  one  place  the 
papers  were  saved  by  concealing  the  genuine  document  and  giving  up  a 
copy.  Although  such  ruffians  formed  but  a  small  proportion  of  those 
assembled,  yet,  says  Findley,  "desperation  and  threats  of  burning  supplied 
the  place  of  numbers,  and  it  was  not  thought  prudent  on  that  day  to  put 
the  law  in  execution,  as  the  country  districts  did  not  know  the  situation 
and  feelings  of  the  county  towns,  or  whether  the  attempt  to  arrest  'and 
take  to  prison  might  not  lead  to  further  riots."  It  is  to  be  feared  that 
there  is  no  state  of  society  in  which  characters  of  this  description  will  not 
be  found ;  and  who,  during  this  partial  condition  of  anarchy,  will  not  be 
drawn  forth  by  the  spirit  of  mischief  to  take  revenge  for  their  insignifi 
cance  in  a  settled  state  of  things,  and  where  they  are  made  to  feel  that  con 
tempt  which  their  worthlessness  entails.  "  The  result,"  says  Findley,  "was, 
that  outof  about  forty  different  places  of  meeting,  at  only  two  of  them  were 
the  papers  destroyed  by  a  desperate  banditti.  One  of  these  was  at  a  place 
where  the  people  who  needed  the  amnesty  were  numerous ;  the  other  was 
that  in  which  I  reside,  where  very  few  had  been  guilty  of  any  excesses. 
At  one  place  in  Allegheny  county,  the  signing  was  prevented  by  violence, 
or  terror,  where  it  was  the  interest  of  many  to  subscribe ;  at  a  few  other 
places  the  subscribing  was  accomplished  with  difficulty.  Nevertheless, 


FAYETTE  COUNTY  REFUSED  TO  SIGN.          249 

those  who  had  been  deeply  engaged  in  the  excesses,  signed,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  a  few  of  the  most  ignorant  aud  obstinate.  There  were  some, 
indeed,  who  had  dared  to  engage  in  the  greatest  outrages,  who  had  not 
courage  to  subscribe  from  fear  of  their  own  safety,  lest  they  should  be 
considered  as  deserters."  Thus  it  would  appear,  that  the  fear  of  public 
opinion  among  themselves  was  even  greater  than  that  of  the  threatened 
march  of  an  army. 

In  some  of  the  townships  on  the  frontier,  even  those  who  attended  re 
fused  to  sign,  because  there  were  none  among  them  who  had  given  offense 
or  were  opposed  to  the  excise  law.  They  probably  had  no  stills  ;  it  was 
only  in  the  older  and  more  wealthy  settlements  that  the  business  of  dis 
tilling  was  connected  with  farming.  These  poor,  out  of  the  way  settlers, 
more  hunters  than  agriculturists,  took  offense  at  the  very  idea  of  being 
called  upon  to  sign  a  paper  of  submission.  Some  districts  in  the  upper 
part  of  Washington  county  were  not  even  notified.  In  fact,  the  people 
around  the  whole  frontier  were  very  little  implicated  in  the  disturbances; 
and  scarcely  knew  of  them  until  called  upon  to  send  delegates  to  Parkin 
son's  Ferry  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  order  ;  and  they  contributed  every 
thing  in  thfeir  power  to  that  desirable  end,  until  called  upon  to  sign  the 
submission,  when  their  answer  was,  "  Let  those  sign  in  the  places  where 
they  have  been  involved  ;  we  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  it."  They  had 
not  only  behaved  well,  but  from  some  places,  had  actually  tendered  their 
services  to  General  Wilkins  to  assist  in  quelling  the  insurgents. 

But  the  county  of  Fayette  furnished  tj^  most  remarkable  illustration. 
Not  more  than  fifteen  persons  of  the  coumy  were  at  Braddock's  Field, 
and  those  from  patriotic  motives;  not  one  had  been  in  any  of  the  riots; 
and  having  made  no  opposition  to  the  service  of  process,  but  on  the  con 
trary,  having  employed  counsel  to  defend  the  suits  —  their  delegates 
having  exerted  themselves  to  restore  order  —  they  could  not  com 
prehend  the  necessity  of  the  form  of  individual  submission,  which  to 
them  appeared  to  confound  the  innocent  with  the  guilty.  The  whole 
county,  therefore,  rejected  the  terms  of  submission;  but  in  order  to 
show  that  this  was  not  done  through  any  hostile  feeling  to  the  govern 
ment,  they  pursued  a  course  of  their  own,  and  at  a  meeting  of  delegates 
from  the  different  townships,  those  delegates  unanimously  agreed  to  sub 
mit  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  of  Pennsylvania,  and  not  to 
oppose,  directly  or  indirectly,  the  laws  for  raising  revenue  on  distilled 
spirits  and  stills.  They  further  called  on  the  people  in  their  election  dis 
tricts  to  declare  their  submission  to  the  laws.  Many  declined  to  attend, 
especially  in  those  districts  which  were  remote  from  the  scene  of 


250  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

the  disturbances.  Our  later  experience  proves  how  small  a  proportion 
usually  attend  these  special  or  irregular  meetings,  for  vague  purposes  ;  but 
of  those  who  did  attend,  five  hundred  and  eighty  voted  for  submission, 
and  two  hundred  and  eighty  against,  and  most  of  these,  in  all  probability, 
from  misapprehension.  When  the  army,  and  the  United  States  Judge, 
afterward  came  to  the  county,  but  one  arrest  was  made,  and  that  of  an 
innocent  man,  who  had  been  out  of  the  State  during  the  disturbance.  Can 
there  be  a  greater  proof  than  this,  that  the  course  adopted  by  the  com 
missioners,  to  say  the  least,  was  ill-advised  ?  And  were  they  not  in  error 
in  representing  the  whole  of  the  western  counties  in  a  state  of  open  oppo 
sition  to  the  government,  which  nothing  but  an  army  could  put  down  ? 
In  Westmoreland  county  not  a  single  arrest  was  made.  The  whole  opposi 
tion  was  confined  to  parts  of  Allegheny  and  Washington  counties,  and  in 
only  two  townships  were  the  people  forcibly  prevented  from  signing.  But 
it  must  be  admitted,  that  this  state  of  things  could  not  have  been  so  well 
known  to  the  commissioners  at  the  time  they  left  the  county,  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  they  were  under  a  mistaken  impression  as  to  the 
extent  and  depth  of  the  opposition  to  the  laws  when  they  prepared  their 
report.  And  yet  it  is  highly  probable  that  in  the  excited  state  of  the 
people  against  the  excise  law,  if  some  act  of  more  than  ordinary  atrocity, 
such  as  the  burning  the  town  of  Pittsburgh,  had  been  perpetrated,  and 
no  check  given  to  the  insurrectionary  spirit  by  the  delegation  at  Parkin 
son's  Ferry  and  the  committee  at  Brownsville,  after  the  conference  with 
the  United  States  commission^,  followed  by  the  offer  of  amnesty,  the 
whole  of  the  western  counties^yould  have  been  ultimately  involved,  as 
in  the  late  Revolutionary  war.  Bradford  had  been  twice  thwarted  in  his 
attempt  to  raise  the  standard  of  rebellion,  and  who  can  tell  what  would 
have  been  the  consequence  if  he  had  not  been  defeated  ?  If  Pittsburgh 
had  been  burned  and  plundered,  and  the  war  measures  of  Bradford  had 
been  carried  at  the  Parkinson's  Ferry  meeting,  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  the  flame  would  have  spread  every  where,  and  the  peaceful  and  well- 
disposed  either  drawn  into  the  vortex,  or  compelled  to  fly  the  country. 
These  reflections  will  enable  us  to  appreciate  the  merit  of  the  suggestion 
of  the  amnesty,  the  dextrous  management  of  the  delegates,  and  the  pow 
erful  efforts  of  Messrs.  Brackenridge  and  Gallatin  at  the  Brownsville  meet 
ing  of  the  standing  committee.  Blessed  are  the  peace-makers,  and  happy 
is  the  people  which  possesses  within  itself  the  moral  energy  to  restrain 
its  own  destructive  passions  ! 

If  there  was  a  portion  of  the  ignorant  and  reckless  among  the  western 
people,  perhaps  some  of  the  dregs  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  there  was  a 


THE  RESTORATION  OF  ORDER.  251 

much  larger  one  composed  of  the  intelligent  and  patriotic.  The  county 
towns  contained  men  of  distinguished  abilities  and  patriotism,  and  there 
were  many  officers  and  soldiers  who  had  secured  homes  for  themselves,  as 
cultivators  of  the  soil,  in  the  beautiful  region  round  the  sources  of  the 
Ohio.  In  the  narrative  of  the  events  of  the  insurrection,  although  on  a 
scale  comparatively  limited,  we  have  all  these  classes  of  people  exhibited 
before  us  on  a  moving  panorama.  The  transactions  of  men  furnish  the 
great  lessons  of  history,  whether  they  relate  to  the  events  of  mighty  em 
pires  or  small  communities,  although  from  habit  we  regard  the  latter  of 
less  importance.  There  is  the  peculiarity  of  the  people  of  whom  we  have 
been  speaking,  which  may  be  characterized  as  American,  and  having  its 
origin  in  the  spirit  of  freedom ;  and  it  is  this,  their  conduct,  in  the  ab 
sence  of  all  restraints  or  coercion,  but  only  that  of  their  own  sense  of 
right  and  wrong,  is  strikingly  contrasted  with  that  of  the  ruffian,  ferocious 
mobs  of  enslaved  countries.  We  might  enlarge  upon  this  subject,  but 
we  leave  it  to  the  reflections  of  the  unprejudiced  reader — we  say  unpre 
judiced,  because  there  is  even  at  this  day  an  astonishing  amount  of  pre 
judice  against  the  villainous  insurgents. 

The  restoration  of  order  among  the  great  body  of  the  people,  com 
menced  with  the  known  result  of  the  conference  with  the  commissioners, 
although  the  reign  of  terror,  if  the  term  in  a  comparative  sense  be  ap 
plied,  did  not  cease  at  once.  The  courts  were  opened  by  Judge  Addison, 
the  district  judge,  and  not  the  slightest  resistance  was  shown  to  the  civil 
authority.  Bills  of  indictment  were  found  against  those  who  had  insulted 
the  commissioners,  by  riotously  and  routously  raising  a  liberty  pole  in 
front  of  their  lodgings  in  Pittsburgh,  and  for  breaking  some  of  the  win 
dows  of  their  hotel  in  Greensburg,  acts  highly  disapproved  by  public  opin 
ion.  Any  offender  could  at  this  time  have  been  arrested  and  brought 
before  a  justice  of  the  peace.  This  even  before  the  decisive  vote  in  the 
standing  committee  at  Brownsville — but  after  that  time,  when  a  majority 
of  more  th^  two-thirds  were  in  favor  of  submission,  and  after  the  second 
committee  had  accepted  worse  terms  than  those  granted  to  the  first,  the 
opposition  had  died  away  to  nothing,  or  was  confined  to  a  few  of  that  lowest 
class  of  desperate  characters,  who  were  afraid  that  their  conduct  had  been 
too  bad  to  be  covered  by  any  act  of  oblivion.  The  opposition  among  all 
other  classes  subsided  so  rapidly  and  completely,  that  Sheriff  Hamilton,  of 
Washington  county,  and  a  part  of  whose  regiment,  without  his  consent, 
had  been  engaged  in  burning  Neville's  house,  offered  with  twenty  men 
to  arrest  any  man,  or  set  of  men,  in  the  western  counties,  on  legal  process. 
Great  praise  is  due  to  those  individuals  who  exerted  themselves  to  induce 


252  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

the  people  to  sign  the  submission.  In  this  work  the  clergy  were  conspic 
uous,  and  they  are  never  more  in  the  line  of  their  duty  than  when  coun 
seling  obedience  to  the  laws  and  government.  The  Rev.  John  M'Millan, 
of  Washington  county,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Porjer,  of  Westmoreland  coun 
ty,  very  influential  clergymen,  exerted  themselves  with  their  congregations, 
and  elsewhere,  with  much  effect.  General  Wilkins,  at  the  time  of  the 
insurrection  the  most  popular  man  west  of  the  mountains,  organized  an 
association  for  the  purpose  of  enlightening  and  persuading  the  people 
with  respect  to  their  interests,  and  their  duty  on  the  occasion.  Many 
other  patriotic  individuals  rode  from  district  to  district  for  this  laudable 
purpose.  Mr.  Brackenridge  attended  four  districts  during  the  day,  and 
did  not  reach  home  until  after  midnight.  He  consequently  had  no  op 
portunity  of  signing  until  next  morning.  His  enemies  afterward  attempt 
ed  to  deprive  him  of  the  benefit  of  the  amnesty,  at  least  so  far  as  to  sub 
ject  him  to  arrest,  because  while  engaged  in  persuading  others  to  sign,  his 
own  name  was  not  affixed  until  a  few  hours  after  the  expiration  of  the 
time.  The  discovery  was  made  after  the  arrival  of  the  army,  by  some 
good  natured  friends,  who  wished  to  curry  favor  with  those  who  ruled  the 
hour,  and  would  have  shamefully  abused  their  power  if  they  had  had  their 
will. 

Even  the  violence  displayed  in  a  few  districts  contributed  to  the  reac 
tion  which  had  commenced  throughout  the  country.  This  is  evident 
from  the  numerous  facts  related  by  the  author  of  the  "  Incidents/'  who 
entertained,  however,  a  more  favorable  opinion  of  the  disposition  to  submit 
than  did  Findley,  although  equallj-  confident  that  nothing  but  time  was 
wanting,  at  most  a  short  delay,  to  bring  about  universal  acquiescence. 
This  difference  in  opinion,  I  attribute  to  the  fact  of  the  former  residing 
nearer,  or  rather  in  the  midst  of  the  scenes  described  by  him.  The  courts 
had  been  held  by  Judge  Addison,  at  Pittsburgh,  Greensburg  and  Wash 
ington,  where  he  delivered  charges  on  the  subject  of  the  recent  violations  of 
law,  which  would  not  have  been  attempted  only  two  weeks  be£>re.  War 
rants  had  been  issued  against  Miller  and  others,  who  had  been  engaged  in 
the  riots  but  who  had  already  fled  the  country.  Mr.  Brackenridge  is  of 
opinion  that  no  more  effectual  method  could  have  been  taken  to  satisfy 
the  government  of  the  return  to  order,  than  the  arrest  at  this  time  of 
some  notorious  offender,  and  sending  him  to  Philadelphia.  At  Washing 
ton,  there  was  a  meeting  on  the  17th  of  September,  of  township  delegates, 
for  the  purpose  of  expressing  their  willingness  to  submit.  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge,  who  happened  to  be  there,  proposed  calling  a  meeting  of  the 
original  delegates  to  Parkinson's  Ferry,  whioh  was  agreed  to,  and  he  was 


MEETING  OF  THE  DELEGATES.  253 

requested  to  insert  a  notification  to  that  effect  in  the  Pittsburgh  Gazette, 
which  he  did.*  A  number  of  persons  who  had  not  signed  after  the  day, 
consulted  him  on  the  subject,  and  were  advised  to  continue  to  sign,  as  in 
his  opinion  the  case  would  be  liberally  considered  by  the  President,  where 
there  had  been  no  opportunity  to  sign,  or  forcible  interference  had 
prevented.  In  the  public  notice  all  magistrates  were  requested  to  bring 
in  papers  of  submission,  that  they  might  be  forwarded  to  the  Executive. f 

The  delegates  of  townships  met  on  the  2d  of  October,  the  day  ap 
pointed,  and  without  opposition  passed  the  following  resolutions  : 

"  1.  Resolved,  unanimously,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  if  the 
signature  to  the  submission  be  not  universal,  it  is  not  so  much  owing  to  any  exist 
ing  disposition  to  oppose  the  laws,  as  to  a  want  of  time  and  information  to  operate 
a  correspondent  sentiment ;  and  with  respect  to  the  greatest  number,  a  prevailing 
consciousness  of  their  having  had  no  concern  in  any  outrage,  and  an  idea  that  their 
signature  would  imply  a  sense  of  guilt." 

2.  The  second  resolution  was  an  assurance  of  submission  in  the  very 
words  required  by  the  commissioners  of  the  conferees. 

*  "At  a  meeting  of  a  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Washington  and 
other  counties,  on  the  west  of  the  mountains,  the  present  state  of  the  country,  with 
respect  to  the  late  disturbances,  was  taken  into  consideration;  and  from  comparing 
information  it  appeared  to  them  that  the  country  was  progressing,  if  not  in  fact 
wholly  arrived  at  a  state  of  general  submission  to  the  laws ;  so  as  to  render  it  un 
necessary  for  any  advarce  of  force,  on  the  part  of  the  government,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  assisting  the  civil  authority  in  suppressing  the  insurrection  and  preserving 
the  peace;  and  that  measures  ought  to  be  taken,  as  speedily  as  may  be,  to  com 
municate  information  of  this  favorable  state  of  things  to  the  government. 

"Resolved,  That  a  meeting  of  the  delegates  of  townships  of  the  14th  of  August, 
at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  be  called  to  convene  at  the  same  place,  on  Thursday  next, 
the  2d  of  October,  to  take  the  above  into  consideration.  And  as  it  is  of  great 
moment,  the  delegates  are  requested  to  be  punctual  in  their  attendance,  and  at  an 
early  hour  that  day. 

"And  it  is  recommended  that  all  justices  of  the  peace,  and  members  of  the 
committee,  obtain  and  bring  forward  all  signatures  of  the  declaration  of  submis 
sion  that  may  be  taken,  in  order  to  lay  them  before  the  meeting,  and  forward  to 
the  government,  with  such  address  or  such  commissioners,  on  the  part  of  the 
country,  as  may  be  thought  advisable." 

fDr.  Carnahan  states,  (141)  "All  the  commissioners  had  returned  to  Philadel 
phia,  except  James  Ross,  who  remained  to  carry  the  signatures  to  the  government. 
Two  scoun-drels,  who,  armed  with  rifles,  had  prevented  their  neighbors  from  sign 
ing,  followed  Mr.  Ross  a  day's  journey,  giving  out  when  they  left  home,  that  they 
were  going  to  take  the  papers  from  him ;  but  when  they  overtook  him,  they 
begged  him  to  carry  their  names  to  the  President  as  submissive  citizens.  Brad 
ford  and  Marshall  signed  on  the  day  appointed.  Bradford  made  a  long  speech, 
and  exhorted  the  people  to  submit,  putting  his  own  submission  on  the  ground  that 
he  was  deserted  by  others." 


254  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

3.  The  third  resolution  was  to  appoint  William  Findley  and  David 
Reddick,  on  the  part  of  the  meeting,  as  commissioners  to  the  President, 
and  to  give  this  assurance  of  submission,  and  to  explain  circumstantially 
the  state  of  the  country,  in  order  to  enable  «him  to  judge  whether  an 
armed  force  would  be  necessary  to  support  the  civil  authority  in  the 
western  counties. 

Bradford  and  Marshall  had  attended  the  meeting — but  how  changed 
from  what  they  were  in  the  same  body  less  than  one  month  before  !  The 
former,  particularly,  was  much  crestfallen,  and  had  become  the  most  hum 
ble  in  suing  for  peace.  He  denied  that  he  had  deserted  the  cause — it 
was  the  people  who  had  deserted  him  ! 

If  the  assurances  required  of  the  standing  committee  were  considered 
sufficient  by  the  commissiouers  to  found  the  general  amnesty,  much  more 
the  unanimous  declaration  of  the  whole  body,  of  which  that  committee 
was  a  part !  Here  was  the  unanimity  which  was  required  of  the  committee ; 
here  was  a  viva  voce  confession  of  that  unanimity,  and  without  any  oppo 
sition  !  Why,  then,  was  not  this  deemed  sufficient  to  arrest  the  march  of 
the  army  ?  Without  adopting  the  harsh  opinions  of  Findley,  with  respect 
to  the  supposed  policy  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  or  attributing  too 
much  to  the  misconceptions  occasioned  by  the  erroneous  representations 
of  the  banished  persons,  we  may  be  allowed  to  say,  that  if  these  assurances 
would  have  sufficed  before  the  army  was  ordered  to  march — these,  with 
the  actual  fact  of  the  complete  submission  of  the  whole  country,  ought  to 
have  arrested  the  march  afterward.  While  the  government  agents  care 
fully  collect  and  magnify  every  act  of  irregularity  before  and  after  the 
last  meeting  of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  these  great  and  promi 
nent  evidences  are  carefully  passed  over  in  silence  !  Nothing  is  ever  said 
in  those  histories  which  condemn  the  insurgents,  respecting  the  unani 
mous  vote  of  the  congress  of  the  2d  of  October  !  The  conclusion  is 
irresistible,  that  the  march  of  the  army  was  not  to  put  down  an  insurrec 
tion  which  no  longer  existed— or  military  combinations,  as  it  was  express 
ed,  which  did  not  exist  at  that  time,  and  what  is  more,  never  had  existed. 
Was  it  for  the  sake  of  vengeance  for  the  past,  or  for  the  purpose  of  dis 
playing  the  power  of  the  new  government  to  put  down  insurrection  in 
future  ?  Is  not  such  action  more  in  accordance  with  despotic  power  than 
with  republican  institutions  ?  The  whole  truth  has  not  been  told  so  as  to 
do  justice  to  the  western  people.  A  single  regiment — a  mere  escort  of 
cavalry,  would  have  been  as  effectual  as  the  march  of  fifteen  thousand 
men,  which  might  indeed  have  been  mustered  and  held  in  readiness,  but 
only  moved  when  strong  necessity  called  for  it  ? 

Mr.  Brackenridge,  and  his  colleague  General  Wilkins,  at  first  entertained 


MEETING  OF  THE  SECOND  OF  OCTOBEE.          255 

some  fears  that  the  assurances,  although  representing  the  true  state  of  the 
country,  were,  perhaps,  too  strongly  expressed,  and  therefore  might  pos 
sibly  deceive  the  government ;  but  in  a  very  short  time  their  fears  were 
removed.  Judge  Addison,  who  acted  as  secretary,  declared  himself  per 
fectly  satisfied  as  to  the  three  counties  in  which  he  had  lately  held  his 
courts,  Westmoreland,  Fayette  and  Washington,  and  the  Allegheny  coun 
ty  delegates  vouched  for  the  good  disposition  of  that  county ;  the  others 
were  willing  to  place  confidence  in  the  representation  which  the  persons 
chosen  as  delegates  might  make  to  the  President.  This  was  the  last 
time  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  took  part  in  the  transactions  growing  out  of 
the  insurrection,  excepting  in  his  own  immediate  neighborhood.*  It 
was  not  long  before  he  was  subjected  to  persecutions,  as  the  only  reward 
of  his  important  services,  his  enemies  having  succeeded  in  establishing 
the  most  unjust  impressions  in  the  minds  of  the  government  agents,  which 
like  other  prejudices,  when  once  fairly  rooted,  can  never  be  entirely  erad 
icated.  This  will  appear  in  the  further  progress  of  this  history,  and 
may  well  excite  the  surprise  of  the  reader. 

Previous  to  the  second  assemblage  of  the  congress  of  delegates  at  Park 
inson's  Ferry,  the  following  resolutions  were  passed  at  a  town  meeting  in 
Pittsburgh,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  proscription  of  certain  cit 
izens,  during  the  late  disturbances,  in  which  necessity  and  policy  led  to 
a  temporary  acquiescence  on  the  part  of  the  town,  it  was  unanimously 
resolved,  "  that  the  said  citizens  were  unjustly  expelled,  and  the  said  pro 
scriptions  are  no  longer  regarded  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Pitts 
burgh,  and  that  this  resolution  be  published  for  the  purpose  of  commu- 
nicatin^these  sentiments  to  those  who  were  the  subjects  of  the  said  pro 
scriptions." 

With  the  last  meeting  of  delegates,  the  flame  of  insurrection  was  en 
tirely  extinguished,  and  not  a  spark  remained.  Individuals  who  had 
been  the  most  violent,  became  the  most  submissive.  There  were,  doubt 
less,  many  on  whom  fear  operated  more  than  patriotism,  but  the  result 
was  the  same,  or  even  more  complete.  It  is  very  possible  that  the  effect 

*  "Bradford  nominated  John  Cannon  to  the  chair;  who  took  it.  It  struck 
Judge  Addison  and  others  as  improper,  Col.  Cannon  having  been  the  chairman  of 
a  former  obnoxious  committee  at  Pittsburgh,  and  also  deeply  involved  in  the  late 
outrages ;  and  it  would  be  no  good  symptom  to  the  President,  that  we  had  made 
him  chairman  on  the  occasion.  This  was  hinted  to  Col.  Cannon  himself,  and 
pressed  with  all  possible  delicacy ;  but  Bradford  insisted  on  his  keeping  his  chair, 
and  Cannon  himself  was  tenacious  of  it.  However,  in  making  out  our  report,  we 
kept  his  name  out  of  view,  and  made  no  mention  of  a  chairman  at  all." — Inci 
dents,  vol.  ii.  32. 


256  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

of  calling  out  the  military,  and  the  preparations  of  the  government, 
lent  their  aid ;  but  the  submission  of  the  people  began  before  the  army 
was  embodied,  and  influenced  by  motives  which  would  have  rendered  any 
further  resort  to  it  unnecessary.  It  was  the  majority  declaring  itself  at 
Brownsville,  on  the  2d  of  September,  which  settled  the  question,  and 
not  the  fear  of  military  coercion  !  The  war  fever  was  then  at  its  crisis, 
and  the  prevailing  temper  was  to  set  the  army  at  defiance,  and  in  all 
probability  it  would  have  been  done,  if  the  all-important  discovery  had 
not  been  made,  that  the  warlike  portion  was  in  a  decided  minority.  The 
minority  found  itself  without  support  from  the  people,  and  their  cause 
hopeless.  The  magic  of  majorities  is  well  known  to  our  republican  expe 
rience,  and  is  familiar  to  every  American.  In  this  country  the  majority, 
in  other  words,  public  opinion,  is  the  ruling  power;  and  it  is  as  difficult  to 
contend  against  it,  as  against  royalty,  and  military  force  under  despotisms. 
It  is  one  of  the  imperfections  of  human  contrivances,  that  this  power,  so 
favorable  to  liberty,  may  also  be  brought  to  bear  in  a  despotic  manner,  on 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  individuals. 

In  a  publication  called  "  Olden  Time,"  by  Neville  B.  Craig,  the  author 
of  "  The  History  of  Pittsburgh/'  we  find  a  letter  from  his  father,  Major 
Craig,  to  Neville,  dated  Pittsburgh,  26th  September,  1794 : 

"  The  leaders  of  the  insurrection  are  now  endeavoring  by  a  new  finesse 
to  lull  government  by  a  representation  that  the  country  is  in  a  state  of 
peace  and  submission  to  the  Jaws,  and  that  the  interference  of  an  armed 
force  is  altogether  an  unnecessary  expense,  and  therefore  they  request 
that  the  army  may  not  proceed  any  farther.  I  hope  this  representation 
may  be  treated  with  that  degree  of  contempt  it  so  justly  merits  ^QT  not 
withstanding  a  few  have  taken  the  benefit  of  the  amnesty  offered  by  the 
commissioners,  yet  several  of  them  immediately  after  openly  declared  that 
no  excise  man  shall  exist  in  this  country.  This  you  may  be  assured  is 
the  general  disposition  of  the  people;  indeed  it  is  evident  from  what  we 
daily  hear  and  see,  that  the  weight  of  the  Executive  armament  must  be 
sensibly  felt  in  this  country  before  any  law  of  the  United  States  can  be 
enforced." 

The  foregoing  is  a  sample  of  those  misrepresentations,  chiefly  traceable 
to  the  "Neville  connection,"  by  which  the  government  was  deceived. 
The  reader  who  has  followed  our  narrative,  can  scarcely  suppose  it  possi 
ble  that  there  could  be  such  a  perversion  of  the  truth  ;  but  it  will  not  so 
much  surprise  him,  when  he  considers  that  it  proceeds  from  the  same  per 
son  who  represented  the  citizens  of  Pittsburgh  as  all  insurgents,  except 
ing  a  certain  Thomas  Baird,  a  blacksmith  in  the  employment  of  the 


MAJOR  CRAIG'S  DRAGOONING  LETTER.  257 

Quarter-Master,  and  James  Robinson.*  It  is  only  a  bolder  flight  of  fancy 
to  embrace  the  whole  western  country,  and  all  its  most  patriotic  citizens, 
in  one  compendious  libel.  There  is  scarcely  a  word  of  truth  in  the  letter; 
and  yet  it,  no  doubt,  had  a  pernicious  influence,  when  backed  by  the 
other  members  of  the  Neville  connection,  on  the  spot.  Who  were  those 
leaders  of  the  insurrection  "  endeavoring  by  a  new  finesse  to  lull  the 
government?"  The  insurrection  at  that  time  had  no  leaders,  and  there 
was  nobody  to  be  led.  A  more  false  and  unprincipled  misrepresent 
ation  can  with  difficulty  be  found  in  the  history  of  any  community,  and 
especially  in  the  atrocious  design  to  induce  the  government  to  send  a 
force  to  dragoon  the  people  into  submission,  when  there  was  not  a  show 
of  resistance  any  where ;  and  when  every  patriotic  citizen — every  good 
man  in  the  country,  was  endeavoring  to  prevent  this  calamity  !  It  would 
not  be  stretching  presumption  too  far  to  ascribe  the  most  malignant  mo 
tives  to  such  acts — the  desire  of  revenge  on  the  community  which  held 
the  writer  in  little  respect,  and  of  malice  toward  individuals  against  whom 
he  entertained  a  personal  enmity,  or  who  refused  allegiance  to  the  Neville 
connection,  which  to  the  narrow  mind  of  the  writer  was  almost  as  great  a 
crime  as  that  of  treason  to  the  government !  It  is  scarcely  possible  to  speak 
too  severely  of  one  who  could  write  such  a  letter.  The  Major  was  not  a 
bad  man  in  private  life,  but  ignorant  and  circumscribed  in  his  views,  and 
capable  of  doing  much  more  mischief  than  persons  of  higher  intellect. 
The  "leaders  of  the  insurrection,"  in  his  mind,  were  not  Bradford  and 
Marshall,  but  Gallatin,  Findley  and  Brackenridge,  especially  the  latter, 
whom  he  believed  fcfr  be  the  chief  mover,  and  constantly  engaged  in  dan 
gerous  plots  against  the  government  and  the  "connection,"  at  the  very  mo. 
inent  he  was  doing  everything  in  his  power  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the 
insurrection  by  other  means  than  military  force.  He  was  unceasingly  en 
deavoring  to  fix  on  Mr.  Brackenridgethe  imputation  of  being  the  principal 
leader  of  the  insurgents ;  and  no  doubt  did  much  to  mislead  the  other 
members  of  the  connection,  as  well  as  the  government,  by  his  secret  cor 
respondence.  Brackenridge  had  laughed  at  him — had  made  him  the 
butt  of  ridicule.  The  Major  could  not  afford  it ! 

The  election  for  Congress  took  place  on  the  14th  of  October,  ten   or 

*  James  Robinson  was  not  properly  a  resident  of  Pittsburgh;  he  owned  and 
kept  the  ferry  on  the  other  side  of  the  Allegheny  river,  where  he  was  one  of  the 
earliest  settlers.  Here  the  Franklin  road,  the  great  thoroughfare  to  the  lakes, 
commenced.  His  land  afterward  formed  a  part  of  the  eity  of  Allegheny.  The 
elegant  mansion  of  his  eon,  Gen.  William  Robinson,  now  occupies  the  site  (or  near 
it)  of  the  primitive  log  cabin  in  which  the  General  was  born. 


258  .      WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

fifteen  days  after  the  meeting  of  the  delegates  at  Parkinson's  Ferry.  The 
vote,  as  might  be  expected,  was  unusually  small ;  there  were  four  or  five 
candidates,  (such  as  we  call  at  this  day  volunteers,)  each  relying  on  his 
personal  popularity.  They  had  all  taken  part  against  the  excise  law. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  had  been  the  most  popular,  and  there  was  no  one 
doubted  of  his  election  until  his  speech  at  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting, 
where  he  denounced  the  burning  of  Neville's  house  as  treason,  and  de 
feated  the  vote  to  approve  the  conduct  of  those  who  had  been  engaged 
in  it,  and  who  were  chiefly  from  that  neighborhood.  His  negotiations 
with  the  commissioners,  and  his  effort  in  favor  of  submission  at  Browns 
ville,  it  was  thought,  had  left  him  no  ground  of  popularity  to  stand  upon. 
It  was  reported  that  he  had  withdrawn  his  name  from  the  contest,  and 
this  report  was  industriously  circulated  by  some  of  the  candidates.  Al 
though  entertaining  no  hope  of  success,  he  considered  it  due  to  truth  and 
to  himself  to  contradict  this  report,*  but  this  being  published  only  a  few 
days  before  the  election  took  place,  was  known  only  in  his  own  neighbor 
hood.  It  bears  the  stamp  of  an  honest  mind.  It  appeared  in  the  sequel 
that  if  this  had  been  done  earlier,  he  would  have  been  elected,  notwith 
standing  his  distrust  of  the  sentiments  of  the  voters,  showing  that  many 
expressed  in  public,  opinions  different  from  those  entertained  in  private. 
Mr.  Gallatin  was  taken  up  on  a  short  notice,  and  was  elected.  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  stood  next  to  him  in  number  of  votes,  and  what  was  not  a  little 
significant,  he  received  the  lowest  in  the  neighborhood  which  had  been 
most  active  in  the  riot  at  Neville's,  while  the  favorite  candidate  of 
that  injured  "  connection "  received  the  highest  vot*  there!  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  states  that  Major  Craig  was  particularly  active,  and  freely  used 
the  public  horses  in  bringing  up  votes  to  be  cast  against  him.  The  vote 
of  that  hot-bed  of  the  insurrection,  the  Mingo  Creek  district,  does  not 
prove  that  they  had  been  secretly  and  diabolically  instigated  by  Mr. 
Brackenridge  to  burn  Neville's  house,  as  was  preposterously  alleged  by 
some  of  that  family  ! 

*  "  Citizens  of  the  District  of  Washington  and  Allegheny : — 

"Previous  to  the  late  disturbances,  it  was  proposed  to  me  to  give  my  name  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Congress  of  the  United  States ;  I  accepted  the  compliment.  It 
is  now  circulated  that  I  have  declined  it.  No — considering  the  delicacy  of  the 
times,  I  might  wish  I  had  not  thought  of  it ;  but,  as  it  is,  it  would  imply  fear  of 
submitting  my  conduct  to  investigation,  to  withhold  my  name  from  the  public.  I 
have  therefore  not  done  so.  I  may  at  present  have  less  popularity  than  I  had ; 
but  the  time  will  come  when  I  shall  be  considered  as  having  deserved  well  of  the 
country,  in  all  the  delicate  conjunctures  in  which  I  have  been  placed. 

H.  H.  BRACKENRIDGE." 


THE   ELECTION   TO   CONGRESS.  259 

&J'I  had  no  thought  of  popularity  now/'  touchingly  observes  Mr.  Braek- 
enridge.  His  mind  was  bent  on  more  important  considerations.  Yet 
the  sagacity  or  candor  of  Hildreth,  in  his  pretended  account  of  the  insur 
rection,  could  discover  no  motive  for  the  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge,  but  an  insane  desire  to  be  elected  to  Congress,  as  if  this  was  any 
extraordinary  stretch  of  ambition  in  a  man  of  his  standing  and  talents. 
If  such  was  his  object,  he  took  the  course  to  defeat  it  by  sacrificing  his 
popularity  for  the  good  of  the  people.  Mr.  Purviance — who  was  on  the 
spot,  and  better  able  to  judge  than  Hildreth,  who  wrote  fifty  years  after — 
assigns  a  very  different  motive,  and  the  unprejudiced  reader  may  decide 
between  them  :  "to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  present  violence,  and  obtain 
an  amnesty  for  that  already  committed."  Mr.  Brackenridge,  no  doubt,  had 
ambition,  but  it  was  not  for  office  or  place,  but  for  the  estimation  of  this 
fellow-citizens  for  those  high  qualities  of  integrity,  talents,  and  patriotic 
services,  to  which  he  aspired.  No  man  was  more  sensitive  to  detraction,  or 
more  alive  to  commendation.  He  regarded  a  stain  on  his  reputation  as  a 
wound,  and  even  carried  this  to  a  degree  of  morbid  sensibility.  Hildreth, 
not  satisfied  with  this,  elsewhere  asserts  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  be 
trayed  the  people  for  a  bribe  from  the  United  States  commissioners ;  and 
again,  that  he  was  only  suffered  to  escape  by  turning  State's  evidence 
against  his  accomplices !  It  was  a  very  convenient  thing  for  Neville 
Craig  to  find  such  a  coadjutor  in  his  imputations,  so  inconsistent,  contra 
dictory  and  absurd  !  Dante,  in  his  "  Inferno,"  has  provided  a  particularly 
hot  place  for  those  who  slander  by  insinuation  or  inuendo.  Hildreth 
could  see  no  merit  in  any  one  but  Bradford ;  and  yet  condemns  Bracken 
ridge,  Gallatin  and  Findley,  as  insurgents.  To  be  consistent,  he  ought 
to  have  justified  the  outrages  of  the  insurrection,  which  he  charges  as 
crimes  on  innocent  persons.  Bradford  had  succeeded,  at  this  time,  in  en 
listing  the  Neville  interest  in  his  favor,  but  even  their  efforts  could  not 
save  him.  Their  object,  no  doubt,  was  to  induce  him  to  be  a  State's  evi 
dence  against  Mr.  Brackenridge,  but  it  so  happened  that,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  knife-grinder,  he  had  no  story  to  tell,  with  the  exception  of  some 
contemptuous  expressions  about  Major  Craig !  But  Bradford  took  to 
flight  before  the  approach  of  the  army.*  Hildreth  is  much  puzzled  to 

*  On  the  advance  of  the  army,  a  number  who  had  been  involved,  or  were  not 
within  the  amnesty,  had  absconded.  These,  as  far  as  could  be  ascertained,  were 
denounced  in  a  proclamation  by  General  Lee  of  the  29th  of  November,  1794. 
Among  them  was  Bradford,  who  escaped  by  the  Ohio  with  considerable  difficulty. 
A  small  Kentucky  boat  had  been  prepared,  which  was  to  have  received  him  at 
Grave  Creek ;  but  being  pursued  by  a  man  from  whom  he  had  liberated  a  negro, 


260  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

account  for  the  fact,  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  did  not  take  to  flight  also,  as 
well  as  Bradford ;  it  never  seemed  to  enter  his  mind,  that  conscious  merit 
as  well  as  conscious  innocence,  gave  him  courage  to  stand  his  ground  and 
encounter  the  powerful  assaults  of  his  enemies, 

Dr.  Ferguson,  of  Edinburgh,  in  his  "  Treatise  on  Moral  Science,"  after 
speaking  of  the  conclusion  of  the  **  Incidents,"  as  possessing  singular 
beauty  in  point  of  language,  disapproves  of  the  incentives  to  action  which 
influenced  the  writer,  and  holds  that  men  should  look  only  to  the  approval 
of  the  divine  law  for  their  guide,  without  thinking  of  any  worldly  consid 
eration.  This  is  certainly  true  from  the  pulpit,  and  the  only  doctrine 
proper  to  be  inculcated  thence.  But  with  men  of  the  world  there  may 
be  other  incentives  not  incompatible  with  religion,  and  not  to  be  con 
demned;  such  as  the  love  of  honorable  fame,  and  the  esteem  of  our 
fellow-citizens,  which  exert  so  powerful  an  influence  over  the  warrior, 
the  statesman  and  the  patriot.  The  keen  sense  of  shame  and  disgrace, 
and  the  abhorrence  of  any  base  or  mean  act,  have  a  powerful  effect  on 
such  minds.  The  saint  may  be  above  such  considerations,  and  the  villain 
indifferent  to  them.  We  should  have  much  less  veneration,  even  for  a 
saint,  who  was  indifferent  to  the  good  opinion  of  his  fellow-men,  although 
this  sensibility  may  exist  in  a  morbid  degree.  We  shall  here  insert  the 
passage  from  Mr.  Brackenridge's  u  Incidents  " — a  work  which  has  been, 
for  .the  purpose  of  disparagement,  called  an  apology,  although  the  word 
does  not  mean,  in  its  proper  sense,  an  excuse  for  an  acknowledged  fault, 
but  rather  a  defense  or  vindication,  as  in  the  case  of  "  Barkly's  Apology 
for  Quakerism,"  and  others  of  the  same  kind  : 

•"  I  have  now  finished  the  detail  I  had  in  view.     That  nay  information 

under  the  abolition  law  of  Pennsylvania,  he  was  obliged  to  leave  his  horse  and 
take  a  canoe.  Descending  in  this,  and  passing  Gallipolis,  he  was  pursued  by  a 
party  of  five  men,  despatched  from  Gallipolis  by  D'Abecourt,  the  commandant  of 
the  militia  at  that  place.  He  had  lain  all  night  in  his  canoe  at  Sandy  Creek,  and 
had  got  into  a  coal  boat,  in  the  service  of  the  contractor,  cold  and  hungry,  about 
two  hours  before  the  party  in  pursuit  of  him  came  up.  They  entered  the  boat, 
demanded  Bradford,  and  took  hold  of  -his  arm  to  drag  him  away ;  he  made  no 
resistance,  but  a  lad  from  Washington  county  seized  a  rifle  and  singly  defended 
him,  obliging  the  party  to  relinquish  their  design  and  withdraw.  This  youth  had 
himself  absconded,  under  apprehensions  from  having  painted  the  device  of  a  liberty 
pole.  Bradford  continued  his  course,  pursued  by  Capt.  Jolly  as  far  as  Red  Bank, 
which  he  passed  two  days  before.  He  succeeded  in  gaining  the  Spanish  dominions, 
where  he  was  well  received  by  the  authorities ;  had  lands  granted  him — became  a 
planter,  and  left  considerable  to  his  family.  And  this  man  is  the  subject  of 
Hildreth's  eulogy ! 


ELEGANT    EXTRACT.  261 

may  not  have  been  correct  in  all  cases ;  that  my  memory  may  have  led  me 
into  error;  that  my  imagination  may  have  colored  facts,  is  possible;  but 
that  I  have  deviated  from  the  strictness  of  truth  knowingly,  is  what  I 
will  not  admit.  That  I  have  been  under  the  painful  necessity  of  giving 
touches  which  may  affect  the  feeling  of  some  persons,  is  evident.  But  it 
has  been  with  all  the  delicacy  in  my  power,  consistent  with  doing  justice 
to  myself.  If  I  have  done  them  injustice,  they  have  the  same  means  with 
me  in  their  power — an  appeal  to  the  public.  This  is  the  great  and  respect 
able  tribunal  at  which  I  stand.  For,  though  I  have  not  been  arraigned 
at  the  bar  of  a  court  of  justice,  yet,  from  the  first  moment  of  obloquy 
against  me,  I  have  considered  myself  an  arrested  man,  and  put  upon  my 
country.  From  that  day  the  morning  sun  shone  upon  me  less  bright ; 
the  light  of  night  has  been  more  obscure ;  the  human  countenance  pre 
sented  nothing  but  suspicion.  The  voice  of  man  hurt  me ;  I  almost  hated 
life  itself.  For  who  can  say  that  I  have  pursued  riches  ?  Who  can  say 
that  I  have  been  a  devotee  of  pleasure  ?  Who  can  say  I  do  not  love  hon 
orable  fame?  What  then  have  I,  if  I  lose  the  hope  of  estimation  ?  Was  I 
traitor  to  my  country  ?  Was  I  traitor  to  that  class  of  men  with  whom  I  am 
in  grade  of  education  ?  Would  I  disgrace  the  praise  of  science,  the  advan 
tage  of  an  enlightened  reading  ? — who  are  taught  to  know  that  virtue  is 
glory,  and  benevolence  and  truth,  that  alone  which  can  assimilate  with  the 
Divine  nature.  And  what  greater  deviation  than  to  disturb  the  settled 
order  of  government,  while  that  government  remains  republican?  and 
any  man  who  touches  it  with  any  other  views  than  to  contribute  to  its 
support  and  preservation,  deserves  the  anathema  of  the  people." 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    X. 

FINDLEY  gives  the  following  corapen-  such  thing  was  generally  known  in  the 
dious  view  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  In-  country,  and  its  breaking  out  at  the  time 
surrection,  page  136  :  was  owing  to  accident,  and  circumstances 

"Though  it  may  be  admitted  that  of  a  local  nature.  Inconsistent  and  use- 
there  WPS  a  latent  predisposition  to  vio-  j  less  resistance,  by  shedding  blood  too 
lence  among  a  few  individuals,  who  had  t  abundantly,  which  the  Inspector  was 
been  formerly  attached  to  the  Inspector,  j  more  successful  in  doing,  by  being  pre- 
(Neville,)  and  encouraged  by  him  to  j  pared  in  a  manner  of  which  the  assail- 


oppose  excise  officers  under  the  State, 
and  though  this  was  known  to  himself, 
and  he  was  prepared  for  defense,  yet  no 


ants  were  not  aware,  exciting  a  more  for 
midable  attack,  and  drew  many  into  the 
vortex  of  riot,  who  would  have  been  far 


18 


262 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


from  engaging  in  it,  if  they  had  had  time 
to  deliberate  on  the  consequences.  Num 
bers  thus  involved  in  crimes,  became  des 
perate,  and  endeavored,  by  drawing  oth 
ers  into  the  same  situation,  to  make  a 
common  cause,  and  being  unfortunately 
aided  in  these  mistaken  views  by  Mar 
shall  and  Bradford  and  others,  who 
attempted  to  give  a  more  violent  com 
plexion,  and  greater  magnitude  to  the 
mischief  by  drawing  the  whole  western 
country  into  a  combination  against  the 
excise  laws,  and  for  this  purpose,  con 
triving  the  rendezvous  at  Braddock's 
Field,  and  using  every  means  to  influ 
ence  the  minds  of  the  citizens,  and  to 
overawe  with  terror  those  who  might 


oppose  their  designs,  and  for  this  pur 
pose  magnifying  the  numbers  at  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  and  advertising  that  thou 
sands  had  been  on  their  march  to  join 
them,  frdm  places  where  there  was  not  a 
person  who  knew  of  the  rendezvous.  I  say, 
by  these  mad  exertions,  the  insurrection 
progressed  for  a  few  days,  like  the  par 
oxysm  of  an  inflammatory  fever,  spent  its 
force  in  frequent  and  irregular  convul 
sions,  and  finally  subsided  as  suddenly, 
and  to  many,  as  unexpectedly  as  it  com 
menced  ;  the  most  alarming  symptoms 
were  discovered  at  Braddock's  Field,  and 
the  last  struggle  was  a  feeble  attempt  to 
raise  a  party  a  few  miles  south  of  Greens- 
burg." 


CHAPTER    XI. 

CALLING    OUT    THE    MILITARY   TO    SUPPRESS    THE    INSURRECTION  —  THE    DELEGATION 
TO    THE    PRESIDENT    FROM    THE    WEST. 

WE  have  already  related  the  measures  taken  by  the  Executive  of  the 
United  States,  as  soon  as  information  was  received  of  the  resistance  to 
the  Marshal,  the  destruction'  of  the  office  of  the  Inspector,  and  the  as 
semblage  at  Braddock's  Field.  A  report  was  made  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  who,  not  confining  himself  to  the  occurrences  of  recent 
date,  enumerated  all  the  acts  of  opposition  to  the  excise  laws,  both  of  the 
State  and  general  government,  not  as  exceptional  cases,  but  as  evidence 
of  the  prevailing  temper  throughout  the  whole  country.  The  resolutions 
passed  by  the  primary  meetings  were  also  enumerated  as  being  among 
the  causes  of  the  insurrection,  the  expression  " intemperate"  being  ap 
plied  to  them — and  which,  if  justifiably  applied,  might  in  practice  impair 
the  right  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  an  obnoxious  law,  even  by  constitutional 
means.*  These  resolutions,  as  already  observed,  were  passed  two  years 
before  the  late  outrages;  the  excise  laws  had  been  amended,  so  as  to 
render  them  less  objectionable,  with  the  exception  of  the  ruinous  practice 
of  taking  persons  across  the  mountains  for  trial,  and  even  this  had  been 
provided  against  by  law,  but  of  which  the  people  were  not  fully  informed, 
and  the  writs  issued  under  the  old,  although  the  report  of  the  Secretary 
leaves  |fre  impression  that  they  were  issued  under  the  new.  The  growing 
disposition  to  submit  to  the  law,  the  peaceful  service  of  all  the  writs 
except  the  last,  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  Inspector,  and  the 
sudden  outbreak  which  followed,  which  had  all  the  characteristics  of  a 
common  riot,  without  preconcerted  design  to  resist,  much  less  to  overturn 
the  government — were  passed  over  by  the  Secretary.  On  this  report, 
and  on  no  other  evidence,  except  public  rumor,  (at  least  none  other  was 

*  The  rights  of  citizens  as  to  meetings  and  petitions,  were  not  fully  appreciated 
by  all  in  the  first  days  of  this  government.  On  a  petition  from  Northumberland 
county,  Pennsylvania,  December  30th,  1791,  Mr.  Gerry  said,  "He  thought  the 
petition  improper,  as  it  prays  for  a  repeal  of  the  (excise)  law."  Gales  &  Seaton, 
2d  Cong.,  p.  299. 


264  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

given  to  the  public,)  Judge  Wilson,  a  United  States  Judge,  gave  his 
certificate,  making  a  case  under  the  constitution  and  the  laws  to  authorize 
the  Executive  to  call  out  the  military  force.*  That  such  had  occurred 
in  point  of  fact,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  but  tlje  Judge  has  been  censured 
by  Findley  for  being  too  hasty  in  granting  the  certificate  without  sufficient 
evidence,  or  without  a  careful  investigation  deliberately  made.  Whether 
a  case  had  or  had  not  occurred,  the  certificate  was  granted  in  an  irregular 
manner,  which  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  precedent  in  other  cases. 
There  was  some  opposition  in  the  cabinet  to  the  immediate  resort  to  force; 
Randolph,  Secretary  of  State,  on  one  side,  and  Hamilton  and  Bradford 
(Attorney  General)  on  the  other.  The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  coin 
cided  with  the  Secretary  of  State;  in  consequence  of  this,  and  in  con 
formity  to  the  benign  policy  of  Washington,  the  suggestion  (attributed 
to  Chief  Justice  M'Kean,)  was  adopted  of  sending  commissioners  from 
the  Executive  of  the  Union  and  of  the  State,  to  make  an  effort  to  bring 
the  people  to  submit  by  peaceable  and  friendly  means.  These  were  ap 
pointed,  as  we  have  seen ;  the  issuing  of  the  President's  proclamation, 
and  the  partial  failure  of  the  friendly  mission  have  been  related,  ascribed 
to  the  too  great  haste  in  requiring  the  submission.  The  blame  of  this 
failure  has  been  cast  by  some  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  is 
supposed  to  have  controlled  the  operations  connected  with  the  insurrection, 
and  by  others  attributed  to  the  lateness  of  the  season,  and  the  lawless 
spirit  manifested  in  some  of  the  counties  east  of  the  mountains,  and  in 
Maryland,  doubtless  much  exaggerated.  It  must  be  confessed,  that  at 
such  times  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  judge  correctly  of  the  extent  of 
disaffection  from  the  universal  distrust  which  always  prevails  in  a  state 
of  society  bordering  on  anarchy  or  revolution.  Let  this  serve  as  a  warn 
ing  to  the  well  meaning,  how  they  give  encouragement  to  such  a  state  of 
things,  by  word  or  deed !  I  maintain  the  right  of  the  people  to^remon- 
strate,  in  the  strongest  language,  against  what  they  may  feel  as  oppres 
sive  ;  yet,  for  the  sake  of  a  good  cause,  and  to  avoid  the  exciting  im 
moderate  passion  among  those  who  do  not  reason  with  sufficient  clearness, 

*  "PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  4th,  1794. 

"Sin: — From  the  evidence  which  has  been  laid  before  me,  I  hereby  notify  to 
you  that  in  the  counties  of  Washington  and  Allegheny,  in  Pennsylvania,  laws  of 
the  United  States  are  opposed,  and  the  execution  thereof  obstructed  by  combina 
tions  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings, 
or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the  Marshal  of  that  district. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  highest  consideration  and  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant,  JAMKS  WILSON. 

"The  President  of  the  United  States." 


MEASURES    OF   THE    GOVERNMENT.  265 

these  remonstrances  should  be  guided  by  prudence  and  moderation.  It 
is  a  great  mistake  to  suppose  that  they  will  be  less  effective  on  that 
account.  The  condescension  of  the  Executive  was  unexpected  to  Mr. 
Brackenridge,  who  first  suggested  the  idea  of  an  amnesty  in  the  West; 
his  idea  was  to  send  a  deputation  to  solicit  one  from  the  government. 
His  suggestion,  however,  had  the  effect  of  drawing  the  line  of  distinction 
between  those  wtyo  had  committed  acts  of  violence  and  those  who  had 
stopped  short  of  that  length,  and  was  undoubtedly  the  first  check  to  the 
insurrection,  or  rather  of  preventing  an  outrageous  riot  from  running  into 
that  state. 

In  the  meantime,  in  order  to  be  prepared  for  the  worst,  the  President, 
as  soon  as  he  received  information  of  the  riot  at  Neville's  house,  and  the 
subsequent  assemblage  at  Braddock's  Field,  and  after  the  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  the  certificate  of  the  Judge,  issued  his 
proclamation  of  the  17th  of  August.  On  the  same  day  he  made  a 
requisition  on  the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Maryland  and 
Virginia,  for  twelve  thousand  (afterward  increased  to  fifteen  thousand) 
men,  to  be  immediately  organized  and  held  in  readiness  to  march  at  a 
moment's  warning. 

By  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  President 
"to  see  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,"  and  the  same  duty  is  im 
posed  on  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  By  the  act  of 
Congress  for  calling  out  the  militia,  "to  execute  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  to  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions,  &c.,"  it  is  en 
acted,  "that  whenever  the  laws  of  the  United  States  shall  be  opposed, 
or  the  execution  thereof  obstructed,  in  any  State,  by  combinations  too 
powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings, 
or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the  Marshals  by  that  act,  the  same  being 
notified  ^  the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  an  associate  justice 
or  the  district  judge,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  call  forth  the  militia  of  such  States  to  suppress  such  combina 
tions,  and  cause  the  laws  to  be  duly  executed/'  It  is  also  provided  by  the 
same  act,  that  when  the  militia  of  the  State  where  the  combinations 
exist  shall  refuse  or  be  insufficient  for  the  purpose,  the  President  may 
then  call  on  the  militia  of  the  adjoining  States.  It  thus  appears  that  the 
first  steps  must  be  taken  by  or  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Executive  of 
the  State.  In  the  present  instance,  in  a  conference  between  the  Presi 
dent  and  Governor  Mifflin,  in  order  to  avoid  any  collision  of  authority, 
the  course  adopted  was  settled  between  them.  The  requisitions  on  the 
other  States  met  with  no  obstacles ;  but  the  case  was  different  in  Penn- 


266  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

sylvania.  The  orders  to  the  brigade  inspectors  were  generally  disre 
garded  ;  the  people  declaring  that  although  willing  to  inarch  against  a 
foreign  enemy,  they  would  not  do  so  against  their  own  fellow-citizens  of 
the  West.  The  Governor,  in  order  to  brin^the  militia  to  a  proper  sense 
of  their  duty,  made  a  tour  through  the  most  populous  of  the  eastern 
counties,  and  addressed  the  people  at  public  meetings,  a  course  which 
evidently  produced  a  good  effect  j  at  the  same  time,  a  $ pecial  meeting  of 
the  Legislature  was  convened,  to  authorize  the  calling  out  of  the  militia 
out  of  their  classes — to  procure  substitutes  and  volunteers,  and  to  propose 
bounties  to  others  who  would  engage  in  the  service.  These  measures  had 
the  desired  effect,  at  least  in  procuring  the  requisite  number. 

The  day  after  the  report  of  the  commissioners,  the  President  issued  his 
proclamation  of  the  25th  of  September,  declaring  the  western  counties 
in  a  state  of  insurrection,  and  calling  on  the  militia  force  to  inarch  for  its 
suppression. 

We  cannot  refrain  from  contrasting  the  efforts  made  on  the  part  of  the 
Executive,  on  the  east  side  of  the  mountains,  to  march  an  army  to  put 
down,  by  force,  a  resistance  to  the  laws,  with  similar  efforts  made  on  the 
western  side,  at  the  very  same  time,  by  the  well  disposed  among  the 
people,  to  bring  about  a  voluntary  submission.  The  committee  of  twelve 
from  the  Parkinson  meeting  had  unanimously  accepted  the  terms  of  the 
commissioners ;  the  committee  at  Brownsville  had  accepted  them  by  a 
vote  of  two-thirds ;  and  this  was  so  rapidly  followed  by  the  subsiding  of 
the  opposition,  that  only  two  weeks  afterward  the  original  congress  of 
delegates  met  at  Parkinson's  Ferry  and  unanimously  resolved  to  accept 
the  terms  !  The  entire  and  complete  cessation  of  all  opposition  to  the 
government,  which  has  been  related,  forms  a  very  singular  contrast  with 
the  mighty  preparations  going  on  at  the  very  same  moment  to  subdue  a 
people,  whose  only  passion  now  was  fear  and  alarm  at  the  tj^eatened 
vengeance  of  the  government,  on  account  of  the  past !  Here  is  a  most 
striking  proof  of  the  want  of  information  of  the  country  west  of  the 
mountains ;  for  certainly  the  government  could  not  have  been  correctly 
informed,  when  it  continued  to  speak  of  "lawless  combinations,"  and  of 
the  "  disposition  of  the  insurgents,"  as  if  they  were  permanently  embodied 
and  arrayed  in  arms  against  the  government ;  instead  of  which,  at  this 
time,  a  single  unarmed  individual  might  have  traversed  any  portion  of  the 
western  counties,  and  with  a  slip  of  paper  have  arrested  "  Tom  the  Tink 
er"  himself,  if  to  be  found,  without  meeting  the  slightest  resistance  • 
The  circumstance  affords,  at  least,  a  very  strong  reason  in  favor  of  turn 
pikes,  rail  roads  and  telegraphs,  and  other  rapid  means  of  communication. 


CALLING    OUT   THE   MILITIA.  267 

The  troops  from  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  were  ordered  to  march  to 
Carlisle  previous  to  proceeding  to  Bedford ;  and  those  from  Maryland  and 
Virginia  were  to  rendezvous  at  Cumberland,  on  the  Potomac.  The  com 
mand  of  the  whole  was  given  to  General  Lee,  then  Governor  of  Virginia. 
These  different  corps,  drawn  freshly  from  the  people,  were  composed  of 
very  different  materials ;  the  greater  part  without  discipline,  and,  of 
course,  under  very  imperfect  subordination.  A  large  portion  of  those 
from  Philadelphia  and  the  adjacent  county  were  hired  substitutes,  the 
very  worst  kind  of  military  .mercenaries,  actuated  by  no  higher  motive 
than  the  expectation  of  plunder,  and  the  bounty  and  pay  held  out  as  in 
ducements.  The  militia  generally,  who  served  in  their  classes,  were  actu 
ated  by  better  feelings,  and  restrained  by  worthy  motives.  The  Jersey 
volunteers  and  militia  are  spoken  of  more  favorably }  they  were  under  the 
command  of  Governor  Howell,  while  the  Pennsylvania  troops  were  com 
manded  by  Generals  Irvine  and  Chambers.  Those  of  Maryland  were 
under  General  Smith,  and  the  Virginia  troops  under  General  Morgan. 

The  Pennsylvania  and  Jersey  troops,  notwithstanding  the  better  dispo 
sition  of  the  latter,  soon  manifested  the  most  violent  feelings  of  hatred 
to  the  insurgents,  and  talked  familiarly  of  killing  and  hanging  them,  as 
if  they  were  all  pirates  and  cut-throats.  They  seemed  to  think  that  they 
were  called  out  to  take  a  signal  vengeance  on  all  such  monsters  in  human 
shape,  and  were  against  every  man,  woman  and  child  west  of  the  moun 
tains  !  The  inflamed  state  of  their  minds  had,  in  part,  been  produced 
by  the  exaggerated  representations  of  the  recruiting  service,  as  well  as 
by  the  activity  of  some  of  the  exiles,  who  had  personal  resentments  to 
gratify.  "  One  individual/'  says  Findley,  "  who  had  distinguished  him 
self  by  his  industry  and  address,  was  to  be  skewered,  shot,  or  hanged  on 
the  first  tree/'  The  individual  here  referred  to  was  Mr.  Brackenridge, 
who  was  industriously  represented  as  at  the  bottom  of  the  insurrection, 
and  the  prime  mover  of  it.  The  Jersey  men,  especially,  were  offended  at 
some  touches  of  ridicule  in  the  absurd  production  attributed  to  him, 
which  has  been  already  noticed.*  This  exasperation  was  not  only  di- 

*  Findley  says:  "The  publication  already  mentioned,  and  by  one  who  was  a 
friend  of  the  goTernment,  wrote  in  the  character  and  manner  of  an  insurgent,  on 
purpose  to  excite  the  militia  of  New  Jersey  and  the  lower  counties  of  Pennsylvania, 
had  an  incredible  effect  in  inflaming  the  citizens  of  these  States,  and  others;  par 
ticularly  the  following  words  in  it:  'Brothers,  you  must  not  think  to  frighten  us 
with  fine  arranged  bits  of  infantry,  cavalry  and  artillery,  composed  of  your  water 
melon  armies,  taken  from  the  Jersey  shores.  They  would  cut  a  much  better  figure 
in  warring  with  crabs  and  oysters  about  the  banks  of  the  Delaware.  It  is  a  com 
mon  thing  for  Indians  to  fight  your  best  armies,  in  the  proportion  of  one  to  five ; 


268  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

rected  against  the  western  people,  but  even  against  those  among  them 
selves  who  contended  that  the  military  should  be  subordinate  to  the  civil 
authority,  or  hinted  that  those  who  killed  citizens  in  cold  blood,  would 
be  answerable  for  murder !  In  short,  the  temper  and  composition  of  this 
body  of  men,  without  the  discipline  of  regular  troops,  or  the  proper  sense 
of  duty  as  citizens,  were  badly  suited  to  aid  the  civil  magistrate  in  the 
execution  of  the  laws.  A  very  large  proportion  of  the  recruits,  especially 
the  hired  substitutes,  were  greater  ruffians  than  the  worst  of  those  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  insurrection.  Two  men  were  assassinated  by  them  ; 
one  on  the  road  near  Lebanon,  and  the  other  near  Carlisle.  The  first  by 
the  New  Jersey  troops,  on  some  slight  provocation  •  the  other  by  a  light- 
horseman  of  Philadelphia,  who  went  into  the  country  to  seize  some  per 
sons  suspected  of  assisting  to  raise  a  liberty  pole !  The  latter  was  a  sick 
boy,  who  was  flying  from  the  guardians  of  the  law,  and  shot,  as  it  is  said, 
accidentally !  Here  was  an  earnest  of  what  might  be  expected  in  the 
West,  when  such  acts  were  committed  where  there  was  no  insurrection, 
and  the  laws  were  in  force.  The  presence  of  Washington  was  never  more 
necessary ;  he  soon  after  arrived,  when  he  took  decided  measures  to  pre 
vent  such  acts  in  future,  at  the  same  time  establishing  subordination 
among  the  troops.  No  complaints  were  made  after  this,  until  he  left 
them  at  Bedford. 

Before  the  march  to  Bedford,  the  delegates,  Findley  and  Reddick,  had 
arrived,  and  obtained  an  interview  with  the  President  at  Carlisle,  then 
the  head-quarters.  They  found  the  army  violently  hostile  to  them,  as 
the  supposed  messengers  of  peace,  insomuch  as  even  to  give  rise  to  per 
sonal  apprehension.  They  even  dared  to  speak  disparagingly  of  the 
President  himself,  for  showing  civility  to  rascally  insurgents  or  rebels, 
instead  of  hanging  without  ceremony  or  shooting  them  as  the  only  favor 
they  deserved.  They  were,  notwithstanding,  kindly  received  by  him. 
The  President  listened  respectfully  to  their  representations.  They  in 
formed  him  that  since  the  report  of  the  commissioners  all  opposition  or 
appearance  of  opposition  had  ceased ;  and,  moreover,  that  the  original 
delegates  at  Parkinson's  Ferry  (in  which  opposition  had  existed  on  the 
first  arrival  of  the  commissioners,)  had  recently  re-assembled,  and  had 
unanimously  adopted  resolutions,  as  the  representatives  of  the  whole 

therefore,  we  would  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  attack  this  army  at  the  rate  of  one 
to  ten.'  This  dialogue  having  been  ascribed  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  on  account  of  a 
faint  imitation  of  his  style,  together  with  his  letter  to  Tench  Cox,  written  at  a 
time  when  there  was  danger  of  letters  being  intercepted,  occasioned  a  very  high 
degree  of  resentment." 


"VEf 


CONFERENCE   WITH  WASHINGTON.  269 


population  of  the  western  counties,  going  even  farther  than  those  sub 
mitted  to  the  standing  committee  at  Brownsville.  That  the  delegates  had 
been  appointed  to  lay  these  before  the  President.  They  further  assured 
him  that  the  sentiments  of  the  people  were  entirely  in  accordance  with 
those  of  the  late  meeting ;  that  the  riotous  indications  had  subsided  as 
rapidly  as  they  had  arisen ;  that  the  courts  of  justice  were  in  full  opera 
tion,  and  that  not  a  single  individual  could  be  found  in  opposition  to  the 
execution  of  the  laws.  They,  therefore,  besought  him  to  countermand 
the  march  of  the  army — or  if  it  should  march,  that  he  would  accompany 
it  in  person,  as  the  people  were  now  alarmed  at  the  excesses  it  might 
commit,  especially  as  they  had  heard  unfavorable  reports  of  its  disposi 
tion  toward  them,  no  doubt  exaggerated — as  the  accounts  from  the  West 
had  been  at  the  East.  They  also  stated  that  they  had  learned  with  sur 
prise,  that  many  of  the  most  meritorious  citizens  who  had  exerted  them- 
selveiLto  restore  order  and  to  quell  the  disturbances,  had  been  denounced 
as  the  principal  movers  of  the  insurrection.* 

The  President,  in  answer,  expatiated  at  length  on  the  evils  occasioned 
by  the  insurrection,  and  the  injury  done  to  the  cause  of  liberty  and  free 
government  throughout  the  world.  The  outrages  committed  against  the 

*  It  will  appear,  from  the  following  extract  from  the  "  Incidents,"  that  the  re 
mark  of  the  commissioners  to  the  President,  at  least  of  Mr.  Reddick,  had  a  partic 
ular  reference  to  Mr.  Brackenridge  : 

"  I  had  more  reason  to  be  apprehensive  than  I  was  aware.  A  few  days  after  the 
return  of  the  commissioners  from  the  President,  Mr.  Reddick  called  upon  me,  and 
with  great  appearance  of  solicitude,  gave  me  to  understand  the  unfavorable  point 
of  view  ia  which  I  stood  with  the  army,  and  of  the  great  personal  danger  I  had  to 
apprehend,  from  the  threats  against  me.  That  having  occasionally  mentioned  my 
name  to  the  President,  as  not  being  concerned  in  the  insurrection,  he  was  silent. 
But  those  about  him  appeared  to  have  strong  prejudices.  This  brought  to  my 
mind  an  expression  I  had  seen  in  the  address  of  the  President  at  Carlisle,  exhort 
ing,  among  other  things,  'to  detect  intriguers.'  Thought  I,  that  savors  a  little  of 
chevalier  Neville ;  he  knows  that  I  cannot  be  charged  with  any  overt  act,  and  may 
have  insinuated  there,  as  he  has  done  here,  that  I  have  intrigued  against  the  gov 
ernment.  The  fact  is,  the  intriguers  here  were  all  on  the  side  of  the  government; 
there  was  nothing  but  open  force  against  it." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  cruel  and  ungenerous  prejudice  was  created  by 
the  exiles,  and  especially  by  the  Nevilles,  toward  Mr.  Brackenridge,  against  whom 
the  elder  Neville,  Kirkpatrick  and  Craig  entertained  a  personal  enmity.  The  only 
intrigues  were  those  employed  by  the  friends  of  the  government,  to  persuade  the 
people  to  cease  their  open  violence  and  submit  to  the  laws,  in  the  hope  of  obtain 
ing  an  amnesty  for  the  acts  rashly  committed.  If  there  be  guilt  in  such  intrigues, 
we  must  strike  out  from  the  Good  Book  the  words,  "  Blessed  are  the  peace-makers." 


270  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

government,  had  agitated  the  United  States  from  one  side  to  the  other 
like  an  electric  shock,  and  disposed  them  very  generally  to  turn  out  in 
support  of  the  violated  laws.  He  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  army,  then 
at  the  place  of  rendezvous  or  on  their  marclj,  and  of  the  alacrity  with 
which  they  had  turned  out ;  he  said,  that  it  had  even  been  found  neces 
sary  to  send  expresses  to  prevent  too  great  a  number  from  marching, 
especially  from  New  Jersey.  He  lamented  the  sacrifices  that  the  farmer 
and  merchant  were  under  the  necessity  of  making,  and  the  great  expense 
that  would  be  incurred  by  the  government  by  the  expedition.  He  ex 
pressed  his  astonishment  that  the  people  were  so  blind  to  their  own 
interests,  as  not  to  have  prevented  the  necessity  of  it  by  giving  to  the 
commissioners  such  assurances  of  their  submission  to  the  laws  as  would 
have  sheltered  them  from  punishment,  and  secured  the  restoration  of 
order,  and  that  we  and  other  well  disposed  citizens  had  not  been  more 
successful  in  persuading  them  to  take  that  salutary  course.  He  con 
cluded  his  observations  on  this  subject  by  giving  his  opinion,  thar  the 
resolutions  which  they  presented  were  not  sufficiently  unequivocal  to 
justify  him  in  dismissing  the  army,  now  when  they  were  rendezvoused, 
and  the  greatest  proportion  of  the  expenses  incurred,  and  the  sacrifices 
of  the  farmer  and  merchant  already  made  by  engaging  in  the  expedition. 
He  did  not  mention,  however,  in  what  respect  the  assurances  were  in 
sufficient  or  equivocal.  He  further  observed,  that  the  objects  to  be 
attained  by  the  expedition,  were  the  unequivocal  assurances  of  submis 
sion  to  the  laws,  and  protection  to  the  officers  of  the  revenup  for  the 
future ;  and  the  good  disposition  of  the  government,  expressed  by  the 
commissioners,  being  rejected,  rendering  the  march  of  the  troops  neces 
sary,  some  " atonements"  would  be  required  for  the  infractions  of  the 
laws.*  Observing  that  the  resolutions  referred  to  the  delegates  for  further 
information,  he  invited  them  to  proceed  to  give  him  that  information. 

*  This  expression,  "some  atonements,"  is  remarkable,  coming  from  Washington  ! 
(See  Findley's  account  of  the  conference,  in  his  History,  p.  170.)  What  atonement 
could  there  be,  except  the  legal  punishment  of  the  guilty?  The  great  question 
was,  whether  this  could  be  effected  without  marching  an  army  of  fifteen  thousand 
men  ?  Was  this  atonement  to  be  exacted  of  the  whole  country,  in  its  aggregate 
character,  the  innocent  included  with  the  guilty?  "Atonement!"  It  is  an  ill- 
omened  expression,  reminding  one  of  Asiatic  notions  of  justice,  of  visiting  on  the 
innocent  the  sins  of  the  guilty — a  life  for  a  life,  instead  of  the  more  enlightened 
practice  which  repudiates  retaliatory,  or  vicarious  suffering,  and  makes  each  one 
answerable  only  for  his  own  acts,  not  as  compensation,  but  punishment.  This  does 
not  seem  to  accord  with  modern  enlightened  notions  of  justice.  It  is  painful  to 
find  such  sentiments  attributed  to  Washington;  they  look  more  like  the  policy  of 


CONFERENCE   WITH  WASHINGTON.  271 

The  delegates  stated  in  reply,  that  the  resolutions  of  which  they  were 
the  bearers,  were  in  the  exact  terms  required  by  the  commissioners,  that 
they  .were  adopted  without  a  dissenting  voice ;  that  they  went  even  beyond 
what  had  been  required,  in  the  submission  to  the  laws,  and  that  they  were 
now  universally  approved  by  the  people.  All  that  had  been  wanting,  was  a 
little  longer  time  to  give  the  proper  information  to  the  people,  scattered  over 
so  large  a  space ;  it  was  impossible,  on  account  of  the  brief  period  allow 
ed,  that  they  could  become  fully  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  sub 
mission.  In  a  few  districts,  the  signing  had  been  prevented  by  some 
violent  men ;  and  others  who  had  refused,  did  so  from  conscientious,  or 
mistaken  notions,  but  when  better  informed,  had  requested  permission  to 
do  so,  almost  with  tears.  The  allowance  of  but  one  day,  throughout  the 
whole  of  a  country  of  such  great  extent,  was  entirely  too  short  a  time 
for  the  purpose.  The  delegates  then  proceeded  to  give  a  brief  outline  of 
the  beginning  and  progress  of  the  insurrection,  observing  that  great  al 
lowance  should  be  made  for  exaggeration  by  the  time  the  accounts  of  it 
had  crossed  the  mountains ;  just  as  at  this  moment,  the  hostile  temper 
and  violence  of  the  army  were  exaggerated  at  the  West. 

The  insurrection,  (they  proceeded  to  say,)  as  it  has  been  called,  but  in 
reality  only  a  riot,  it  is  true,  of  an  aggravated  nature,  was  a  sudden,  un 
premeditated  act,  confined  to  a  small  district,  in  the  immediate  neighbor 
hood  of  the  Inspector,  at  a  period  of  the  year,  the  harvest  time,  when 
the  people  of  the  country  were  more  easily  assembled,  and  more  excitable 
•than  usuafc  Perhaps  not  a  tenth  part  of  the  population  had  any  know-' 
ledgf  of  the  unlawful  acts,  until  after  they  were  committed  ;  and  of  course 

Hamilton,  whose  party  views,  bordering  a  little  on  monarchy,  were  then  prominent. 
The  great  dread  of  Hamilton  as  to  the  permanence  of  the  new  government  estab 
lished  by  the  constitution,  was  from  anarchy;  hence  he  conceived  the  necessity  of 
proving  to  the  world,  that  it  had  sufficient  innate  moral  and  physical  power  to  sus 
tain  itself,  independently  of  the  support  of  the  people.  If  the  government  could 
thus  sustain  itself  even  in  the  gristle,  it  could  certainly  do  so  when  time  had  given 
it  firmness  and  consistency.  It  is  difficult  to  shake  off  the  veneration  for  great 
names,  and  the  sentiments  emanating  from  them;  but  it  is  the  duty  of  the  historian 
to  do  so,  in  weighing  their  just  claims  to  respect.  The  truth  is,  it  was  difficult,  if 
not  impossible,  to  prevent  the  army  from  marching,  being  once  under  way ;  and 
this  disposition  was  far  from  being  diminished  by  the  belief  that  they  were  not 
likely  to  meet  with  opportunities  to  signalize  their  valor !  If  the  passes  of  the 
mountains  had  been  seized  by  a  few  thousand  riflemen,  this  valor  might  not  have 
been  so  conspicuous.  On  the  approach  of  the  army  to  Bedford,  all  those  who  had 
not  signed  the  submission  fled  the  country.  It  is  said  by  Mr.  iJrackenridge,  that 
more  than  two  thousand  riflemen  of  the  western  counties  left  their  homes ;  some 
retired  to  the  wilderness,  others  descended  the  river. 


272  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

could  have  had  no  previous  concert  with  the  rioters,  nor  was  it  in  their 
power  to  take  any  measures  to  compel  them.  Even  among  those  who  were 
at  the  destruction  of  Neville's  house,  there  was  a  large  proportion  of  patri 
otic  citizens,  who  attended  with  a  view  of  restraining  the  multitude,  as 
far  as  possible,  and  many  were  compelled,  by  threats,  to  accompany  them. 
With  respect  to  the  assemblage  at  Braddock's  Field,  although  in  appear 
ance  alarming,  yet  when  its  character  is  considered,  it  should  rather  be 
viewed,  as  far  as  relates  to  the  people,  as  a  mere  freak  of  folly  and  igno 
rance,  with  no  common  design,  or  fixed  determination  against  the  govern 
ment.  They  had  been  called  out  by  some  presumptuous  and  shortsighted 
individuals,  by  issuing  a  circular,  as  if  for  a  regular  review  of  the  mili 
tia,  at  their  usual  place  of  rendezvous.  The  greater  part  did  not  know 
for  what  purpose  they  were  assembled,  further  than  it  was  something  con 
nected  with  the  excise  laws,  which  were,  and  still  are,  generally  unpopu 
lar  j  but  not  a  single  act,  or  a  single  expression,  showed  any  hostility  to 
the  government.  Many  of  the  militia  officers  accompanied  their  com 
mands,  as  also  many  patriotic  individuals  and  civil  magistrates,  with  the 
sole  view  of  preventing  mischief,  and  prevailing  on  them  to  disperse, 
which  they  did,  after  an  idle  display  during  only  one  day.  The  riots  at 
the  house  of  Wells,  and  that  at  Webster's,  were  alsq  the  acts  of  a  small 
portion  of  the  worst  of  the  population,  most  of  them  having  little  stake 
or  interest,  and  in  proportion  the  most  violent  and  clamorous.  With 
very  few  exceptions,  these  acts  were  all  disapproved  by  the  more  orderly 
and  respectable  part  of  the  community,  who  have  been  activ<§  from  the 
commencement  of  these  unfortunate  acts,  in  resorting  to  every  meats  in 
their  power  to  restore  order,  and  bring  the  people  to  a  proper  sense  of 
their  duty  to  the  government  and  themselves. 

The  meeting  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  it  was  hoped  by  those  who  proposed 
it,  would  be  the  means  of  restoring  order ;  but  unfortunately  it  was  found 
that  in  the  election  of  delegates,  too  large  a  number  of  the  ill-disposed 
had  been  sent ;  yet,  in  spite  of  this,  the  resolutions  passed  by  them,  and 
the  appointment  of  a  sub-committee  to  meet  at  Brownsville,  and  a  com 
mittee  of  conference,  showed  a  disposition  to  submit  on  reasonable  terms. 
In  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  conference,  that  committee, 
without  hesitation,  acceded  to  the  terms  of  the  commissioners  on 
the  part  of  the  government,  and  afterward,  with  the  exception  of  one 
individual,  made  every  effort  to  prevail  on  the  sub-committee  at  Browns 
ville  to  submit.  The  delegates  here  assured  the  President  that  they 
sincerely  regretted  that  the  acceptance  had  not  been  unanimous,  and 
in  this  feeling,  almost  every  man  in  the  West  of  respectability,  property 


STATEMENT  "OF   THE    DELEGATES.  273 

or  intelligence,  fully  participated.  They  regretted  still  more  the  reluc 
tance  shown  by  the  people,  in  signing  the  submission ;  yet,  without  the 
explanation  which  they  proposed  to  give,  it  was  natural  to  ascribe  this 
conduct  to  other  than  the  real  motives. 

In  some  of  the  township  meetings,  a  few  lawless  persons,  by  threats 
and  violence,  prevented  the  well  meaning  from  signing  the  paper.  But 
this  was  confined  to  the  most  obstinate  and  ignorant  class — a  class  to  be 
found  in  all  countries.  These  persons  took  advantage  of  the  present  state 
of  disorder  to  gratify  their  envy  and  hatred,  but  on  the  first  return  of 
society  to  a  settled  condition  they  would  fall  back  into  their  primitive  in 
significance.  Their  threats  of  burning  property,  of  acts  of  personal  vio 
lence,  although  alarming,  were  not  carried  into  execution  on  that  occa 
sion.  These  were  not  the  people  to  give  trouble  in  settled  times.  They 
assured  the  President,  that  except  in  the  neighborhoods  of  the  riots,  very 
few  of  those  who  opposed  the  signing  had  been  guilty  of  any  other  acts 
of  outrage.  In  other  places,  those  who  declined  signing,  did  so  from  con 
scientious  objections,  where  they  were  able  to  attend  the  places  of  meet 
ing,  which  many,  from  various  causes,  could  not  on  the  same  day,  as  they 
could  have  done,  if  several  days  in  succession  had  been  appointed.  Many 
believed  that  in  signing  they  would  agree  to  renounce  their  right  to  make 
a  legal  opposition  to  a  law  universally  unpopular.  Many,  feeling  them 
selves  entirely  innocent  of  any  act,  or  even  intention  to  violate  the  laws, 
refused  to  sign  from  the  most  honorable,  though  mistaken  motives;  but 
when  afterward  better  informed  on  the  subject  by  the  suggestions  of  the 
intelligent,  and  by  their  own  reflections,  would  willingly  have  signed  if 
an  opportunity  had  been  presented.  On  this  principle  the  whole  county 
of  Fayette  had  declined  signing  the  submission ;  but  by  a  general  vote, 
had,  by  a  large  majority,  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  it.  In  that 
county  no  acts  of  opposition  to  the  laws  had  occurred  :  the  same  remark 
would  apply  to  a  considerable  part  of  Westmoreland,  and  the  remote  dis 
tricts  of  the  frontier,  which  had  taken  no  part,  and  in  fact  were  little 
acquainted  with  the  occurrences.  But  since  the  day  appointed  for  the 
signing,  in  no  county  was  there  a  more  rapid  change  in  the  sentiments  of 
people.  The  most  prominent  movers,  or  leaders,  had  signed  the  submis 
sion,  and  left  those  who  were  still  inclined  to  violence,  to  shift  for  them 
selves.  Others  of  the  more  conspicuous  would  avail  themselves  of  the 
first  opportunity,  on  the  approach  of  the  army,  to  make  their  escape  from 
the  country.  From  this  circumstance,  if  the  President  meant  by  his  ex 
pressions  that  an  atonement  must  be  made  to  the  government,  by  the 
bringing  to  punishment  the  leaders  of  the  riots  by  arrest,  and  judicial 


274  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

trial,  then  they  would  be  already  beyond  its  reach.  The  conduct  of  these 
leaders  had  opened  the  eyes  of  the  common  people,  who  now  found  them 
selves  deceived,  and  now  willingly  listened  to  the  representations  of  their 
more  honest  and  intelligent  friends.  The  feding  of  submission  had  be 
come  universal,  of  which  no  stronger  proof  could  be  given  than  the  re 
sult  of  the  meeting  of  the  original  delegates  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  who 
had  now  sent  them  on  their  friendly  errand  to  the  President.  They,  at 
the  same  time,  took  occasion  to  express  their  sense  of  the  enlightened 
and  humane  course  pursued  by  him,  and  the  kind  and  indulgent  manner 
in  which  their  representations  had  been  received  on  this  occasion. 

The  President,  in  reply,  assured  the  delegates  that  it  would  have  been 
his  wish  to  have  authorized  the  commissioners  to  have  given  the  people 
sufficient  time  for  the  agitation  to  subside,  and  be  informed  of  the  terms, 
and  to  deliberate  on  them,  without  ordering  the  militia  to  be  in  readiness 
for  marching,  if  time  and  other  circumstances  would  have  permitted ;  but 
that  the  time  the  insurrection  commenced  was  not  of  his  choosing,  and  was 
too  near  the  winter  to  enable  him  to  afford  the  time  he  wished  to  have  given  j 
and  that  the  flame  having  caught  in  Maryland,  and  symptoms  of  it  having 
been  discovered  in  some  other  places  in  Pennsylvania,  rendered  it  improper 
to  delay  the  expedition  till  the  spring,  lest  the  flame  should  spread  farther. 
He  said  there  were  some  disorderly  corps  in  the  army — that  some  disor 
ders  had  been  committed  on  the  march  to  Carlisle — that  two  men  had 
been  actually  killed ;  he  described,  circumstantially,  the  manner  in  which 
they  were  killed,  and  said,  that  though  from  the  information  he  had  re 
ceived  neither  case  appeared  to  have  been  murder,  yet  he  had  given  up 
the  authors  of  both  these  offenses  to  the  laws  of  our  own  State,  and 
would  do  so  in  every  instance  where  the  laws  required  that  this  should  be 
done ;  and  he  assured  the  delegates  that  he  would  provide,  by  dispersing 
the  disorderly  corps  among  better  troops,  or  otherwise,  that  they  should 
be  kept  in  strict  subordination  ;  that  in  every  instance  where  infractions 
were  made  on  the  laws  by  any  of  the  army,  they  should  be  subjected  to 
punishment.  He  further  gave  assurances  that  the  army  should  not  con 
sider  themselves  as  judges,  or  executioners  of  the  laws;  but  as  employed 
to  support  the  proper  authorities  in  the  execution  of  them.  That  he  had 
been  obliged  to  leave  Virginia,  before  he  had  transacted  some  necessary 
business,  to  come  in  haste  to  Philadelphia  on  account  of  the  insurrection, 
and  that  he  had  left  Philadelphia,  where  he  knew  his  presence  was  neces 
sary  to  prepare  for  the  meeting  of  Congress,  in  order  to  come  to  the  army; 
that  he  mixed  and  conversed  daily  with  the  officers,  and  that  his  great 
object  in  all  this  was  to  impress  the  army  with  a  proper  sense  of  the  im- 


WISE   DEPORTMENT   OP  WASHINGTON.  275 

portance  of  submitting  to  the  laws ;  and  that  unless  they  did  so,  the  last 
resort  of  a  republican  government  would  be  defeated.  He  added,  that  he 
would  go  to  the  Maryland  brigade,  then  rendezvoused  at  Williamsport, 
and  from  thence  to  the  Virginia  troops,  at  Fort  Cumberland,  and  return 
by  Bedford,  where  the  troops  now  on  their  march  from  Carlisle  would  en 
camp  for  some  time;  and  that  his  great  object  would  be  to  impress  on 
the  army  in  those  different  places,  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of  its  subordi 
nation  to  the  laws. 

With  respect  to  the  expense,  &c.,  of  the  expedition,  he  said  there 
might  some  good  grow  out  of  it  to  console,  if  not  compensate  the  West. 
That  though  we  had  made  a  republican  form  of  government  and  enacted 
laws  under  it,  yet  we  have  given  no  testimony  to  the  world  of  being  able 
or  willing  to  support  our  government  and  laws ;  that  this  being  the  first 
instance  of  the  kind  since  the  commencement  of  the  government,  he 
thought  it  his  duty  to  bring  such  force  as  would  not  only  be  sufficient  to 
subdue  the  insurgents,  if  they  made  resistance,  but  to  crush  to  atoms  any 
opposition  that  might  arise  in  any  other  corner ;  that  this  would  operate 
in  favor  of  humanity,  by  effectually  discouraging  any  that  might  be  other 
wise  so  disposed,  from  provoking  bloodshed;  and  that  in  the  result  it 
might  teach  the  citizens  to  be  more  cautious  of  writing  or  speaking  in 
such  a  manner  of  the  measures  of  government  as  might  have- a  tendency  to 
inflame  the  citizens;  and  would  also  convince  other  nations  that  we  could 
defend  ourselves.  He  said  that  the  questions  asked  by  the  delegates  with 
respect  to  further  assurances,  would  require  some  time  for  consideration ; 
and  appointed  five  o'clock  in  the  evening  for  further  conference. 

Although  there  is  much  to  admire,  and  little  to  complain  of  by  the 
most  fastidious,  in  these  observations  of  Washington,  yet  we  cannot  but 
regret  the  expression  of  a  sentiment  in  the  last  sentence,  which  seems  to 
narrow  the  freedom  of  speaking  and  writing  of  public  measures.  The  pro 
gress  of  public  opinion  since  that  day  has  placed  this  matter  on  a  differ 
ent  footing ;  and  in  this  instance,  even  the  wisdom  and  magnanimity  of 
Washington  erred,  according  to  the  settled  judgment  of  the  present  day. 
Great  allowance  is  to  be  made  for  Washington,  considering  the  yet  un 
settled  state  of  the  new  government,  while  the  purity  of  his  intentions 
cannot  be  questioned.  It  could  not  be  expected  that  he  could  at  once 
rise  so  far  in  political  foresight  above  such  intellects  as  that  of  General 
Hamilton,  and  those  of  his  administration  who  constituted  the  dominant 
political  party.  With  these,  it  is  clear  that  the  freedom  of  speaking  and 
writing  disrespectfully  of  government  measures  had  much  greater  weight  in 
the  scale  ;  and  the  "  intemperate  resolutions,"  although  violating  no  law, 


276  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

were  regarded  as  a  more  serious  crime  than  the  senseless  and  brutal 
riots  which  had  broken  into  flames,  and  then  exhausted  themselves. 
The  intelligent  and  philosophic  reader  will  here  find  the  clew  to  the  erro 
neous  and  mistaken  policy  under  which  the  formidable  army  was  marched 
into  the  West,  in  order  to  put  down  an  insurrection  which,  as  we  repeat, 
had  ceased  to  exist,  and  ostensibly  to  sustain  the  laws  when  they  needed 
no  extraneous  support.  How  much  more  noble  a  spectacle  would  have 
been  exhibited — how  much  more  powerful  in  its  moral  influence — in  the 
appearance  of  a  disturbed  community  returning  to  order,  of  its  own  ac 
cord,  and  through  the  force  of  its  own  sense  of  propriety  !  Surely  such  a 
spectacle  would  afford  a  thousand  times  better  assurance  of  security  and 
permanence,  than  that  to  be  ascribed  to  the  application  of  external  force  ! 
The  individual  who  struggles  with,  and  controls  and  subdues  his  own 
evil  passions,  exhibits,  certainly,  a  more  striking  and  impressive  example 
than  the  case  of  the  criminal  who  is  restrained  by  chains  and  dungeons. 

In  the  evening  the  conference  was  resumed,  by  the  President  declining 
to  transmit,  by  the  delegates,  orders  for  the  arrest  of  any  particular  offend 
ers,  which  they  had  proposed  as  a  test  of  the  efficiency  of  the  laws;  ob 
serving  that  the  people  of  the  West  ought  to  know  among  themselves  who 
were  the  offenders,  and  take  the  proper  steps.  He,  however,  encouraged 
them  to  obtain  more  unequivocal  assurances  from  the  people,  but  gave  no 
promises  of  amnesty  on  account  of  these  assurances,  although  saying,  re 
peatedly,  that  they  might  do  good.  He  particularly  impressed  on  the 
delegates  the  utmost  care,  that  not  a  gun  should  be  fired  against  the  army, 
as  in  that  case  he  would  not  be  responsible  for  the  consequences.  They 
assured  him,  in  turn,  that  no  resistance  would  be  made ;  but  on  this  cau 
tion  being  repeated,  observed,  that  if  some  fool,  or  desperate  man,  should 
fire,  it  would  be  hard  to  hold  the  well-meaning  and  innocent  accountable- 
He  answered,  that  he  did  not  intend  that  they  should ;  but  it  was  impos 
sible  to  foresee  what  would  be  the  consequence  of  such  an  act.  He  told 
them  that  he  did  not  command  the  army  in  person,  but  had  appointed 
Governor  Lee  commander-in-chief ;  at  the  same  time  mentioning  the 
names  of  those  who  commanded  the  forces  of  the  different  States  ;  causing, 
also,  to  be  read,  the  orders  he  had  prepared  for  the  government  of  their 
conduct,  and  which  were  admirably  designed  to  establish  the  subordina 
tion  of  the  military  to  the  civil  authority. 

The  delegates  conversed  freely  upon  every  topic  upon  which  they 
thought  proper  to  touch,  and  were  listened  to  with  the  composure  and 
dignity  which  might  have  been  expected  from  the  character  of  Wash 
ington.  Secretary  Hamilton,  who  was  present,  inquired  what  were  the 


ASSURANCES   OF   SUBMISSION.  277 

grounds  of  the  confidence  of  the  delegates,  in  the  submission  to  the  laws 
and  the  protection  to  the  officers,  in  different  parts  of  the  country.  In 
answer  to  this,  they  gave  the  particular  instances  of  the  recent  enforce 
ment  of  the  laws  to  prove  the  ability  to  do  so,  and  the  disposition  of  the 
people  to  submit.  They  spoke  also  of  the  activity  of  the  clergy,  who 
had  required  submission  as  a  ground  of  communion  in  their  churches, 
and  who  had  greatly  contributed  to  bring  their  people  to  a  sense  of  their 
duty,  after  the  effervescence  had  passed  off.  They  further  stated,  that 
the  judges  of  the  courts,  in  the  different  counties,  without  exception,  the 
justices  of  the  peace,  and  all  who  had  ever  been,  or  were  then,  members 
of  the  Assembly,  with  few  exceptions,  were,  and  always  had  been,  well 
disposed,  and  the  friends  of  order;  that  these  were  generally  men  of  un 
derstanding,  to  whom  their  neighbors  had  been  in  the  habit  of  looking 
for  advice,  excepting  during  the  late  brief  period  of  popular  frenzy. 
That  during  that  period  many  erroneous  views  had  been  propagated 
among  the  people,  both  as  respects  the  Federal  and  State  governments ; 
but,  that  being  now  completely  undeceived,  there  was  no  probability  of 
their  being  again  led  away  in  a  similar  manner;  that  in  fact  a  most  ex 
traordinary  reaction  had  taken  place,  scarcely  credible  to  those  who  had 
not  witnessed  it,  and  entirely  at  variance  with  the  exaggerated  accounts 
which  were  still  .believed  east  of  the  mountains. 

On  being  asked  by  the  Secretary  what  ground  of  confidence  there  was 
with  respect  to  the  country  adjacent  to  the  Monongahela,  they  an 
swered,  that  not  having  been  present  at  the  late  meeting  at  Parkinson's 
Ferry,  they  could  not  speak  from  personal  knowledge;  but  that  Alexan 
der  Addison,  president  of  the  State  courts  in  that  district,  who  had  been 
secretary  of  the  meeting  referred  to,  had  informed  them  by  letter,  that 
he  had  conversed  with  the  principal  distillers,  who  resided  there,  and 
that  they  had  assured  him  they  would  submit  to  the  laws.  They  added, 
that  Mr.  Andrew  M'Farlane,  who  resided  in  the  settlement  where  the 
opposition  had  been  the  most  violent,  and  who  had  himself  been  obnox 
ious  to  the  rioters,  had  traveled  down  the  road  with  them,  and  assured 
them  that  he  would  be  responsible  with  all  his  estate,  which  was  consid 
erable,  for  submission  to  the  law,  and  protection  to  the  officers  in  that  set 
tlement. 

The  delegates  admitted  that  a  number  had  been  unwilling  to  believe 
that  the  militia  would  march  agaiust  them,  but  this  was  occasioned  by 
the  reports  they  heard  every  day  of  liberty  poles  being  erected  in  the  old 
counties ;  of  the  militia  refusing  to  turn  out,  or  determining  to  join  the 
insurgents  when  they  did  come ;  that  hearing  of  the  threats  of  violence 

19 


278  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

which  had  been  uttered  by  some  in  the  army,  greatly  magnified  by  report, 
packhorsemen  and  other  travelers  were  afraid  to  tell  the  truth,  unless 
they  were  certain  of  the  company  they  happened  to  be  in.  But  this  kind 
of  deception  and  distrust  now  no  longer  existed,  and  had  prevailed  only 
among  the  most  ignorant,  always  the  most  difficult  to  govern,  because 
of  their  inability  to  comprehend  the  reasons  and  representations  of  the 
better  informed.  Among  the  latter,  the  anxiety  of  mind,  false  alarms 
and  suspicions  by  which  they  had  been  perplexed  for  some  time  past, 
had  rendered  them  and  the  citizens  generally,  extremely  desirous  for 
the  restoration  of  order;  that  before  it  had  been  so  far  accomplished, 
every  man  of  influence,  property  or  understanding  was  fully  convinced 
that  it  was  for  our  interests  that  the  laws  should  be  supported,  and  the 
public  officers  protected  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty.  The  State  and 
county  officers  also  had  found  that  in  suppressing  excisemen,  insulting 
judges  and  other  legal  agents,  they  were  destroying  their  own  authority, 
and  rendering  their  functions  useless ;  from  which  circumstances  they 
were  particularly  active  in  bringing  about  submission.  The  delegates 
said,  in  conclusion,  that  this  very  anxiety  and  apprehension  would  operate 
more  powerfully  in  support  of  government  than  any  express  declaration 
in  any  set  form  of  words.  They  suggested  that  any  declarations  made 
through  fear,  on  the  approach  of  the  army,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
examples,  would  not  be  so  sincere,  and  might  possibly,  in  case  of  any  acts 
of  severity,  rather  increase  the  discontent  and  give  a  new  direction  from 
public  outrages  to  private  revenge,  which  would  be  more  demoralizing,  as 
well  as  difficult  to  guard  against.  The  march  of  a  conquering  army  over 
a  prostrate  people,  would  also  have  a  tendency  to  break  down  that  spirit 
which  forms  the  best  support  of  our  republican  institutions.  They  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  it  would  exhibit  a  much  more  pleasing  spectacle 
to  see  the  people  return  to  their  subjection  to  the  laws  and  proper  author 
ities  of  their  own  accord ;  and  of  this  the  delegates  did  not  entertain  a 
doubt,  for  it  was  already  done,  and  the  unnecessary  march  of  the  army 
would  only  leave  unfavorable  impressions  toward  the  government  and  its 
institutions. 

The  President  informed  the  delegates  that  it  was  the  opinion  of  a 
number  of  the  most  respectable  of  their  fellow  citizens,  that  the  march 
of  the  army  would  be  necessary,  not  only  for  the  restoring  submission 
to  the  revenue  laws,  but  for  the  protection  of  well  disposed  persons  !  This 
information  the  delegates  had  already  contradicted  in  their  previous  state 
ments.  It  may  be  readily  traced  to  the  exiles,  especially  the  Nevilles, 
and  no  small  portion  of  this  unfriendly  advice  may  be  ascribed  to  feelings 


THE   DELEGATES   TAKE   THEIR   LEAVE.  279 

of  revenge  against  the  people  of  the  western  counties  and  particular  in- 
viduals.  Events  proved  this  conjecture  to  ba  true.  The  delegates  ad 
mitted  that  appearances  about  the  time  the  government  commissioners  left 
the  country  seemed  to  justify  such  opinions ;  but  since  then,  things  had 
undergone  an  entire  change — a  change  so  sudden  that  it  was  impossible 
for  them  to  have  foreseen  it ';  that  they  entertained  no  doubt  that  some  of 
the  best  informed  of  those,  who  had  but  a  few  weeks  before  given  that 
opinion,  had  now  been  convinced  to  the  contrary.  That  since  then,  the 
courts  having  been  held  throughout  the  whole  of  the  counties,  the  citi 
zens  vying  with  each  other  in  their  support,  no  one  who  had  remained  in 
the  country,  and  witnessed  the  progress  of  public  sentiment,  could  be 
mistaken.  They  asserted  positively,  that  not  one  of  these  could  be  found 
who  would  now  advise  the  march  of  the  army. 

They  inquired  whether  advantage  would  be  taken  of  want  of  form  in 
signing  the  declaration  of  submission  ?  The  President  answered,  that  he 
could  not  inform  them  without  knowing  the  circumstances.  They  ex 
plained,  that  they  meant  only  such  want  of  form  as  did  not  arise  from  any 
fault  in  the  person  claiming  the  amnesty,  but  from  the  conduct  of  others: 
as  from  the  papers  being  torn  after  being  signed.  He  replied,  that  no  ad 
vantage  would  be  taken  of  such  want  of  form.  The  same  reasoning  would 
have  covered  the  ground  of  persons  prevented  from  other  unavoidable 
causes,  such  as  inability  to  attend,  or  being  absent  on  the  precise  day. 
or  while  occupied  in  prevailing  on  persons  in  other  places  to  sign. 

The  delegates  finally  undertook  to  procure  more  positive  assurances, 
and  transmit  them  to  the  army,  which  they  were  assured  would  halt  some 
time  at  Bedford  before  proceeding  across  the  mountains.  They  then 
withdrew,  intending  to  return  homeward  next  day,  but  the  President 
sent  his  private  secretary,  early  next  morning,  to  their  lodgings,  to  re 
quest  them  to  wait  on  him  again  before  they  left  town ;  when  they  called 
he  had  gone  out  to  the  army,  but  as  he  returned  from  seeing  the  last 
division  on  its  march,  he  stopped  his  horse  before  the  door  of  their  lodg 
ing  and  called  them  to  him  —  conversed  with  them  some  time  in  the 
street,  and  invited  them  to  see  him  again  in  the  evening,  which  they 
spent  in  conversation  similar  to  that  which  had  before  taken  place.  The 
delegates  say :  "  We  were  dismissed  as  politely  as  we  had  been  received, 
and  in  all  the  opportunities  we  had  of  conversing  with  the  President, 
were  treated  with  that  candor  and  politeness  which  have  at  all  times  dis 
tinguished  his  character."  It  is  pleasing  to  read  these  noble  traits,  al 
though  there  could  be  no  reason  to  expect  anything  different  from  Wash 
ington. 


280  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

At  parting,  at  this  and  the  former  interviews,  the  delegates  expressed 
their  earnest  desire  that  the  President  would  accompany  the  army  to  its 
farthest  destination  •  yet,  they  admitted  that  he  had  given  every  assur 
ance  that  it  should  be  kept  in  subordination,  «hort  of  what  his  own  pres 
ence  and  authority  would  exercise.  He  replied  that  if,  at  Bedford,  he 
discovered  that  his  presence  would  be  necessary  to  insure  subordination, 
and  he  could  be  spared  from  the  seat  of  government,  he  possibly  would 
stay  with  the  army  if  it  advanced  into  the  western  country.  He  was 
anxious  to  prevent  bloodshed,  and  at  the  same  time  anxious  to  enforce 
the  laws  with  as  little  annoyance  as  possible,  and  by  encouraging  them  to 
obtain  additional  assurances,  he  was  accomplishing  a  principal  object  of 
his  expedition.  In  fact,  it  will  be  seen  that  while  the  army  was  still  at 
Bedford  these  assurances  were  obtained,  which  ought  to  have  sufficed,  if 
that  army  had  not  been  determined  to  march,  under  any  and  every  con 
dition  of  things,  for  their  own  gratification,  rather  than  for  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  drawn  out.  The  President,  according  to  Findley,  (from 
whom  the  account  of  these  conferences  is  chiefly  taken,)  was  fully  sen 
sible  of  the  inflammable  and  ungovernable  disposition  of  some  of  the 
troops,  which  had  discovered  itself  before  his  arrival  at  Carlisle ;  and  he 
had  not  only  labored  incessantly  to  repress  that  spirit  and  prevent  its 
effects,  but  also  to  remove  the  fears  of  the  delegates.  As  often  as  they 
suggested  their  fears,  he  gave  assurances  that  discipline  and  subordination 
to  the  laws  would  be  enforced ;  and  also  that  the  disorderly  corps  would 
be  dispersed  among  those  better  disposed;  or  if  this  could  not  be  done, 
they  would  be  dismissed,  with  disgrace.  Orders  were  given  to  this  effect, 
and  in  some  instances  punctually  executed  •  in  others,  the  fears  of  the 
delegates  were  but  too  well  founded.  The  bad  temper  manifested  by  a 
large  portion  of  the  troops  has  been  already  adverted  to ;  the  respect  due 
to  Washington  could  not  restrain  some  of  the  more  outrageous  from  in 
dulging  in  insolent  vituperation  against  him  for  lending  a  respectful  ear 
to  the  representations  of  the  d — d  insurgents,  through  their  delegates. 
They  breathed  nothing  but  vengeance,  and  appeared  to  think  that  there 
was  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  shoot,  burn,  plunder  and  destroy.  Some 
of  them  gave  out  threats  and  used  language  suitable  only  to  outrageous 
banditti ;  there  were,  however,  some  honorable  exceptions,  especially  in 
the  troops  from  New  Jersey  and  Maryland,  and  in  one  company,  that  of 
Captain  Dunlop,  from  Philadelphia.  The  substitutes,  who  took  the  place 
of  the  non-combatants,  were  decidedly  the  worst  and  most  unscrupulous. 
We  extract  the  following  from  Findley's  history  : 

"The  President's  attention  to  promote  subordination  to  the  laws,  and 


THE  DELEGATES  RETURN  HOME.  281 

curb  the  disposition  to  licentiousness,  which  was  too  evident,  and  to  give 
us  sufficient  confidence  to  encourage  the  people  in  the  western  counties, 
was  sound  policy ;  for  though  nothing  could  be  conceived  more  distressing 
to  us  than  the  very  thoughts  of  hostile  opposition  to  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  yet  if  the  army  had  marched  to  the  western  country 
under  the  prevailing  influence  of  that  inflammatory  and  licentious  spirit 
which  discovered  itself  amongst  part  of  them  at  Carlisle,  we  must  have 
thought  it  our  duty  to  have  returned  with  all  haste  and  told  the  people 
what  they  had  a  right  to  expect ;  and  in  that  case  desperation  must  have 
supplied  the  want  of  resources,  the  innocent  being  compelled  to  make 
common  cause  with  the  guilty.  For  there  is  no  law,  human  or  divine, 
which  obliges  people  tamely  to  submit  to  be  skewered,  shot  or  hanged  in 
cold  blood,  and  this  was  the  declared  object  for  some  time,  of  those  who 
made  the  most  noise.  It  was  a  singular  circumstance,  that  such  citizens 
of  the  western  country  as  had  made  the  greatest  exertions  in  preventing 
the  spread  of  the  disorders  and  restoring  submission  to  the  laws,  were 
destined  to  be  the  first  victims  of  their  lawless  rage." 

Messrs.  Findley  and  Reddick  hastened  home  in  order  to  obtain  the  ad 
ditional  assurances  they  had  undertaken  to  procure.  This  was  done  by 
again  calling  together  the  original  delegates  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  for 
which  purpose  Mr.  Reddick  proceeded  to  Pittsburgh  to  have  the  notices 
struck  off;  whence  they  were  distributed  in  all  directions  with  as  little 
loss  of  time  as  possible.  About  the  same  period  a  good  opportunity  was 
presented  by  the  fall  muster  of  the  militia,  which  was  not  neglected. 
All  whose  names  were  on  the  rolls  and  could  attend,  were  called  upon  to 
sign  a  paper  of  submission,  which  they  did  without  hesitation,  at  the  in 
stance  of  the  brigade  inspectors  and  commanding  officers.* 

The  meeting  was  convened  on  the  24th  of  October,  under  very  differ 
ent  circumstances  from  the  first  assemblage.  They  were  unanimous  in 
favor  of  peace  and  submission  to  the  laws.  The  number  exceeded  a 
thousand,  and  none  acted  as  delegates,  and  no  credentials  were  produced. 
It  was  more  properly  a  mass  meeting,  representing  the  whole  population 
of  the  western  counties.  Bradford,  Fulton,  Parkinson,  Marshall,  and 
others  who  had  been  conspicuous  in  opposition  to  the  laws,  had  either 
embraced  the  amnesty  or  fled  the  country.  On  this  occasion  the  assem 
blage  did  not  think  proper  to  organize  themselves  as  a  deputation,  but  as 

*  The  inhabitants  of  Greensburg  and  Hempfield  township,  Westmoreland  county, 
David  Marchand  presiding,  met  on  Wednesday,  22d  October,  1794,  adopted  reso 
lutions  of  full  and  unequivocal  assurance,  and  to  the  number  of  four  hundred  and 
twenty  signed  a  certificate  thereof. 


282  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

a  meeting  of  the  people  in  their  primary  capacity,  and  it  was  the  largest 
of  the  kind  that  had  ever  been  held  in  the  West.  James  Edgar  was 
called  to  the  chair,  and  Albert  Gallatin  appointed  secretary.  When  it 
was  opened,  Messrs.  Reddick  and  Findley  ga\rc  a  narrative  of  their  mis 
sion  ;  of  their  reception  by  the  President ;  and  then  stated  the  propriety 
of  giving  more  unequivocal  assurances  of  the  determination  on  the  part 
of  the  people  to  support  the  laws  and  to  protect  the  officers  of  the  gov 
ernment,  and  as  nearly  as  possible  in  the  words  suggested  by  the  Presi 
dent.  They  also  cautioned  those  whom  they  addressed  to  use  every  possi 
ble  vigilance  to  prevent  any  foolish  person  from  doing  anything  which 
might  provoke  the  army,  in  case  it  should  inarch  into  the  country ;  either 
by  firing  a  gun,  or  any  other  act  which  might  be  regarded  as  an  offense, 
and  afford  them  a  pretext  to  break  through  military  discipline.  In  order 
to  increase  this  caution,  they  were  informed  that  the  same  inflammatory 
temper  which  had  recently  prevailed  in  the  West,  and  now  happily  at  an 
end,  had  taken  possession  of  a  part  of  the  army,  who  would  be  with  dif 
ficulty  restrained.  They  repeated  the  assurances  of  the  President,  that 
all  who  behaved  with  propriety,  and  who  had  taken  the  benefit  of  the 
amnesty,  should  be  protected,  no  matter  what  their  crimes  might  have 
been  before  that  act.  In  all  these  observations  there  was  a  perfect  ac 
quiescence,  and  the  following  resolutions  were  adopted  without  a  dissent 
ing  voice : 

"  1st.  Resolved,  That  in  our  opinion,  the  civil  authority  is  now  fully  competent  to 
enforce  the  laws,  and  punish  both  past  and  future  offenses,  inasmuch  as  the  people 
at  large  are  determined  to  support  every  description  of  civil  officers  in  the  legal 
discharge  of  their  duty. 

"  2d.  Resolved,  That  in  our  opinion,  all  persons  who  may  be  charged,  or  suspected 
of  having  committed  any  offense  against  the  United  States,  or  the  State,  during 
the  late  disturbances,  and  who  have  not  entitled  themselves  to  the  benefits  of  the 
act  of  oblivion,  ought  immediately  to  surrender  themselves  to  the  civil  authority, 
in  order  to  stand  their  trial ;  that  if  there  be  any  such  persons  among  us,  they  are 
ready  to  surrender  themselves  to  the  civil  authority  accordingly,  and  that  we  will 
unite  in  giving  our  assistance  to  bring  to  justice  such  offenders  as  shall  not  sur 
render. 

"  3d.  Resolved,  That  in  our  opinion,  offices  of  inspection  may  be  immediately 
opened  in  the  respective  counties  of  this  survey,  without  any  danger  of  violence 
being  offered  to  any  of  the  officers,  and  that  the  distillers  are  willing  and  ready  to 
enter  their  stills. 

"4th.  Resolved,  That  William  Findley,  David  Reddick,  Ephraim  Douglass  and 
Thomas  Morton,  do  wait  on  the  President  with  the  foregoing  resolutions." 

Armed  with  these  resolutions,  and  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  any 
assurances  more  complete,  the  delegates  proceeded  to  Bedford.  Unfortu- 


INSTRUCTIONS    TO    GOVERNOR    LEE. 


283 


nately  Washington  had  been  compelled  to  return  to  Philadelphia,  leaving 
the  command  to  General  Lee.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  remained 
some  time  with  the  army,  and  it  would  seem,  represented  the  President, 
but  with  a  degree  of  power  not  possessed  even  by  him.  Their  reception, 
according  to  Findley,  was  very  different  from  that  which  they  had  met 
with  from  Washington ;  and  finding  their  mission  useless,  they  returned 
home,  trusting  to  the  general  orders,  admirably  drawn  up  by  the  Pres 
ident,  although  signed  by  Lee,  "but  unfortunately  too  little  regarded  in 
practice.  It  will  become  our  painful  duty  to  examine  this  subject  with 
rigor,  and  pronounce  the  sentence  required  by  the  truth  and  justice  of 
the  case. 


NOTES   TO   CHAPTER  XI. 


Instructions  to  Governor  Lee. 
"  BEDFORD,  20th  October,  1794. 

"SiR : — I  have  it  in  special  instruction 
from  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
now  at  this  place,  to  convey  to  you,  on 
his  behalf,  the  following  instructions, 
for  the  general  direction  of  your  conduct, 
in  command  of  the  militia  army,  with 
which  you  are  charged. 

"The  objects  for  which  the  militia  have 
been  called  forth,  are, 

"1.  To  suppress  the  combinations 
which  exist  in  some  of  the  western  coun 
ties  of  Pennsylvania,  in  opposition  to 
the  laws  laying  duties  upon  spirits  dis 
tilled  within  the  United  States,  and  upon 
stills. 

"2.  To  cause  the  laws  to  be  executed. 

"  These  objects  are  to  be  effected  in  two 
ways: 

"1.  By  military  force. 

"2.  By  judiciary  process,  and  other 
civil  proceedings. 

"  The  objects  of  the  military  force  are 
two-fold : 

"  1.  To  overcome  any  armed  opposi 
tion  which  may  exist. 

"2.  To  countenance  and  support  the 


civil  officers  in  the  means  of  executing 
the  laws. 

"  With  a  view  to  the  first  of  these  two 
objects,  you  may  proceed  as  speedily  as 
may  be  with  the  army  under  your  com 
mand,  into  the  insurgent  counties,  to 
attack,  and  as  far  as  shall  be  in  your 
power,  subdue  all  persons  whom  you 
may  find  in  arms,  in  opposition  to  the 
laws  above  mentioned.  You  will  march 
your  army  in  two  columns,  from  the 
places  where  they  are  now  assembled,  by 
the  most  convenient  routes,  having  re 
gard  to  the  nature  of  the  roads,  the  con 
venience  of  supply,  and  the  facility  of 
cooperation  and  union,  and  bearing  in 
mind  that  you  ought  to  act  until  the 
contrary  shall  be  fully  developed,  on  the 
general  principle  of  having  to  contend 
with  the  whole  force  of  the  counties  of 
Fayette,  Westmoreland,  Washington  and 
Allegheny,  and  of  that  part  of  Bedford 
which  lies  westward  of  the  town  of  Bed 
ford  ;  and  that  you  are  to  put  as  little  as 
possible  to  hazard.  The  approximation, 
therefore,  of  your  columns,  is  to  be 
sought;  and  the  subdivision  of  them,  so 
as  to  place  the  parts  out  of  mutual  sup- 


284 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


porting  distance,  to  be  avoided,  as  far  as 
local  circumstances  will  permit.  Parkin 
son's  Ferry  appears  to  be  a  proper  point 
toward  which  to  direct  the  march  of  the 
columns  for  the  purpose  of  ulterior  mea 
sures. 

"When  arrived  within  the  insurgent 
country,  if  an  armed  opposition  appear, 
it  may  be  proper  to  publish  a  proclama 
tion  inviting  all  good  citizens,  friends  to 
the  constitution  and  laws,  to  join  the 
standard  of  the  United  States.  If  no 
armed  opposition  exist,  it  may  still  be 
proper  to  publish  a  proclamation,  ex 
horting  to  a  peaceful  and  dutiful  demean 
or,  and  giving  assurances  of  performing, 
with  good  faith  and  liberality,  whatso 
ever  may  have  been  promised  by  the 
commissioners,  to  those  who  have  com 
plied  with  the  conditions  prescribed  by 
them,  and  who  have  not  forfeited  their 
title  by  subsequent  misdemeanor. 

"Of  these  persons  in  arms,  if  any,  whom 
you  may  make  prisoners;  leaders,  includ 
ing  all  persons  in  command,  are  to  be 
delivered  to  the  civil  magistrates ;  the 
rest  to  be  disarmed,  admonished,  and 
sent  home,  (except  such  as  may  have 
been  particularly  violent,  and  also  influ 
ential,)  causing  their  own  recognizances 
for  their  good  behavior  to  be  taken,  in 
the  cases  which  it  may  be  deemed  expe 
dient. 

"With  a  view  to  the  second  point, 
namely,  the  countenance  and  support  of 
the  civil  officers  in  the  means  of  execut 
ing  their  laws:  you  will  make  such  dis 
pensations  as  shall  appear  proper,  to 
countenance  and  protect,  and  if  neces 
sary,  and  required  by  them,  to  support 
and  aid  the  civil  officers  in  the  execution 
of  their  respective  duties;  for  bringing 
offenders  and  delinquents  to  justice;  for 
seizing  the  stills  of  delinquent  distillers, 
as  far  as  the  same  shall  be  deemed  eligi 
ble  by  the  supervisor  of  the  revenue,  or 
chief  officer  of  inspection ;  and  also  for 


conveying  to  places  of  safe  custody  such 
persons  as  may  be  apprehended  and  not 
admitted  to  bail. 

"The  objects  of  judiciary  process  and 
other  ^ivil  proceedings  shall  be: 

"  1.  To  bring  offenders  to  justice. 

"2.  To  enforce  penalties  on  delin 
quent  distillers  by  suit. 

"3.  To  enforce  the  penalties  of  for 
feiture  on  the  same  persons  by  the  seiz 
ure  of  their  stills  and  spirits. 

"The  better  to  effect  these  purposes, 
the  Judge  of  the  district,  Richard  Peters, 
Esq.,  and  the  Attorney  of  the  district, 
William  Rawl,  E^q.,  accompany  the  army. 

"You  are  aware  that  the  Judge  cannot 
be  controlled  in  his  functions.  But  I 
count  on  his  disposition  to  cooperate  in 
such  a  general  plan,  as  shall  appear  to 
you  consistent  with  the  policy  of  the 
case.  But  your  method  of  giving  direc 
tion  to  proceedings,  according  to  your 
general  plan,  will  be  by  instructions  to 
the  district  attorney. 

"He  ought  particularly  to  be  instructed 
(with  due  regard  to  time  and  circum 
stances,)  1st,  To  procure  to  be  arrested 
all  influential  actors  in  riots  and  unlaw 
ful  assemblies,  relating  to  the  insurrec 
tion  and  combination  to  resist  the  laws; 
or  having  for  object  to  abet  that  insur 
rection  and  these  combinations ;  and 
who  shall  not  have  complied  with  the 
terms  offered  by  the  commissioners,  or 
manifested  their  repentance  in  some  oth 
er  way,  which  you  may  deem  satisfactory. 
2d.  To  cause  process  to  issue,  for  enforc 
ing  penalties  on  delinquent  distillers.  3d. 
To  cause  offenders  who  may  be  arrested, 
to  be  conveyed  to  jails  where  there  will  be 
no  danger  of  rescue — those  for  misde 
meanors  to  the  jails  of  York  and  Lancas 
ter — those  for  capital  offenses  to  .the 
jail  of  Philadelphia,  as  more  secure  than 
the  others.  4th.  Prosecute  indictable 
offenses  in  the  court  of  the  Uuited 
States;  those  for  penalties,  or  delin- 


ORDERS   OF   WASHINGTON. 


285 


quents,  under  the  laws  before  mentioned, 
in  the  courts  of  Pennsylvania. 

"As  a  guide  in  the  case,  the  District 
Attorney  has  with  him  a  list  of  the  per 
sons  who  have  availed  themselves  of  the 
offers  of  the  commissioners  on  the  day 
appointed. 

"The  seizure  of  stills  is  of  the  prov 
ince  of  the  supervisor,  and  other  officers 
of  inspection.  It  is  difficult  to  chalk  out 
a  precise  line  concerning  it.  •  There  are 
opposite  considerations  which  will  require 
to  be  nicely  balanced,  and  which  must  be 
judged  of  by  those  officers  on  the  spot. 
It  may  be  useful  to  confine  the  seizure  of  j 
stills  to  the  most  leading  and  refractory  ! 
distillers.  It  may  be  advisable  to  extend 
them  far  into  the  most  refractory  county. 

"When  the  insurrection  is  subdued, 
and  the  requisite  means  have  been  put 
in  execution  to  secure  obedience  to  the 
laws,  so  as  to  render  it  proper  for  the 
army  to  retire,  (an  event  which  you 
will  accelerate  as  much  as  shall  be  con 
sistent  with  the  object,)  you  will  endeav 
or  to  make  an  arrangement  for  attaching 
such  a  force  as  you  may  deem  adequate, 
to  be  stationed  within  the  disaffected 
counties,  in  such  a  manner  as  best  to 
afford  protection  to  well  disposed  citi 
zens,  and  the  officers  of  the  revenue ; 
and  to  suppress  by  their  presence  the 
spirit  of  riot  and  opposition  to  the  laws. 

"But,  before  you  withdraw  the  army, 
you  shall  promise,  on  behalf  of  the 
President,  a  general  pardon  to  all  such 
as  shall  not  have  been  arrested,  with 
such  exceptions  as  you  shall  deem  prop 
er.  The  promise  must  be  so  guarded,  as 
not  to^affect  pecuniary  claims  under  the 
revenue  law.  In  this  measure  it  is  ad 
visable  there  should  be  a  cooperation 
with  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

"On  the  return  of  the  army,  you  will 
adopt  some  convenient  and  certain  ar 
rangements  for  restoring  to  the  public 
magazines,  the  arms,  accoutrements,  mil 


itary  stores,  tents,  and  other  articles 
of  camp  equipage  and  entrenching  tools 
which  have  been  furnished,  and  shall  not 
have  been  consumed  or  lost. 

"You  are  to  exert  yourself  by  all  pos 
sible  means  to  preserve  discipline  amongst 
the  troops,  particularly  a  scrupulous  re 
gard  to  the  rights  of  persons  and  prop 
erty,  and  a  respect  for  the  authority  of 
the  civil  magistrates ;  taking  especial 
care  to  inculcate,  and  cause  to  be  ob 
served  this  principle — that  the  duties  of 
the  army  are  confined  to  attacking  and 
subduing  of  armed  opponents  of  the 
laws,  and  to  the  supporting  and  aiding 
of  the  civil  officers  in  the  execution  of 
their  functions. 

"It  has  been  settled  that  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania  will  be  second,  the  Gov 
ernor  of  New  Jersey  third  in  command ; 
and  that  the  troops  of  the  several  States 
in  line,  on  the  march,  and  upon  detach 
ment,  are  to  be  posted  according  to  the 
rule  which  prevailed  in  the  army  during 
the  late  war,  namely,  in  moving  toward 
the  seaboard,  the  most  southern  troops 
will  take  the  right — in  moving  toward 
the  north,  the  most  northern  troops  will 
take  the  right. 

"These  general  instructions,  however, 
are  to  be  considered  as  liable  to  such 
alterations  and  deviations  in  the  detail, 
as  from  local  and  other  causes  may  be 
found  necessary,  the  better  to  effect  the 
main  object  upon  the  general  principles 
which  have  been  indicated. 

"With  great  respect,  I  have  the  honor 
to  be,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

"Truly  copied  from  the  original. 

B.  DANDRIDGE, 
Secretary  to  President  of  the  U.  S." 


"Messrs.  Findley,  Reddick,  Douglass 
and  Morton,  inform  the  inhabitants  of 
the  counties  of  Westmoreland,  Washing- 


286 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


ton,  Fayette  and  Allegheny,  that  in  con 
sequence  of  their  appointment  to  wait  on 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  they 
proceeded  on  that  duty,  but  on  their  way 
to  Bedford,  where  it  was  expected  the 
President  might  probably  be  seen,  they 
learned  that  he  had  left  the  army  for  the 
seat  of  government ;  they,  therefore,  on 
consideration,  took  the  right  wing  of  the 
army,  commanded  by  the  Governor  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  in  their  way,  where 
they  conversed  with  the  Governor  as 
well  as  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  on  the  subject  of  their  mission,  and 
proceeded  to  the  other  wing,  to  Governor 
Lee,  of  Virginia,  (the  commander-in- 
chief, )  who,  after  receiving  the  various 
papers  and  faithful  information  which 
they  could  give,  presented  them  with 
the  following  letter,  which  they  now  lay 
before  the  people  for  their  serious  con 
sideration  : 

"  « Henry  Lee,  to  Messrs.  Findley,  Red- 
dick,  Morton  and  Douglass,  deputies 
from  the  people  of  the  counties  of  Fay 
ette,  Washington,  Allegheny  and  West 
moreland. 

.  "'GENTLEMEN: — The  resolutions  en 
tered  into  at  the  late  meeting  of  the 
people  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  with  the 
various  papers  declaratory  of  the  deter 
mination  of  the  numerous  subscribers  to 
maintain  the  civil  authority,  manifest 
strongly  a  change  of  sentiment  in  the 
inhabitants  of  this  district.  To  what 
cause  may  truly  be  ascribed  this  favora 
ble  turn  in  the  public  mind,  it  is  of  my 
province  to  determine. 

"  'Yourselves,  in  the  conversation  last 
evening,  imputed  it  to  the  universal 
panic  which  the  approach  of  the  army 
of  the  United  States  had  excited  in  the 
lower  order  of  the  people. 

"'If  this  be  the  ground  of  the  late 
change,  (and  my  respect  for  your  opin 
ions  will  not  permit  me  to  doubt  it,)  the 
moment  the  cause  is  removed  the  reign 


j  of  violence  and  anarchy  will  return. 
Whatever,  therefore,  may  be  the  senti 
ments  of  the  people  respecting  the  pres 
ent  competency  of  the  civil  authority  to 
enforce  the^laws,  I  feel  myself  obligated 
by  the  trust  reposed  in  me  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  to  hold  the 
army  in  this  country  until  daily  practice 
shall  convince  all  that  the  sovereignty  of 
the  constitution  and  laws  is  unalterably 
established.  In  executing  this  resolu 
tion,  I  do  not  only  consult  the  dignity 
and  interest  of  the  United  States,  which 
will  always  command  my  decided  respect 
and  preferential  attention,  but  I  also 
promote  the  good  of  this  particular  dis 
trict. 

"  'I  shall,  therefore,  a^s  soon  as  the 
troops  are  refreshed,  proceed  to  some 
central  and  convenient  station,  where  I 
shall  patiently  wait  until  the  competency 
of  the  civil  authority  is  experimentally 
and  unequivocally  proved.  No  individu 
al  can  be  more  solicitous  than  I  am  for 
this  happy  event,  and  you  may  assure 
the  good  people  whom  you  represent, 
that  every  aid  will  be  cheerfully  contrib 
uted  by  me  to  hasten  the  delightful 
epoch. 

"  'On  the  part  of  all  good  citizens  I 
confidently  expect  the  most  active  and 
faithful  cooperation,  which,  in  my  judg 
ment,  cannot  be  more  effectually  given 
than  by  circulating  in  the  most  public 
manner  the  truth  among  the  people,  and 
by  inducing  the  various  clubs  which  have 
so  successfully  poisoned  the  minds  of  the 
inhabitants,  to  continue  their  usual  meet 
ings  for  the  pious  purpose  of  contradict 
ing,  with  their  customary  formalities, 
their  past  pernicious  doctrines.  A  con 
duct  so  candid  should  partially  atone  for 
the  injuries,  which  in  a  great  degree  may 
be  attributed  to  their  instrumentality, 
and  must  have  a  propitious  influence  in 
administering  a  radical  cure  to  the  ex 
isting  disorders. 


GOVERNOR  LEE'S  LETTER. 


287 


"  'On  my  part,  and  on  the  part  of  the 
patriotic  army  I  have  the  honor  to  com 
mand,  assure  your  fellow  citizens  that  we 
come  to  protect  and  not  to  destroy,  and 
that  our  respect  for  our  common  govern 
ment,  and  respect  to  our  own  honor,  are 
ample  pledges  for  the  propriety  of  our 
demeanor. 

"  'Quiet,  therefore,  the  apprehensions 
of  all  on  this  score,  and  recommend  uni 
versally  to  the  people  to  prepare,  for  the 
use  of  the  army,  whatever  they  can  spare 
from  their  farms  necessary  to  its  sub 
sistence,  for  which  they  shall  be  paid,  in 
cash,  at  the  present  market  price;  dis 
courage  exaction  of  every  sort,  not  only 
because  it  would  testify  a  disposition  very 


unfriendly,  but  because  it  would  probably 
produce  very  disagreeable  scenes. 

"  'It  is  my  duty  to  take  care  that  the 
troops  are  comfortably  subsisted,  and  I 
cannot  but  obey  it  with  the  highest  plea 
sure,  because  I  intimately  know  their 
worth  and  excellence. 

"  'I  have  the  honor  to  be,  gentlemen, 
your  most  obedient  servant,  with  due 
consideration,  HENRY  LEE. 

"  'Head  Quarters,  Union  town,  Novem 
ber  1,  1794."' 

About  this  time  a  committee  from 
Washington  county  waited  on  General 
Lee,  with  an  address,  to  which  he  made 
a  reply. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  ARMY  ENTERS  THE  WEST  —  ITS  FEROCIOUS  TEMPER  —  THE  ATTEMPT  TO  ASSAS 
SINATE  MR.  BRACKENRIEGE — THE  MILITARY  INQUESTS —  THE  EXAMINATION  OF 
MR.  BRACKENRIDGE,  AND  ACQUITTAL. 

THE  army,  leaving  Bedford,  entered  the  western  counties  about  the  1st 
of  November,  1794,  and  encamped  near  the  Monongahela,  so  as  to  be  with 
in  striking  distance  of  any  of  the  four  counties.  And  now  the  question 
naturally  suggests  itself,  what  was  there  for  it  to  do  ?  There  was  certainly 
no  fighting  to  be  done ;  and  among  those  of  that  army  who  most  aspired 
to  military  glory,  this  was  a  subject  of  intense  regret,  as  they  were  obliged 
to  expend  their  rage  merely  in  words  of  contempt  and  indignation  against 
the  cowardly  insurgents.  Instead  of  finding  parties  of  these  arrayed  for 
war,  and  regularly  embodied,  not  a  hand,  or  even  a  voice,  was  raised  to 
oppose  them,  or  resist  the  government.  The  rural  population  remained 
distressingly  quiet  in  their  sylvan  homes,  widely  scattered  over  the  exten 
sive  forest  region,  the  prevailing  feeling  being  that  of  alarm,  on  account 
of  the  reported  threats  and  ferocity  of  the  army.  The  more  zealous  among 
the  officers,  perhaps  not  the  most  patriotic,  were  continually  crying  out 
that  " atonements"  must  be  made,  insurgents  must  be  seized,  examples 
must  be  exhibited  pendent  from  the  limbs  of  trees,  to  prove  that  their 
march  had  not  been  in  vain.  It  mattered  not  whether  people  were  guilty 
or  innocent,  for  it  was  held  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  latter  to  restrain 
the  former,  whether  they  had  required  the  amnesty  or  not,  or  whether 
they  had  exerted  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  government,  and  aided  in 
.the  execution  of  the  laws.  They  were  all  insurgents,  and  but  for  the 
restraints  of  discipline  imposed  by  such  officers  as  General  Irvine,  Gover 
nor  Howell,  General  Chambers,  and  some  others,  the  western  country  might 
have  been  a  scene  of  murder  and  conflagration.  Some  of  the  most  patri 
otic  western  men  began  now  to  think  that  it  would  have  been  better  for 
them,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  to  have  met  them  as  invaders. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  see  what  would  have  been  the  proper  course  to  pur 
sue  with  this  formidable  army.  After  having  entered  the  country,  and  dis 
covering  that  not  the  slightest  resistance  was  to  be  expected,  that  there  were 


THE  DUTY  OF  THE  ARMY.  289 

neither  "combinations/'  nor  any  of  those  fearful  clubs  referred  to  in  the  let 
ter  of  General  Lee — it  should,  as  soon  as  was  convenient,  have  commenced 
its  retreat,  leaving  only  a  sufficient  force,  say  one  or  two  regiments  of  the 
most  orderly  and  best  disciplined,  to  sustain  the  civil  authority,  in  case  they 
should  possibly  be  needed.  To  aid  the  civil  authority  was  now  the  only 
legitimate  use  that  could  have  been  made  of  them,  as  there  was  no  longer 
any  military  opposition  to  put  down.  Instead  of  this,  the  business  of  the 
army  was  now  supposed  to  be,  not  to  prevent  the  commission  of  offenses, 
but  to  punish  those  that  had  been  committed,  which  was  the  duty  of  the 
civil  magistrate,  and  not  of  the  army,  until  expressly  called  upon  to  lend 
its  assistance;  such  was  clearly  the  idea  of  the  President,  in  his  orders 
addressed  to  General  Lee.  These  punishments  should  have  been  inflict 
ed  by  course  of  law,  and  not  by  the  bayonet,  and  for  the  same  reason 
arrests  should  have  been  made  by  civil  officers,  on  process  issued  by  the 
civil  magistrate.  The  courts,  the  marshals,  or  sheriffs,  should  have  been 
the  agents — at  least  these  should  have  been  first  tried,  before  calling  on  the 
soldiery.  But  the  worst  was  the  sending  the  arrested  to  Philadelphia  for 
trial,  which  was  more  dreaded  than  the  arrest  itself,  and  as  we  have  seen, 
was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  disturbances  which  have  been  related. 
Why  could  not  a  court  have  been  organized  for  the  trials  in  the  county 
itself?  There  was  an  act  of  Congress  in  force,  authorizing  this  course. 
But  atonements  were  wanted,  and  captives  to  grace  the  triumphal  entry 
of  the  victors !  A  district  judge  of  the  United  States,  Judge  Peters,  a 
marshal,  and  a  district  attorney  accompanied  the  army;  but  these,  in  the 
investigation  of  supposed  offenses,  acted  a  subordinate  part  to  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury,  (who  had  no  judicial  authority,)  and  even  to  the 
military  officers;  thus  practically  confounding  the  judicial,  military  and 
Executive  powers.  The  greater  is  the  necessity  for  placing  in  the  strong 
est  light  the  glaring  infringements  on  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
citizens ! 

Against  those  persons  who  had  been  most  active  and  successful  in  bring 
ing  about  a  peaceable  submission  on  the  part  of  the  people,  the  demonstra 
tions  of  the  soldiery  was  most  violent,  and  especially  against  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  and  Mr.  Gallatin.  The  recent  election  of  the  latter  to  Congress,  was 
some  protection,  but  the  absence  of  any  peculiar  enmity  toward  him,  on  the 
part  of  the  Neville  connection,  wasasurer  ground  of  safety,  while  its  violence 
increased  the  danger  of  Mr.  Brackenridge.  Nothing  but  putting  to  dQth 
in  any  way,  was  spoken  of  as  the  fate  of  the  latter.  General  Neville  was 
with  the  army,  together  with  some  others  of  the  exiles,  as  they  were  called; 
and  these  were  never  wearied  of  their  denunciations  of  him.  The  com- 


290  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

mon  language  of  the  old  General  was  that  Brackenridge  was  "the  great 
est  scoundrel  on  God  Almighty's  earth  •"  that  Bradford  and  others  were 
merely  his  tools,  while  he  was  the  instigator  of  all  the  mischief.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  seems  to  have  caught  this  language,  as  appears 
by  the  letter  written  by  him  from  Bedford,  published  in  his  posthumous 
works,  in  which  he  uses  the  General's  phrase,  "it  is  now  discovered  that 
Brackenridge  is  the  greatest  of  all  scoundrels."  Nine  days  afterward, 
when  he  had  an  opportunity  of  examining  and  judging  for  himself,  he 
retracted  this  hasty  opinion,  founded  on  such  information  as  could  be  fur 
nished  through  the  medium  of  Major  Craig.* 

While  the  army  was  at  Bedford,  by  way  of  showing  what  it  could  do, 
it  had  arrested  four  persons,  who  were  sent  to  Philadelphia.  The  account 
of  the  affair  is  derived  from  Findley : 

"  Four  prisoners  were  sent  from  Bedford,  as  the  army  advanced ;  one 
of  them,  Herman  Husbands,  was  extensively  known  on  account  of  some 
singularities  of  character.  After  suffering  four  months  in  prison,  and 
such  prisons  as  are  happily  unknown  at  the  present  day,  there  appearing 
nothing  against  him,  [not  even  his  interpretation  of  the  visions  of 
Ezekiel,]  he  was  discharged,  with  a  crowd  of  others,  by  the  court;  but 
his  constitution  had  received  such  a  shock  that  he  died  before  he  could 
leave  the  city,  and  return  to  his  home  in  the  mountains.  Another  of  the 
name  of  Filson,  who  kept  a  large  store  in  the  village  of  Berlin  in  the 
same  county,  after  being  taken  to  Philadelphia,  was  refused  to  be  ad 
mitted  to  bail,  although  this  favor  was  warmly  solicited  by  respectable 
merchants  in  the  city.  The  prosecution  was  conducted  against  him  with 
unusual  rigor;  being  first  acquitted  on  a  charge  of  treason,  he  was 
tried  for  a  misdemeanor,  in  which  the  verdict  was  also  not  guilty.  Of 
the  two  others,  one  was  an  old  inoffensive  German,  named  Weisgarver; 
after  being  imprisoned  four  months,  he  was  admitted  to  bail,  and  no  bill 
was  found  against  him  at  court.  The  last,  whose  name  is  Lucas,  was  a 
sergeant  in  the  army  during  the  war,  and  was  well  known  at  the  time  of 
the  revolt  of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  and  though  he  was  one  of  the  leaders 
of  that  revolt,  in  that  situation  he  rendered  such  essential  service  to  the 
public  as  to  have  a  premium  assigned  him.  A  general  officer  who  had 
been  well  acquainted  with  his  services,  now  obtained  his  release  after 
four  months  of  imprisonment.  On  his  trial  nothing  was  found  against 

*  It  is  to  be  regretted,  for  the  fame  of  General  Hamilton,  that  the  editor  of  his 
posthumous  works  had  not  rejected  this  letter;  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  if 
living,  he  would  have  done  so  himself.  The  editor  was  probably  not  aware  of  the 
subsequent  examination  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  by  Hamilton  in  person. 


ATTEMPT   TO   ASSASSINATE   BRACKENRIDGE.  291 

him.  He  was  poor,  and  had  a  large  family  of  small  children. "  Can  any 
thing  more  strongly  exemplify  the  impropriety  of  such  illegal  arrests,  and 
dragging  men  beyond  their  vicinage  ?  If  the  cases  just  related  had  been 
submitted  to  a  grand  jury  in  their  county,  this  suffering  and  injustice 
would  not  have  occurred.  But  these  are  of  a  trifling  nature,  compared 
to  the  wholesale  arrests  and  harassing  inquests  subsequently  practiced 
by  the  military  guardians  of  the  laws  in  the  western  country. 

Mr.  Brackenridge  had  received  intimations  of  the  threats  against  his 
life,  and  had  at  first  thought  of  quitting  the  country ;  but  conscious  of 
innocence,  and  feeling  indignant  at  the  ingratitude  manifested  for  his 
important  services,  and  after  a  night  passed  in  anxious  meditation,  re 
solved,  if  doomed  to  perish,  to  die  on  his  own  hearth.  After  drawing  up 
an  account  of  the  transactions  in  which  he  had  been  concerned,  addressed 
to  James  Ross,  with  a  request  that  he  would  do  justice  to  his  memory, 
he  determined  to  face  the  danger  which  threatened  him,  whatever  it 
might  be.  In  this,  his  enemies  were,  no  doubt,  disappointed ;  as  in  all 
probability  they  would  rather  hear  of  his  flight  from  the  country.  A 
detachment  of  troops  under  General  Morgan  entered  the  town,  escorting 
Col.  Neville  and  some  others  of  the  exiles  in  a  sort  of  triumph  or  ovation. 
The  same  night  a  party  of  Morgan's  corps  proceeded  about  eleven  o'clock 
to  the  house  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  with  the  intent  of  putting  their 
murderous  designs  into  execution;  but  information  having  been  com 
municated  to  the  General  and  Col.  Neville,  they  ran  out  without  taking 
time  to  put  on  their  hats,  and  interposing  themselves,  declared  that  the 
ruffians  must  pass  over  their  bodies  before  they  could  perpetrate  the  deed. 
A  regard  for  their  own  characters  called  for  this  energetic  interference, 
for  if  the  murder  had  been  perpetrated  by  those  under  their  control,  the 
world  would  have  held  them  responsible.  Mr.  Brackenridge,  therefore, 
gave  them  no  thanks,  and  considered  himself  bound  to  them  by  no  feeling 
of  gratitude ;  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  habitually  intemperate 
mode  of  speaking  of  him  by  the  Nevilla  connection,  may  have  induced 
some  of  their  hot-headed  followers  to  believe  that  they  would  be  doing 
them  a  service  by  ridding  them  of  a  hated  enemy.* 

*  The  houses  of  Col.  Neville  and  Mr.  Brackenridge  were  little  more  than  a 
hundred  yards  apart.  He  says :  "  The  troops  had  advanced  within  twenty  yards 
of  my  house,  when  an  officer  who  had  been  apprised  of  their  intention,  and  in  •iin 
labored  to  disperse  them,  having  run  to  General  Morgan,  who  was  in  the  house  of 
Neville  the  younger,  and  not  yet  gone  to  bed,  gave  him  information.  The  General 
and  the  Colonel  ran  out  without  their  hats,  and  the  General  opposing  himself  to 
the  fury  of  the  troops,  said,  that  it  must  be  through  him  they  would  reach  me; 


292  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

In  the  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  he  had  given  evidence  of 
a  true  courage,  according  to  the  definition  of  Abbe"  Barthelme  in 
Anacharsis:  "He  knew  his  danger,  feared  it,  yet  met  it."  The  narrative 
will  be  followed  up  in  his  own  words : 

"  The  right  wing  of  the  army  had  crossed  the  mountains  and  were  in 
the  western  country.  It  was  like  the  approach  of  the  tempest  to  me ;  I 
could  hear  the  thunder  at  a  distance ;  and  every  day  new  accounts  reached 
me  of  butchery  denounced  against  me,  without  judge  or  jury.  I  began 

to  hear  General  Neville  raise  his  voice,  'The  d st  scoundrel  that  ever 

was  on  God  Almighty's  earth/  The  left  wing  had  already  crossed  the 
mountains,  at  the  distance  of  thirty  miles  to  the  westward.  I  could  hear 
of  Colonel  Neville  at  the  table  of  General  Lee,  and  publicly  elsewhere, 

throughout  that  camp,  denounce  vengeance  against  'the  d d  rascal/ 

meaning  me.* 

"  I  began  to  think  it  would  be  unsafe  to  stand  it ;  that  I  could  not 
have  sufficient  confidence  in  the  good  disposition  of  the  commanding  offi 
cers,  much  less  in  their  power  to  restrain  their  troops;  and  that  it  might 
be  advisable  to  be  out  of  the  way  until  I  could  see  whether  subordination 
to  the  civil  authority  was  practicable  or  not.  I  had  the  wilderness  b'  jind 
me ;  and  as  before  I  had  meditated  to  escape  from  t  Tom  the  Tinker/  so 
now  I  meditated  an  escape  from  an  equally  outrageous  banditti,  as  I  be 
gan  to  think  them,  by  going  to  the  West.  My  sensations  were  violent  at 
the  time ;  but  1  ought  to  be  excused,  as  I  must  have  thought  it  very  ex 
traordinary  in  people  to  have  come  to  support  the  laws,  and  to  be  talking 
of  violating  them.  I  communicated  to  General  Wilkins  my  resolution  of 
going  neither  to  the  Spaniards  nor  to  the  British,  but  of  taking  my  chance 
among  the  Indians  for  a  month  or  two,  until  I  could  have  a  proper  assur 
ance  of  protection  in  surrendering  myself  to  the  judicial  authority.  I 
had  thought  of  a  hunter  whom  I  could  employ  to  go  to  the  woods  with  me. 

"  General  Wilkins  could  not  but  acknowledge  the  expediency  of  going, 
from  all  that  he  had  heard  or  seen,  and  proposed  a  hunter  whom  he 
knew,  and  thought  more  expert  than  the  one  I  had  named,  and  engaged 
to  speak  to  him  to  go  with  me.  He  was  to  send  him  to  me  next  morning. 

that  I  had  stood  my  ground,  and  would  be  cognizable  to  the  judiciary ;  and  let  the 
law  take  its  course."  The  above  fact  shows  the  imperfect  state  of  discipline  in. 
the_new  levied  army.  If  the  deed  had  been  perpetrated,  there  would  have  been 
such  historians  as  Hildreth  and  Craig  to  excuse  it;  and  the  good  name  of  the  victim 
might  have  continued  forever  blasted  by  the  same  party  rancor  which  has  so  long 
continued  to  villify  the  whole  population  of  Western  Pennsylvania. 

*This  was  before  the  attempted  assassination. 


BRACKENRIDGE    STANDS    HIS    GROUND.  293 

"I  lay  upon  a  couch  and  thought  of  it  till  midnight.  I  reflected  that 
people  would  always  talk  more  than  they  would  do;  and  that  putting  me 
to  death  would  be  more  in  the  language  than  in  the  intention  of  the 
mass.  It  was  the  fashionable  speech  of  the  camp,  and  every  one  adopted 
it  without  meaning  to  carry  it  into  effect;  but  I  reflected,  also,  that  the 
very  strain  of  talking,  though  not  originating  from  the  intention  to  act,  yet 
might  lead  some  unprincipled  and  inconsiderate  man  to  perpetrate  what 
had  been  spoken-of ;  more  especially  as  I  had  heard  of  the  violence  of  the 
Nevilles,  and  had  suspected  that  the  horrid  resentment  which  they  ap 
peared  to  entertain  against  me  might  prompt  them  to  encourage  assas 
sination. 

"  However,  after  deep  thought  of  many  hours,  I  sprang  from  my  couch- 
bed,  and  expressed  ray  determination,  that  if  I  was  to  be  assassinated,  it 
should  be  in  my  own  house.  It  never  should  be  said  that  I  would  move 
a  foot  from  the  ground.  Having  now  determined  to  watt  my  fate,  I  em 
ployed  a  day  or  two  in  putting  my  papers  in  order,  and  making  a  short 
sketch  of  the  outline  of  my  conduct  during  the  insurrection,  and  directing 
it  to  be  delivered  to  James  Ross,  who  knew  the  greater  part  of  his  own 
knowledge,  with  a  request  that  he  would  give  it  to  the  public,  and  do  my 
memory  justice.  I  knew  the  rage  against  me  was  founded  on  the  mis 
conception  of  the  multitude  and  the  malice  of  individuals.  It  had  been 
the  case  with  La  Rochefaucault,  Clement  de  Tennere  and  others,  at  an 
early  period  of  the  French  revolution/' 

The  discovery  had  been  made,  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  not  signed 
the  amnesty  until  the  day  after  the  time ;  and  it  was  thought  that  means 
would  be  found  to  destroy  him,  by  way  of  prosecution.  "I  was  divert 
ed,  "  says  he,  "by  a  speech  of  General  Neville  reported  to  me,  when  some 
people,  alarmed  for  their  situation,  had  gone  to  solicit  his  favor.  *  Chil 
dren,'  said  he,  '  it  is  not  you  that  we  want;  it  is  some  of  the  big  fish — 
Brackenridge,  Gallatin  and  Findley,  that  we  want.'  Thought  I,  it  is  bad 
enough  to  find  myself  in  the  same  school  of  fish  with  Gallatin  and  Find- 
ley,  when  I  have  had  political  difference  with  Findley,  which  has  pro 
duced  a  coolness  that  still  exists ;  and  as  to  Gallatin,  I  never  spoke  to 
him  in  my  life,  until  I  met  him  at  Parkinson's  Ferry.  But  there  was  in 
genuity  on  the  part  of  the  old  general.  Knowing  the  hostility  between 
these  men  and  Secretary  Hamilton,  he  wished  to  couple  me  with  the 
same  party."  The  enmity  between  the  Secretary  and  the  persons  fiist 
named,  judging  from  repeated  statements  by  Findley  in  his  book,  was 
very  bitter.  They  had  assailed  his  favorite  financial  system  in  the  Legis 
lature,  as  well  as  at  public  meeetings ;  at  the  same  time  there  was  a 

20 


294  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

strong  personal  antipathy  on  his  part  toward  these  men,  and  which  was 
reciprocated  by  them.  The  strong  language  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  in  his 
letter  to  Mr.  Cox,  in  speaking  of  the  funding  system,  must  also  have 
given  offense,  as  Hamilton  was  very  sensitive  to  any  objections  to  his 
financial  plans.  It  is,  however,  natural,  and  therefore  probable,  that 
when  the  Secretary  came  on  the  spot,  and  found  that  the  powerful  Neville 
connection  were  attempting  to  use  him  for  the  purpose  of  gratifying  their 
private  enmity,  his  pride  was  offended  at  the  idea.  It  was  not  long  be 
fore  he  would  begin  to  suspect  that  the  connection,  now  strengthened 
by  the  accession  of  General  Morgan,  were  disposed  to  exert  their  influence 
against  an  individual  who  had  not  even  the  good  will  of  the  populace  in 
his  favor,  having  given  them  offense  by  his  efforts  to  induce  them  to  sub 
mit  to  the  government,  and  by  his  public  denunciation  of  their  conduct. 
It  would  not  be  strange  if  Neville's  violence  should  offend  the  self-esteem 
of  Hamilton,  at  this  attempt  to  gratify  personal  revenge  at  the  expense 
of  his  character  for  justice  and  magnanimity. 

We  have  stated,  (and  it  cannot  be  too  often  repeated,)  that  instead  of 
proceeding  against  supposed  offenses  in  the  recent  riots,  and  bringing  the 
accused,  who  were  not  entitled  to  the  amnesty,  before  the  judges  by  civil 
process ;  or  impanneling  a  grand  inquest,  to  call  witnesses  before  it  pre 
vious  to  accusation  and  arrest  by  civil  officers — a  nondescript  commis 
sion  of  inquiry  was  instituted — the  district  judge  taking  an  inferior  part 
in  it,  and  the  arrests  made  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet !  A  proceeding 
so  strange  requires  to  be  minutely  related,  in  order  that  it  may  stand  as 
a  beacon  to  avoid  a  similar  anomaly  in  future.*  The  Inspector,  as  already 
stated,  was  regarded  as  the  party  aggrieved,  or  the  general  plaintiff ;  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  assumed  the  authority  of  supreme  director  over 
the  whole  proceedings,  civil  and  military.  Some  resemblance  to  this  may 
perhaps  be  found  in  European  despotisms,  or  where  English  liberty  was  not 
so  well  defined ;  but  in  a  country  where  the  safeguards  of  the  common 
law  exist,  it  is  almost  incredible.  As  a  sample,  we  will  extract  the  follow 
ing  from  Findley  : 

u  During  the  time  that  Sheriff  Hamilton  was  waiting  to  have  his  case  ex 
amined,  and  before  he  was  put  into  close  confinement,  a  certain  John  Bald 
win  was  under  examination.  He  was  interrogated,  alternately,  by  Secretary 

Hamilton,  Judge  Peters,-  the  District  Attorney,  the  Inspector,  and  a  Mr. 

• 

*  It  may  be  said,  that  so  many  were  implicated  that  it  was  difficult  to  procure 
juries.  But  this  was  not  the  fact — at  all  events  the  experiment  was  not  made, 
and  the  instructions  to  Gen.  Lee  implied  that  the  civil  authority  could  act  where 
,  properly  supported. 


TREATMENT    OF    INDIVIDUALS.  295 

Vaughan,  a  light-horseman  from  Philadelphia.  The  two  last  (the  In 
spector  and  the  light-horseman,)  treated  him  with  the  greatest  indeco 
rum.  In  the  course  of  the  examination,  every  means  were  used  to  induce 
him  to  testify  against  the  sheriff.  Baldwin  had  candidly  informed  them 
of  himself  being  one  of  the  committee  at  the  burning  of  Neville's  house, 
and  of  the  persons  concerned  in  that  riot ;  and  assured  them  that  the 
sheriff  was  not  concerned  in  it.  He  was  then  urged  to  testify  that  the 
sheriff  had  notified  his  regiment  to  assist  at  that  riot,  and  when  he  re 
fused  to  give  testimony  to  that  purpose,  because  it  was  not  true,  he  was  insult 
ed,  and  told  that  he  equivocated,  and  evaded  swearing  the  truth  ;  and  was 
assured,  that  by  his  conduct  he  had  forfeited  the  benefit  of  the  amnesty, 
to  which  he  was  otherwise  entitled ;  and  that  his  life  and  property 
were  endangered  by  not  testifying  to  what  they  demanded  of  him,  and 
which  was  not  true ;  he  was  told  that  he  could  only  save  himself  by 
giving  such  testimony." 

If  this  stood  as  a  solitary  instance,  one  might  be  strongly  inclined  to 
doubt  it;  but  it  sinks  to  nothing  compared  with  the  numerous  other 
cases  which  will  be  related.  The  Spanish  inquisitorial  mode  of  seeking 
evidence  and  forcing  it  by  threats,  (short  only  of  the  boot  and  the  rack,) 
and  the  most  revolting  appeals,  seems  to  have  been  the  ordinary  mode  of 
proceeding.  Why  was  not  Sheriff  Hamilton  confronted  with  the  wit 
nesses  ?  Why  not  permitted  to  ask  questions  as  well  as  the  impertinent 
light-horse  examiner?  The  cases  of  Sheriff  Hamilton  and  Major  Powers, 
although  less  striking  than  the  wholesale  outrages  of  law  and  right  which 
followed,  are  so  characteristic,  that  we  will  relate  them  separately,  on  the 
co^emporary  authority  of  Findley ;  and  no  one  was  bold  enough  ever  to 
question  the  truth  of  the  account  at  that  day. 

"  Major  Powers  had  not  only  behaved  well  through  the  whole  of  the 
troubles,  but  had  been  zealously  employed  in  endeavoring  to  restore  order, 
from  an  early  period  until  it  was  finally  established.  He  had  been  a 
member  of  several  meetings  for  that  purpose,  and  was  one  of  the  com 
mittee  of  twelve  who  had  settled  the  terms  of  the  amnesty  with  the  com 
missioners  at  Pittsburgh.  After  the  judiciary  and  part  of  the  army  had 
gone  to  the  town  of  Washington,  Major  Powers  was  invited,  by  a  polite 
letter,  to  wait  on  the  Secretary  at  that  place,  which  was  about  thirty 
miles  distant.  When  he  arrived,  the  Secretary  examined  him  about  the 
conduct  of  certain  characters,  with  some  of  whom  he  was  not'  even 
acquainted;  but  particularly  about  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Gallatin  at  Parkin 
son's  Ferry.  On  Major  Powers  not  answering  to  his  satisfaction,  he 
complained  of  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  information,  and  advised  Major 


296  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

Powers  to  retire  an  hour  or  two  to  refresh  his  memory  in  order  to  be  re- 
examined  ;  and  spoke  to  an  officer  present,  to  conduct  him  into  another 
chamber.  In  all  this  the  Secretary  appeared  to  treat  him  politely,  but  he 
was  not  a  little  surprised  when  he  found  himself  tnrust  into  a  room  among 
the  other  prisoners,  and  there  confined  under  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
At  the  time  appointed,  he  was  taken  again  into  the  presence  of  the 
Secretary,  who  asked  him  if  he  had  recollected  himself  so  far  as  to  give 
more  satisfactory  information ;  on  being  answered  that  he  had  nothing 
further  to  recollect,  having  already  related  all  he  knew,  the  Secretary 
then  suddenly  assuming  all  his  terrors,  told  Major  Powers  that  he  was 
surprised  at  him ;  that  having  the  character  of  an  honest  man,  he  would 
not  tell  the  truth ;  asserting  that  he  had  already  proof  sufficient  of  what 
he  knew  he  could  testify,  if  he  would.  After  some  further  insulting 
language  and  threats,  Major  Powers  was  committed  a  close  prisoner  under 
a  military  guard ;  and  though  the  most  unexceptionable  bail  was  offered 
for  permission  to  go  to  his  family,  it  was  refused ;  and  he  was  marched 
under  a  military  guard  to  Pittsburgh,  and  there  detained  until  the  eighth 
day  after  he  was  taken  into  custody.*  The  Secretary  being  gone,  the 
judge  sent  for  Major  Powers,  and  when  he  was  brought  into  his  presence, 
invited  him  politely  to  sit  down,  assuring  him  that  he  had  no  charge  at 
all  against  him." 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  statement  of  Findley;  it  was  never 
questioned,  as  we  have  already  stated,  and  appears  to  have  been  received 
from  Major  Powers  himself;  but  the  affair  was  public  and  notorious.  It 
exhibits  the  Secretary  in  a  light  which  is  painful  to  contemplate — in  the 
assumption  of  power — in  the  attempt  to  influence  the  witness  in  the 
most  reprehensible  manner,  in  order  to  extort  unfair  testimony — and 
added  to  this,  in  the  use  of  the  bayonet  in  what  ought  to  have  been  a 
mere  judicial  proceeding  !  It  shows,  also,  the  subserviency  of  the  district 
judge,  who  condescended  to  act  a  secondary  or  inferior  part  in  the  minis 
trations  of  his  office,  to  one  who  had  no  judicial  authority  whatever. 

"It  will  appear  in  various  other  instances,"  says  Findley,  "that  it  was 
usual  with  the  Secretary  to  assert  to  those  whom  he  was  examining,  that 
he  was  possessed  of  sufficient  proofs  already  of  the  facta  to  which  he 
endeavored  to  extort  testimony.  The  spring  following,  Major  Powers 
was  much  inclined  to  institute  an  action  against  the  Secretary;  but  find 
ing  that  he  would  be  obliged  to  go  to  New  York,  on  the  advice  of  his 
friends  he  relinquished  the  design." 

*By  what  authority  did  the  Secretary  act  in  this  individual  capacity?  By 
what  law  was  the  military  guard  employed  ? 


TREATMENT   OF   SHERIFF   HAMILTON.  297 

The  case  of  Sheriff  Hamilton,  one  of  the  most  estimable  men  in  the 
western  counties,  was  much  more  aggravated.  It  is  unpleasant  to  be 
obliged  to  record  such  incidents,  but  having  no  reason  to  doubt  their 
truth,  the  historian  does  not  consider  himself  at  liberty  to  reject  them; 
and  they  are  too  important  to  be  passed  over  in  silence.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  was  unquestionably  a  great  man,  and  rendered  great 
services  to  his  country — but  of  strong  passions,  and  possessed  of  some 
peculiar  ideas  on  the  subject  of  energetic  government.  Nothing  in  the 
whole  course  of  our  history  as  a  people  has  appeared  to  me  so  revolting, 
as  the  exparte  military  and  fiscal  inquests  for  the  purpose  of  discovering 
subjects  to  make  "  atonements,"  to  use  the  unhappy  phrase  on  which  I 
have  already  remarked.  The  case  of  Sheriff  Hamilton  is  thus  related  by 
Findley : 

"John  Hamilton,  of  Washington,  is  high  sheriff  of  that  county,  and 
colonel  of  a  regiment  of  militia  in  the  Mingo  Creek  settlement ;  though 
a  number  of  this  regiment  were  known  to  have  had  an  active  hand  in  the 
attack  on  Neville's  house,  and  were  in  fact  considered  the  greatest  pro 
moters  of  the  insurrection,  yet  he  not  only  kept  himself  free  from  these 
outrages,  but  endeavored,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  design,  to  prevent 
the  rendezvous  at  Braddock's  Field.  It  was  he  who  informed  Bradford 
that  the  arms  and  ammunition  in  the  garrison  at  Pittsburgh  were  designed 
for  General  Scott's  expedition  against  the  Indians ;  and  with  the  assist 
ance  of  some  others,  persuaded  him  to  countermand  the  orders,  and  pro 
cured  his  promise  to  prevent  the  march.  When  he  could  not  prevent 
this,  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  regiment,  and  was  very  instru 
mental  in  preventing  further  outrages  from  being  committed.  At  the 
court  that  was  held  for  the  county  of  Washington,  a  short  time  after  the 
commissioners  left  the  country,  he  proposed  to  take  any  twenty  of  those  al 
leged  to  be  insurgents,  and  lodge  them  in  the  county  jail,  if  writs  were  issued 
for  the  purpose;  but  it  was  not  thought  advisable  to  issue  the  writs,  until 
it  should  be  known  what  measures  the  commissioners  would  recommend 
to  the  President,  and  until  the  inflammatory  spirit  should  be  more  effectu 
ally  cooled  down.  To  show,  however,  that  he  could  have  accomplished  what 
he  proposed,  he  served  several  writs  of  capias,  which  he  had  in  his  hands, 
without  difficulty.  He  attended  all  the  meetings  for  restoring  order,  with 
a  view  to  prevent  outrages ;  and  living  where  he  did,  he  merited  higher 
approbation  than  if  he  had  resided  in  Boston. 

"  Colonel  Hamilton  was  informed  by  a  friend  of  the  designs  against  him, 
time  enough  to  make  his  escape ;  but  conscious  of  his  innocence,  he  pre 
ferred  traveling  above  thirty  miles  to  where  the  judiciary  then  was,  and 


298  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

presenting  himself  to  Judge  Peters,  informed  him  that  he  had  heard 
there  was  a  charge  against  him,  and  requested  to  have  it  examined.  The 
judge  said  that  he  was  then  too  much  engaged v but  would  call  on  him 
presently;  that  day,  however,  passed  till  evening,  when  Major  Lennox, 
the  Marshal,  in  the  most  delicate  manner  he  could,  told  him  he  must  put 
him  under  guard;  but  afterward  dispensed  with  arresting  him,  and  only 
took  his  promise  that  he  would  not  depart  until  the  judge  had  an  oppor 
tunity  of  conversing  with  him ;  but  the  next  day  the  Marshal  informed 
him  that  he  had  special  orders  to  put  him  under  guard,  which  he  did 
accordingly,  though  with  evident  regret.  The  sheriff  here  remarked, 
that  Major  Lennox  treated  him  with  as  much  friendship  and  politeness  as 
the  nature  of  the  case  would  possibly  admit ;  and  let  me  add,  that  that 
officer's  politeness  is  generally  well  spoken  of. 

"  On  the  third  day  after  he  had  demanded  an  examination,  and  the 
second  after  he  had  been  put  under  guard,  he  was  sent  back  to  Washing 
ton  town,  from  whence  he  had  come,  in  custody  of  a  small  troop  of  horse. 
The  judge  having  arrived  at  Washington,  the  sheriff  applied  again  to  him 
to  have  his  case  examined,  who  told  him  he  would  in  half  an  hour  ;  but 
on  the  ninth  day  after  he  had  first  applied  to  the  judge,  he  was  sent  a 
close  prisoner  to  Pittsburgh,  and  thence  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  was 
paraded  through  the  streets  (with  others,)  with  an  ignominious  badge  on 
his  hat,  and  thrown  into  the  cells  without  his  case  having  ever  been  ex 
amined  !  After  an  imprisonment  of  near  two  months  and  a  half,  he  was 
brought  before  the  Supreme  Court  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus ;  and  on 
examination,  there  not  appearing  the  slightest  evidence  against  him,  he 
was  admitted  to  bail.  At  the  Circuit  Court  held  in  Philadelphia  the 
June  following,  a  bill  for  misprision  of  treason  was  sent  to  the  grand  jury 
against  him,  but  every  witness  that  was  sworn  testified  in  his  favor. 
There  was  not  even  a  suspicious  circumstance  against  him,  and  conse 
quently  no  bill  was  found/7 

It  cannot  but  excite  the  liveliest  indignation  to  read  the  details  of  this 
case ;  and  the  natural  inquiry  is,  to  whom  should  the  blame  attach  ?  To 
all  concerned  in  these  extraordinary  military  perquisitions;  the  Nevilles — 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury — the  District  Judge — the  General  of  the 
army.  Findley  remarks  on  this  case  as  follows  :  "Thus  a  man  who  was 
at  the  time  sheriff  of  the  county,  and  a  colonel  of  the  militia,  and  who 
in  a  part  of  the  country  and  in  circumstances  where  temporizing  might 
have  been  excusable,  was  not  only  clear  of  any  charge,  but  had  merit — 
was  selected  by  the  Secretary  as  a  victim,  illegally  taken  from  the  exercise 
of  an  office  at  that  time  of  importance  to  the  peace  of  the  county ;  and 


MILITARY     INQUESTS.  299 

without  examination,  or  being  confronted  with  his  accuser,  perhaps  a 
secret  enemy,  dragged  down  to  Philadelphia  in  the  winter  by  a  military 
guard — paraded  in  a  barbarous  manner  through  the  streets,  thrown  for 
some  time  into  the  cells,  compelled  to  wear  the  word  insurgent  in  his 
hat,  and  then  cast  into  prison ;  and  after  a  long  confinement,  admitted  to 
bail !  After  this  he  was  again  required  to  cross  the  mountains  to  meet 
his  trial,  at  which  nothing  was  alleged  against  him  !  It  is  not  easy  to 
assign  the  motive  for  selecting  these  two  men,  Powers  and  Hamilton,  as 
objects  of  vengeance.  They  had  both  been  friends  of  order  during  the 
disturbances  ]  naturally  quiet,  they  had  never  distinguished  themselves 
in  political  contests,  or  taken  any  part  in  the  discussion  of  public  mea 
sures.  Perhaps  the  motive  for  treating  Major  Powers  with  such  unjusti 
fiable  severity,  was  to  extort  testimony  from  him,  and  to  teach  others 
what  they  might  expect  if  they  did  not  give  such  testimony  against  cer 
tain  characters  as  the  Secretary  required.  As  Col.  Hamilton  was  the 
sheriff  of  the  county,  and  colonel  of  the  battalion  where  the  insurrection 
originated,  his  rank  and  the  relation  in  which  he  stood  to  the  county, 
were  probably  the  reasons  of  his  being  selected." 

These  illegal  military  inquests,  and  unauthorized  examinations,  were 
carried  on  extensively ;  many  hands  being  employed  in  the  work.  The 
most  guilty  had  either  fled  or  taken  the  benefit  of  the  amnesty,  to  which 
some  respect  was  paid  at  first.  Great  numbers  were  dismissed,  both  of 
the  innocent  and  guilty,  the  latter  generally  being  the  most  favored ; 
probably  protected  by  their  own  insignificance.  The  Inspector,  who  acted 
as  the  prosecuting  or  injured  party,  had  acquired,  from  the  fortuitous  cir 
cumstances  in  which  he  was  placed,  an  immense  power  over  his  fellow- 
citizens,  which,  without  extravagance,  might  be  compared  to  the  revolu 
tionary  tribunals  of  France,  under  the  control  of  Couthon  and  St.  Just, 
differing  only  in  degree  of  atrocity.  It  is  terrible  to  reflect  on  the  posses 
sion  of  such  power  in  any  man ;  especially  if  he  be  naturally  vindictive, 
and  has  antipathies  to  gratify.  Having  made  some  extracts  from  Find- 
ley,  some  will  also  be  given  from  the  other  cotemporary  writer,  Mr.  Brack  - 
enridge,  bearing  on  this  subject. 

"It  may  seem  to  reflect  on  the  judiciary,  to  have  it  supposed  that 
they  would  give  so  facile  an  ear  to  General  Neville  as  may  seem  to  be 
insinuated.  Let  it  be  considered,  that  they  would  find,  in  the  course 
of  their  examination,  that  even  at  the  burning  of  the  house  of  the  In 
spector  there  were  persons  who  had  been  under  the  impulse  of  fear  for 
themselves,  and  were  carried  there  by  constraint.  But  more  especially 
at  Braddock's  Field,  many  were  present  under  compulsion  ;  and  through 


300  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

the  scene  in  general,  many  were  obliged  to  appear  what  they  were  not. 
The  quo  animo,  therefore,  was  to  be  determined,  a  good  deal,  from  what 
had  been  known  to  be  their  sentiments  and  conduct  heretofore.  To  whom 
could  this  be  referred  better  than  to  the  Inspector  of  the  revenue,  who 
knew  the  people  ?  And  this  gave  him  unlimited  influence  in  his  represen 
tations.  I  have  no  disposition  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the  use  the  Inspector 
made  of  this  advantage,  in  saving  individuals.  I  wish  I  could  equally 
excuse  the  use  he  made  of  it  in  punishing  others !  I  can  only  soften 
my  censure  by  acknowledging,  that  so  far  as  I  have  heard,  he  exer 
cised  favor  in  more  instances  than  prejudice.  But  in  both  instances  he 
must  be  considered  as  having  misled  the  judiciary.  It  would  have  been 
better  to  have  declined  his  attendance  on  the  examinations — to  have  been 
escorted  home  to  his  house,  and  have  remained  there;  leaving  the  judi 
cial  investigation  to  an  operation  unbiassed  by  him,  so  as  not  only  to 
avoid  the  influence  of  opinion,  but  the  suspicion  of  it.*  But  this  is  a 
delicacy  the  noble  mind  has  from,  nature,  or  which  a  refined  education 
gives." 

The  contrast  between  the  manner  in  which  the  two  cotemporary  au 
thors  speak  of  the  same  transaction,  is  that  of  a  refined  mind  and  of  a 
coarse  and  harsh  nature  j  the  one  cuts  like  a  sharp  instrument,  the  other 
like  a  butcher's  cleaver.  The  very  apology  for  the  Inspector,  made  by 
Mr.  Brackenridge,  is  ten  times  more  severe  than  the  downright  assault 
of  Findley.  Taken  together,  they  represent  a  state  of  things  which  can 
scarcely  ever  occur  again  in  this  republic,  and  which  the  present  exposi 
tion  may  possibly  contribute  to  prevent.  Mr.  Brackenridge  speaks  of 
the  judiciary  in  these  curious  examinations,  when,  in  fact,  the  judiciary 
had  very  little  to  do  with  them ;  or,  at  least,  as  only  subordinate  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  his  inferior  officer,  the  Inspector.  In  the 
case  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  as  related  by  himself,  this  is  fully  displayed. 

After  Mr.  Brackenridge  had  escaped  assassination,  the  cry  among  the 
arriving  troops  was,  "Hang  him,  hang  him."  The  quarter-master  had 
selected  his  house,  being  a  large  and  commodious  one,  for  the  accommo 
dation  of  General  Lee  ;  but  the  unexpected  meeting  was  an  awkward  one, 
on  both  sides.  Being  a  younger  graduate,  Lee  had  been  under  the  tuition 
of  the  former  at  Princeton  College.  The  General  soon  procured  other 
quarters,  as  it  was  a  matter  of  delicacy,  both  for  himself  and  a  host  who 
was  denounced  as  the  chief  insurgent,  and  whom  the  army  was  eager  to 
hang.  Through  Mr.  Ross,  he  represented  to  Judge  Peters  his  readiness 

*  This  is  certaiuly  a  very  mild  view  of  the  case  of  General  Neville. 


CASE    OF   MR.    BRACKENRIDGE.  301 

to  attend,  at  any  moment  when  called  upon,  in  order  to  avoid  the  mor 
tification  of  an  arrest;  and  the  gentleman  just  named  pledged  himself 
to  that  effect.  As  arrests  were  usually  made  in  the  night,  he  lay  on  his 
couch,  dressed  and  ready  for  the  event.  Anxiety  of  mind  from  this  state 
of  suspense,  and  a  bitter  sense  of  the  injustice  to  which  he  was  subjected 
by  the  malignity  of  his  enemies,  brought  on  a  return  of  a  nervous  affec 
tion  which  he  had  experienced  in  early  life  from  severe  application  to 
study.  "I  had  at  first,"  says  he,  " feared  assassination;  now  I  began  to 
apprehend  danger  from  a  judiciary  process,  I  looked  forward  to  a  trial 
before  a  jury  in  Philadelphia,  heated  with  prejudice  against  me.  Besides, 
the  part  I  had  been  drawn  in  to  act  was  so  various,  and  of  such  a  na 
ture,  that  it  would  take  a  multitude  of  witnesses  to  explain  the  quo  animo; 
and  the  mere  expense  of  a  trial  would  ruin  me.  But  what  alarmed  me 
still  more,  from  a  stroke  that  I  received  twenty  years  before,  from  leading 
a  sedentary  life — I  am  subject  to  a  delinquency  of  nerves,  especially  when 
any  thing  strongly  affects  my  mind ;  and  I  was  afraid  my  feelings  would 
kill  me,  under  a  sense  of  the  arts  that  were  practicing  against  me.  I  bore 
it  with  apparent  fortitude,  but  my  sensibility  was  greatly  affected.  Not 
that  I  was  uncommonly  afraid  of  death,  but  I  regarded  my  memory  for 
the  sake  of  my  family  •  and  was  apprehensive  that  I  might  sink  under  it, 
and  that  it  would  be  resolved  into  a  consciousness  of  guilt,  and  not  the 
pain  which  the  ingenuous  mind  feels  when  it  is  wronged  by  the  world. 

"I  had  heard  all  fhat  I  apprehended  confirmed;  that  there  was  the 
strongest  disposition  with  the  judiciary,  and  through  all  the  branches  of 
the  assistant  examiners,  to  find  ground  for  arresting  me.  This  was  so 
strikingly  observed  by  the  country,  that  it  quite  restored  me  in  their  good 
opinion ;  and  if  the  election  had  been  to  take  place  then,  there  would 
have  been  no  question  of  my  obtaining  their  suffrages.  They  were  satis 
fied  they  had  wronged  me,  in  supposing  that  I  had  stipulated  an  indem 
nity  for  myself  particularly ;  or  had  made  fair  weather  with  the  govern 
ment  by  deserting  them.  I  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  body  of  the 
people ;  they  would  rather  lean  in  my  favor ;  but  there  were  still  enough 
of  unprincipled  persons  that  might  be  brought  forward,  or  who  would 
offer  themselves  in  order  to  obtain  favor.  It  was  amusing  to  me  to  see 
the  numbers  of  those  passing  themselves  for  friends  of  government, 
whom,  during  the  insurrection,  I  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble  to  keep 
down.  They  took  their  revenge  now,  and  joined  in  the  cry  against 
Brackenridge.  Some  poor  fellows  did  this  to  save  themselves ;  I  had 
given  them  leave  to  do  it.  They  came  to  me  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  to 
consult  whether  they  should  go  off  or  not,  or  stand  a  trial.  The  army  had 


302  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

then  crossed  the  mountains.  I  directed  them  to  contrive  to  let  my 
'  brother  of  the  bar'  *  hear  them  curse  me,  and  say  they  had  voted  against 
me  at  the  election ;  this  would  be  carried  to  the  ears  of  my  adversaries, 
and  they  would  be  represented  as  friends  of  the  government.  They  did 
so,  and  it  had  the  effect. 

"  I  will  not  say  that  the  Nevilles  were  usually  capable  of  deliberately 
contemplating  the  putting  me  to  death.  The  father  is  outrageously 
passionate,  but  not  vindictive  or  cruel;  the  son  is  a  man  of  good  temper 
and  humanity ;  but  they  labored  under  irremovable  misconceptions,  owing 
to  a  variety  of  circumstances  ;  and  their  pride  had  also  been  wounded  by 
acts  of  mine,  which,  at  the  time,  I  thought  virtuous,  and  think  so  still. 
I  know  well  that  the  misconception  of  the  Nevilles  had  been  in  a  great 
measure  established  by  l  my  brother  of  the  bar/  and  that  their  rage  had 
been  fanned  by  his  information.  He  was  now  busy  at  the  camp  with 
General  Neville.  The  General,  who  had  been  the  subject  of  the  outrages, 
was  there  in  the  light  of  a  private  prosecutor ;  and  in  aid  of  the  judiciary, 
was  assisting  in  bringing  forward  and  interrogating  witnesses.  'My 
brother  of  the  bar'  was  busy  in  sounding  and  marshaling  them;  and  if 
on  examination  any  thing  was  omitted,  he  took  the  General  aside  and 
gave  him  a  hint  of  it;  the  General  would  then  return  to  the  charge  with 
fresh  questions.  This  is  the  account  I  have  from  witnesses,  and  gentle 
men  occasionally  present. 

"  When  the  matter  was  thought  to  be  pretty  well  fixed  against  me  in 
the  exparte  inquisition,  the  great  and  concluding  stroke  was  to  be  given. 
A  treasonable  letter  of  mine,  addressed  to  a  certain  Bradford,  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  my  adversaries.  It  was  dark  and  mysterious,  and  re 
spected  certain  papers,  a  duplicate  of  which  I  wished  him  to  send  me, 

*  The  "brother  of  the  bar"  here  alluded  to,  was  General  John  Woods,  between 
whom  and  Mr.  Brackenridge  there  existed  a  mortal  feud,  growing  out  of  profes 
sional  and  political  rivalry,  such  as  often  exists  in  this  republic  between  men 
equally  honorable  and  high-minded.  He  is  not  named,  from  delicacy  to  his  bro 
ther-in-law,  Mr.  Ross,  who  was  a  friend  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  Gen.  Woods  was 
the  professional  adviser  of  the  Nevilles,  and  was  thought  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  to 
have  mingled  personal  enmity  with  the  service  of  his  client,  the  Inspector ;  and  to 
have  employed  his  talents,  which  were  of  a  high  order,  ungenerously  against  him. 
He  speaks  of  him  with  much  more  asperity  than  of  the  Nevilles ;  perhaps  from 
the  circumstance  just  mentioned,  and  regarding  him  as  a  "foeman  more  worthy  of 
his  steel."  Gen.  Woods  was  absent  during  the  disturbances,  and  returned  in  com 
pany  with  Neville ;  that  absence  he  regarded  as  an  additional  reason  why  Gen. 
Woods  should  take  no  part  against  him.  In  fact,  although  the  Nevilles  were  the 
principals  in  the  designs  against  him,  they  stood  only  second  in  his  resentment. 


CASE   OF   MR.    BRACKENRIDGE.  303 

having  mislaid  the  first  copy ;  that  these  were  so  essential  I  could  not  go 
on  with  the  business  without  them.  This  letter  was  now  produced. 
1  What  do  you  make  of  this?'  said  Secretary  Hamilton  to  James  Ross, 
who  was  present ;  '  you  have  averred,  as  your  opinion,  that  Brackenridge 
has  had  no  correspondence  with  Bradford ;  look  at  that — is  it  not  the 
handwriting  of  Brackenridge  ?'  '  It  is  the  handwriting/  said  Ross,  paus 
ing  a  moment,  l  and  there  is  only  this  small  matter  observable,  that  it  is 
addressed  to  William  Bradford,  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States.'* 

"  When  a  blast  transverse  takes  a  shallop  on  the  river  and  throws  her 
on  her  beam  ends,  with  all  her  sail  set ;  or,  when  a  scud  of  wind  takes  the 
standing  corn  of  the  farmer,  and  on  the  field  bows  the  stalk  to  the  earth, 
so  languished  '  my  brother  of  the  bar.'  The  old  General  stood  motionless 
and  speechless,  and  to  this  hour  had  been  standing,  had  not  Secretary 
Hamilton  broke  silence.  'Gentlemen,'  said  he;  'you  are  too  fast;  this 
will  not  do.' 

"  The  late  circumstance  had  weakened  the  credit  of  the  prosecution ; 
and  all  things  considered,  especially  when  James  Ross  was  examined,  it 
began  to  be  doubted  whether  it  would  be  for  the  honor  of  the  government 
to  prosecute  me.  However,  the  case  remained  open  for  further  testimony. 

"  Charles  Smith,  son-in-law  to  commissioner  Yeates,  one  of  the  assistant 
examiners,  with  the  judges,  had  come  to  town  and  said  to  a  person,  who 
communicated  it  to  me,  that  my  arrest  was  certain ;  that  he  was  aston 
ished  that  I  was  still  in  Pittsburgh !  Had  I  no  regard  for  my  life  ? 
That  others  also,  who  had  no  apprehension,  were  in  a  like  predicament ; 
and  that  thirty-six  hours  would  make  a  great  difference  in  Pittsburgh. 
Thought  I,  my  adversaries  have  been  more  successful  in  marshaling  the 
presumption  of  guilt  in  my  case  than  I  had  conceived.  I  take  it  for 
granted  that  I  shall  be  arrested  beyond  question,  now.  However,  I  had 
composed  my  mind  a  good  deal  by  this  time,  and  thought  I  had  fortitude 
to  bear  all  they  could  accomplish;  and  if  there  was  any  chance  of  justice 
at  all,  I  would  finally  triumph  over  them. 

"  Notwithstanding  it  was  known  that  I  remained  in  Pittsburgh,  yet  it  might 
be  supposed  that,  as  danger  approached  I  might  become  more  alarmed,  and 
abscond,  if  direction  was  given  to  take  me  in  the  day-time;  and  for  that  rea 
son,  and  because  it  would  gratify  my  enemies  to  accumulate  humiliations 
upon  me,  I  counted  upon  being  arrested  in  the  night.  I  therefore  lay  on 
a  couch,  without  undressing,  ready  at  a  moment  to  obey  the  mandate  and 

*  It  had  been  picked  up  by  the  same  busy-body  who  made  the  discovery  that  he 
had  not  signed  the  amnesty  on  the  day — a  fact  which  had  already  been  communi 
cated  by  letter  to  Hamilton,  at  Bedford.  See  the  posthumous  letter  referred  to. 


304  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

go  with  the  guard  that  should  call  for  rue.  I  lay  two  nights  in  this  man 
ner,  not  sleeping  much,  but  consoling  myself  with  reading  some  of  the 
lives  of  Plutarch.  Reading  that  of  Solon,  J  meditated  upon  his  laws, 
making  it  death  for  a  citizen,  in  a  civil  tumult,  not  to  take  part;  for  by 
taking  part  on  the  one  side  or  the  other,  the  moderate  citizens  will  be  di 
vided,  and  mixing  with  the  violent,  will  correct  the  fury  on  both  sides  until 
an  accommodation  can  be  brought  about.*  It  was  on  that  principle  I  had 
aided  in  the  insurrection,  and  by  seeming  to  be  of  the  insurgents,  had 
contributed  to  soften  all  their  measures,  and  finally  prevent  a  civil  war. 
But  I  saw  that  the  law  of  Solon  would  apply  only  to  a  small  republic 
where  the  moderate  men  were  known  to  each  other,  and  could  explain 
themselves  in  the  course  of  the  negotiation.  I  had  been  treading  upon 
the  edge  of  a  precipice,  making  an  experiment  extremely  dangerous  to 
myself.  My  intentions  were  laudable,  but  my  conduct  hazardous.  It  is 
true,  I  had  embarked  in  the  business,  in  the  first  instance,  at  the  request 

*N.  B.  Craig  assumes  the  office,  without  the  qualifications  of  the  literary  critic, 
on  this  passage,  and  accuses  Mr.  Brackenridge  of  misquoting  the  law  of  Solon ! 
The  learned  Theban  mistakes  the  gloss,  or  commentary  of  Plutarch,  for  the  law  of 
Solon,  or  rather  confounds  them  together.  The  words  of  Solon  are,  that  in  case  of 
civil  dissension,  he  shall  be  regarded  as  infamous  who  shall  remain  neutral.  These 
words  are  correctly  given  by  Mr.  Brackenridge,  but  with  his  own  commentary, 
which  corresponds  with  that  of  Aulus  Gellius  and  other  writers:  "that  the  wise 
and  just,  as  well  as  the  envious  and  wicked,  being  obliged  to  take  some  side,  mat 
ters  were  more  easily  accommodated."  The  gloss  of  Plutarch  which  has  been 
mistaken  for  the  law,  is,  that  in  thus  taking  sides,  the  right  may  prevail.  Now,  it 
is  not  always  the  strongest  party  that  is  in  the  right,  but  it  is  usually  that  party 
which  prevails.  Solon  gives  no  reason  for  his  law,  but  we  find  the  true  one  in 

Dante : 

Aquel  cativo  coro 
Degli  angeli,  che  non  furon  rebelli 
Ni  fur  fideli  a  dio,  ma  por  se  furon. 

That  caitiff  crowd 
Of  the  angels,  who  neither  rebelled, 
Nor  faithful  stood — from  love  of  self  alone. 

The  law  of  Solon  was  directed  against  the  selfish  neutral;  against  him  who  stood 
by  and  saw  his  country  rent  by  civil  war,  watching  the  opportunity  to  benefit  by 
the  misfortunes  of  both  parties,  while  by  his  interference  he  might  have  made 
peace.  This  is  Mr.  Brackenridge's  application  of  the  law  of  Solon.  He  had  acted 
upon  it,  and  only  involved  himself  in  serious  difficulties  in  consequence,  and 
gaining  the  enmity  of  both  parties.  For  that  reason,  he  declared  that  if  the 
same  were  to  be  acted  over  again,  he  would  not  follow  the  law  of  Solon,  but  leave 
the  parties  to  settle  their  own  differences.  But  this  was  the  language  of  chagrin — 
he  had  acted  according  to  the  generous  impulse  of  his  nature,  and  in  all  proba 
bility,  under  similar  circumstances,  he  would  act  so  again. 


THE    ARREST.  305 

of  a  public  officer;  and  through  the  whole  scene  was  in  confidence  with 
men  who  would  not  only  be  unsuspected,  but  had  the  confidence  of  the 
government.  But  1  was  at  a  great  distance  from  the  seat  of  government, 
and  not  in  direct  communication  with  those  at  the  head  of  it ;  so  that  I 
was  at  the  mercy  of  others.  Now,  if  I  should  be  placed  again  in  similar 
circumstances,  I  will  not  act  on  the  principle  of  Solon's  law.  Let  people 
that  are  to  be  expelled  by  revolutionary  violence  get  out  of  the  country 
the  best  way  they  can,  or  run  the  risk  of  being  put  to  death ;  and  let  the 
executive  and  insurgents  settle  their  own  negotiations ;  I  will  have  noth 
ing  to  do  with  them." 

These  reflections  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  were  the  result  of  chagrin  and 
a  sense  of  injustice.  He  had  rendered  the  most  important  services; 
saved  the  town  from  destruction,  and  at  the  same  time  the  whole  western 
counties  from  the  horrors  of  civil  war;  perhaps  the  confederacy  itself 
from  a  fatal  wound.  To  meet  the  reward  of  a  criminal  for  all  this,  was, 
no  doubt,  most  trying;  but  following  the  impulse  of  a  generous  nature, 
the  presumption  is,  that  if  the  same  thing  were  to  occur  again,  he  would 
meet  the  same  risk  in  the  cause  of  humanity  and  patriotism. 

The  expected  arrest  came  at  length  in  the  form  of  a  subpoena  to  testify 
before  Judge  Peters  !  He  accordingly  attended,  and  was  referred  by  him 
to  Secretary  Hamilton.  The  account  of  this  examination  will  be  given 
in  the  words  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  being  more  fresh  and  graphic  than 
any  in  which  it  could  be  conveyed  by  another. 

It  is,  moreover,  important,  as  it  relates  to  one  who  was  stigmatized  as 
the  chief  actor  in  the  so-called  insurrection,  but  whose  efforts  had  been 
directed  to  arrest  it  in  its  very  commencement,  and  by  whose  talents  and 
address  it  was  finally  suppressed.  Conscious  not  only  of  innocence,  but 
of  his  important  services,  it  was  most  painful  to  be  thus,  even  for  a  time, 
placed  on  the  rack  by  false  and  groundless  suspicions. 

"  I  was  received  by  Mr.  Hamilton  with  that  countenance  which  a  man 
will  have  when  he  sees  a  person  with  regard  to  whom  his  humanity  and 
his  sense  of  justice  struggle ;  he  would  have  him  saved,  but  is  afraid  he 
must  be  hanged ;  was  willing  to  treat  me  with  civility,  but  was  embar 
rassed  with  a  sense  that  in  a  short  time  I  must  probably  stand  in  the  pre 
dicament  of  a  culprit,  and  be  put  in  irons.  He  began  by  asking  some 
general  questions  with  regard  to  any  system  or  plan,  within  my  knowledge, 
of  overthrowing  the  government.  I  had  known  nothing  of  the  kind. 
After  a  number  of  general  questions,  to  which  I  had  to  answer  in  the 
negative,  I  proposed  to  put  an  end  to  that,  by  giving  a  narrative  of  every 
thing  I  did  know.  It  was  agreed,  and  he  began  to  write.  I  gave  him 


306  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

the  outlines  of  the  narrative  I  have  given  in  this  publication,  until  I  came 
to  that  particular  where,  after  the  burning  of  Neville's  house,  I  repre 
sented  the  people  as  calling  on  Bradford  and  Marshall  to  come  forward 
and  support  what  had  been  done,  under  the  pain  of  being  treated  as  Nev 
ille  himself  had  been.  At  this  the  Secretary  laid  down  his  pen  and  ad 
dressed  himself  to  me  :  '  Mr.  Brackenridge,'  said  he,  'I  observe  one  leading 
trait  in  your  account ;  a  disposition  to  excuse  the  principal  actors ;  and 
before  we  go  farther,  I  must  be  candid,  and  inform  you  of  the  delicate 
situation  in  which  you  stand ;  you  are  not  within  the  amnesty ;  you  have 
not  signed  upon  the  day,  a  thing  we  did  not  know  until  we  came  upon  the 
ground,  I  mean  into  the  western  country;  and  though  the  government  may 
not  be  disposed  to  proceed  rigorously,  yet  it  has  you  in  its  power,  and  it 
will  depend  upon  the  candor  of  your  account  what  your  fate  will  be/  My 
answer  was,  I  am  not  within  the  amnesty,  and  am  sensible  of  the  extent 
of  the  power  of  the  government ;  but  were  the  narrative  to  begin  again, 
1  would  not  change  a  single  word."  It  is  difficult  to  find  language  to  ex 
press  the  sense  of  surprise,  in  all  men  of  right  feeling  at  such  an  ap 
peal  !  The  practice  of  such  methods,  in  this  instance,  (and  in  the  oth 
ers  on  the  authority  of  Findley,)  cannot  be  read  without  indignation  at 
the  present  day.  Testimony  obtained  in  such  a  manner  would  be  scouted 
with  abhorrence  by  a  court  of  justice,  under  the  free  common  law  adapt 
ed  to  a  republican  government.  The  reply  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  must, 
in  every  rightly  constituted  mind,  place  him  infinitely  above  the  exam 
iner  in  point  of  dignity  and  elevation  of  character.  What  was  it  on  the 
part  of  the  Secretary,  but  holding  out  the  inducement  to  commit  perjury, 
as  the  means  of  saving  the  witness'  life  ?  It  must  be  admitted,  however, 
that  with  this  exception,  the  conduct  of  the  Secretary,  on  this  particular 
occasion,  was  highly  honorable  to  him,  and  such  as  might  have  been  ex 
pected  from  a  man  of  his  great  talents  and  high  functions. 

"  Having  passed  through  the  circumstances  of  the  Marshal  and  Nev 
ille  being  privy  to  my  giving  my  opinion  ^to  Black  and  Hamilton  on  the 
effect  of  the  writ  of  subpoena  to  delinquent  distillers,  and  Neville  re 
questing  me  to  go  to  the  Mingo  meeting,  my  examination  was  adjourned, 
Mr.  Hamilton  being  called  upon  to  dinner;  and  1  was  desired  to  attend 
in  the  afternoon.  At  three  o'clock  I  returned  to  my  examination ;  Mr. 
Hamilton  entering  the  room  where  1  waited  for  him,  appeared  to  have 
been  reflecting,  and  said,  'Mr.  Brackenridge,  your  conduct  has  been  hor 
ribly  misrepresented/  I  saw  that  he  never  before  heard  the  least  of  my 
being  solicited  by  Neville  the  younger  to  go  to  the  meeting  at  Mingo 
Creek,  but  having  just  dined  in  company  with  him  at  the  house  of  Ma- 


EXAMINATION  OF  MR.  BRACKENRIDGE.          307 

jor  Craig,  where  I  was  then  examined,  he  had  asked  Neville,  and  he  ac 
knowledged  it.  This  last  is  conjecture/' 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  fact,  since  it  was  not  denied  by  Neville  at 
the  time  of  the  publication  of  the  "  Incidents."  Neville  would  not  deny  the 
fact  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  attending  the  meeting  at  his  instance,  when  the 
question  was  directly  put;  but  where  was  his  pledge  to  Mr.  Brackenridge,  to 
make  known  the  motive  for  his  going  there  ?  lie  must  have  known  that 
the  going  to  the  meeting  was  used  as  one  of  the  most  serious  circum 
stances  against  Mr.  Brackenridge,  by  his  father  and  Major  Craig.  The 
Secretary  must  have  been  struck  with  this  want  of  good  faith,  even  as 
respected  himself,  and  the  indiscreet  zeal  of  the  connection  must  have 
deeply  affected  him ;  his  pride  was  wounded  at  the  idea  of  being  made 
the  mere  instrument  to  gratify  the  hatred  of  these  persons.  The  con 
tinued  round  of  dinners,  and  the  incessant  abuse  of  the  connection  against 
particular  individuals,  must  have  become  nauseating  to  such  a  man  as 
Hamilton,  hence  his  exclamation,  "  Mr.  Brackenridge,  your  conduct  has 
been  horribly  misrepresented."  And  by  whom  ?  Of  course  by  the  Nev 
ille  connection. 

"  I  went  on  to  give  an  account  of  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting.  The 
Secretary  appeared  not  satisfied.  'Mr.  Brackenridge/  said  he,  'you  must 
know  we  have  testimony  extremely  unfavorable  to  you,  of  speeches  made 
at  that  meeting;  in  particular  your  ridiculing  the  Executive/  I  saw 
that  some  fool  had  misunderstood,  and  had  been  giving  an  account  of 
what  I  had  deduced  from  the  lenity  of  the  President  in  the  case  of  the 
Presq'  Isle  establishment,  and  my  introducing  General  Knox  and  Corn- 
planter  making  speeches.  I  was  extremely  hurt  to  think,  that  after  I 
had  been  called  upon,  in  the  manner  I  was,  to  go  forward  on  that  occasion, 
(the  Mingo  meeting,)  I  should  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  accounts  of  persons 
who  did  not  understand  me,  and  obliged  to  answer  for  the  pleasantry  I 
had  found  necessary  to  use  to  secure  attention  to  what  I  had  further  to 
say.  My  answer  was — Five  persons  were  chosen  to  go  with  me  to  that 
meeting,  for  the  express  purpose  of  bearing  testimony  of  what  I  should 
say;  let  these  be  called.  It  was  the  express  condition  with  Col.  Neville, 
that  I  consented  to  go  at  all.  Is  it  reasonable  that  I  should  be  at  the 
mercy  or  prejudice  of  ignorant  individuals,  or  their  voluntary  misrepre 
sentations  ?  He  was  silent.  I  went  on  to  give  an  account  of  the  town 
meeting  at  Pittsburgh.  I  stated  it,  as  moved  by  me,  that  we  should 
march  and  pretend  to  join  the  people  at  Braddock's  Field.  I  saw  the 
Secretary  pause  at  this,  and  sink  into  deep  reflection.  It  staggered  him. 
Was  it  any  more,  said  I,  than  what  Bichard  the  Second  did,  when  a  mob 


308  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

of  one  hundred  thousand  men  were  assembled  at  Blackheath  ?  The 
young  prince  addressed  them,  put  himself  at  their  head,  and  said,  '  What 
do  you  want,  gentlemen  ?  I  will  lead  you  on.' 

"  My  narrative  now  continued.  After  some  time  the  Secretary  ob 
served,  'My  breast  begins  to  ache — we  will  stop  to-night;  we  will  resume 
to-morrow  at  nine  o'clock/  I  was  at  a  loss  to  know  whether  his  breast 
ached  for  my  sake,  or  from  the  writing  •  but  disposed  to  construe  every 
thing  unfavorably,  I  supposed  it  was  for  my  sake,  and  that  he  saw  J 
must  be  arrested. 

"Waiting  on  the  Secretary  at  nine  o'clock,  my  examination  was  re 
sumed.  In  the  course  of  the  narrative,  his  countenance  began  to  brighten, 
and  having  finished  the  history,  there  was  an  end.  'Mr.  Bracken  ridge/ 
said  he,  'in  the  course  of  yesterday  I  had  uneasy  feelings,  I  was  concerned 
for  you  as  a  man  of  talents ;  my  impressions  were  unfavorable  ;  you  may 
have  observed  it.  I  now  think  it  my  duty  to  inform  you,  that  not  a 
single  one  remains.  Had  we  listened  to  some  people,  I  know  not  what 
we  might  have  done.  There  is  a  side  to  your  account;  your  conduct  has 
been  horribly  misrepresented,  owing  to  misconception.  I  will  announce 
you  in  this  point  of  view  to  Governor  Lee,  who  represents  the  Executive. 
You  are  in  no  personal  danger,  you  will  not  be  troubled  even  with  :i 
simple  inquisition  by  the  judge;  what  may  be  due  to  yourself  with  the 
public,  is  another  question/ 

"In  so  delicate  a  case,  where  life  had  been  sought  by  insidious  men; 
and  when,  what  I  felt  with  more  sensibility,  my  hopes  of  estimation  in 
the  world  were  likely  to  be  blasted,  at  least  for  a  time,  it  may  easily  be 
supposed  that  not  a  word  escaped  me,  or  will  ever  be  forgotten. 

"My  sensibility  had  been  greatly  wounded  when  I  waited  on  Judge 
Peters  with  the  narrative  to  sign,  as  directed  by  Mr.  Hamilton ;  it  was 
with  difficulty  I  could  write  my  name  five  times  to  the  five  different  sheets 
of  paper,  of  which  my  narrative  consisted.  I  returned  to  ruy  house  with 
different  feelings  from  those  I  had  for  a  long  time  before." 

The  author  cannot  refrain  from  noticing  in  this  place  a  singular  proof  of 
the  coarseness  of  the  descendant,  in  his  allusion  to  the  circumstance  of 
Mr.  Brackenridge  having  been  required  to  sign  each  of  the  five  separate 
sheets,  as  an  evidence  that  he  was  "such  a  rogue"  that  he  could  not  be 
trusted  with  one  signature  to  the  whole  !  Is  this  the  ignorance  of  the 
descendant,  or  is  it  a  vulgar  appeal  to  the  ignorance  of  others  ?  In  his 
allusion  to  the  infirmity  of  the  signer,  whose  hand  trembled — the  effect  of 
a  nervous  disease,  increased  on  the  present  occasion  by  intense  anxiety  of 
mind — there  is  a  want  of  delicacy  of  feeling  which  might  be  expected  of 


MR.  BRACKENRIDGE'S  ACQUITTAL.  309 

a  New  Zealand  savage,  but  is  indeed  astonishing  in  our  state  of  civiliza 
tion. 

As  soon  as  the  acquittal  of  Mr.  Brackenridge  became  known,  it  gave 
great  satisfaction  to  the  public.  His  popularity  with  them  was  entirely 
restored.  His  persecution  by  the  connection  had  convinced  the  people  of 
the  injustice  they  had  done  him  in  supposing  he  had  been  bribed  by  the 
government.  They  now  saw  his  conduct  in  its  true  light,  as  stated  by 
Mr.  Purviance,  that  it  is,  "to  induce  the  people  to  submit  to  the  laws, 
and  the  government  to  grant  an  amnesty  for  the  past/'  The  old  General 
(Neville)  was  enraged.  "Brackenridge,"  said  he,  uis  the  most  artful 
fellow  on  God  Almighty's  earth.  He  put  his  finger  in  Yeates'  eye — in 
Ross'  eye — and  now  in  Hamilton's  eye.  He  is  the  most  artful  fellow  on 
God  Almighty's  earth." 

The  following  is  the  notice  of  this  acquittal,  by  Findley :  u  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  had  conducted  with  such  address,  in  a  situation  which  ren 
dered  it  necessary  for  him  to  temporize,  that  he  knew  he  was  in  no  danger 
from  the  usual  mode  of  process ;  but  he  also  knew  that  the  power  of  the 
government  conveyed  another  idea.*  He  had  observed  the  innocent  and  the 
guilty,  indiscriminately,  in  many  instances  in  the  West,  subjected  to  unusual 
sufferings  and  insults,  by  the  power  of  government.  If  such  powerful  ad 
dresses  were  made  to  the  hopes  and  fears  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  who  from 
his  profession  was  able  to  judge  of  his  situation,  what  may  we  not  expect 
was  done  with  such  ignorant  people  as  did  not  know  what  part  of  their 
conduct  or  expressions  might  be  deemed  criminal.  It  is  observable,  that 
though  the  subpoena  for  Mr.  Brackenridge  came  from  Judge  Peters,  yet 
the  examinations  were  conducted,  and  the  terrors,  &c.  dispensed,  by  the 
Secretary !" 

Mr.  Brackenridge,  at  least,  had  no  reason  to  complain  of  Hamilton,  and 
although  differing  from  him  in  politics,  always  spoke  of  him  personally 
with  respect.  He  had  done  him  justice,  which  he  did  not  expect,  consid 
ering  the  prepossession  and  the  influences  brought  to  bear  against  him. 
To  obtain  bare  justice,  or  rather  to  escape  injustice,  was  something  to  be 
grateful  for  in  such  times ;  but  that  gratitude  is  not  required  by  any  gen 
erosity  of  sentiment  to  be  carried  beyond  himself.  This  was  a  different 
case  from  his  escape  from  assassination ;  he  felt  no  gratitude,  nor  was 
there  any  due  to  those  who  saved  him,  as  it  were,  from  their  own  servants, 
for  whose,  acts  they  would  be  responsible. 

Mr.  Craig  affects  to  entertain  some  doubts  as  to  the  details  of  the  ex- 

*  Findley  had  not  sufficient  magnanimity,  or  justice,  to  ascribe  this  acquittal  to 
innocence,  but  regarded  it  as  the  result  of  management  on  the  part  of  an  astute  lawyer! 

21 


310  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

animation  of  Mr.  Brackenridge;  on  what  ground?  On  the  technical 
ground  of  exparte  evidence ;  there  was  no  one  present  but  Hamilton  and 
himself !  He  appears  not  to  know  the  difference  between  historical  evi 
dence  and  the  narrow  rules  of  courts  under  the  common  law,  intended  to 
shut  out  falsehoods,  but  which  more  frequently  shut  out  truth.  He  says 
it  is  ejcparte  evidence.  But  this  does  not  mean  evidence  of  the  party, 
which  is  often  received  in  courts  of  justice;  but  where  confined  exclusively 
to  the  breast  of  the  witness,  and  there  exists  no  possibility  of  contradiction, 
and  given  without  notice  to  enable  others  to  contradict  him.  Here  there 
was  ample  notice — the  appeal  was  to  the  bar  of  public  opinion ;  the  facts 
published  in  the  presence  of  the  parties  interested  to  controvert ;  the  per 
son  named  with  whom  the  transaction  took  place.  There  was  also  a  for 
mal  challenge  to  deny  the  facts  of  the  "  Incidents/'  generally.  How 
easy  would  it  have  been  to  have  addressed  a  letter  to  Hamilton,  calling 
on  him  to  contradict  the  statements,  if  not  true  ?  The  Nevilles  were  im 
plicated  in  what  was  said  by  Hamilton^to  them  alone  could  he  have  re 
ferred,  when  he  said,  "had  we  listened  to  some  people,';  &c.  They  were 
silent.  Can  we  admit  the  wretched  excuse  of  the  descendant,  that  Col. 
Neville  was  too  indolent,  and  the  others  of  the  connection  not  competent  ? 
No  attempt  was  made  to  deny  the  fact  of  the  acquittal,  and  it  was  a  sub 
ject  of  common  conversation  at  the  time,  and  the  whole  probably  repeated 
before  the  publication  a  year  afterward  in  a  book.  Hamilton  was  still 
living;  why,  I  repeat,  was  there  no  appeal  taken  ?  The  subject  will  not 
bear  a  moment's  consideration. 

Craig  again  asks,  why  was  not  the  document  alluded  to  (his  examina 
tion,)  produced  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  ?  This  is  an  unfortunate  question, 
for  Craig.  No  copy  was  retained,  as  is  evident  from  the  circumstances  ; 
the  five  sheets,  or  twenty-five  pages,  having  been  immediately  delivered 
to  Judge  Peters,  and  therefore  in  the  hands  of  the  government.  But  the 
question  may  be  turned  against  him.  Why  was  it  never  brought  forth  by 
the  friends  of  the  government  ?  A  very  plausible  reason  for  this  may  be 
given.  It  contained  a  statement  of  the  leading  facts  of  the  insurrection, 
so  entirely  convincing  to  Hamilton,  that  it  produced  an  entire  change  in  his 
mind;  but  it  exhibited  a  view  of  the  whole  affair  entirely  different  from 
that  which  the  government  agents  had  presented  to  the  public,  and  if  it 
convinced  Hamilton,  it  might  have  convinced  others;  and  here  was  a 
reason  for  its  suppression,  which  was  not  in  the  power  of  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  to  do,  as  he  did  not  retain  the  document. 

If  Judge  Wilkinson  is  good  authority  in  favor  of  the  Nevilles,  his  evi 
dence  is  not  to  be  rejected  when  he  speaks  of  the  conduct  of  the  govern- 


MILITARY   INQUISITION.  311 

ment  agents  who  caine  to  suppress  the  insurrection.  He  speaks  of  the 
"star  chamber"  proceedings  in  the  "inquisitorial  court/'  opened  by 
General  Hamilton,  and  of  "informers  influenced  by  prejudice  or  malice." 
He  relates  that  "a  lieutenant  of  the  army,  while  it  was  halting  at  Pitts 
burgh,  visited  his  uncle  in  the  vicinity,  and  accompanied  him  to  a  husking 
party,  where,  on  using  the  term  rebel  as  applicable  to  the  citizens  gen 
erally,  he  was  rebuked  by  a  respectable  old  man  of  the  party.  The  officer 
replied  insolently,  upon  which  a  young  man  (for  young  men  in  that  day 
always  felt  bound  to  protect  the  aged,)  interposed,  and  would  have  beaten 
him  with  deserved  severity,  had  not  my  father  begged  him  off.  The  officer 
returned  to  Pittsburgh,  and  the  next  day  both  of  those  who  had  offended 
him  at  the  husking  were  arrested.  The  young  man  found  friends  who 
procured  his  liberation,  but  the  old  man,  notwithstanding  efforts  were 
made  for  his  release,  was  carried  to  Philadelphia  and  imprisoned  for 
more  than  six  months,  without  trial."  There  is  no  reason  to  question  this 
fact,  and  others  of  frequent  occurrence ;  but  Judge  Wilkinson,  the  eulo 
gist  of  the  Neville  connection,  does  not  appear  to  be  aware  of  the  quarter 
on  which  his  censure  would  fall — not  merely  on  General  Hamilton,  but 
also  on  the  "  general  plaintiff"  in  the  outrages  committed. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE  MILITARY  ARRESTS,  AND  ATROCIOUS  TREATMENT  OP  THE  PEOPLE — THE  DREAD 
FUL  NIGHT WITHDRAWAL  OP  THE  ARMY THK  END  OF  THE  INSURRECTION. 

THE  army  of  the  western  expedition,  as  it  was  called,  had  been  about 
ton  days  encamped  in  two  or  three  divisions  in  the  West,  while  no  symp 
tom  of  disaffection  was  discernible,  much  less  any  embodied  force;  on 
the  contrary,  every  disposition  was  manifested  by  the  magistrates,  and  the 
people  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  the  military,  as  well  as  of  the  ac 
companying  United  States  civil  authorities.  The  judges  of  Westmore 
land  county,  General  Jack  and  others,  waited  on  them,  and  offered  their 
service  to  issue  process  and  arrest  any  persons  that  might  be  designated. 
Their  services  were  not  accepted ;  and  they  were  dismissed  in  a  way 
which  indicated  that  other  and  more  summary  modes  of  proceeding  were 
in  contemplation.  Of  this,  the  details  of  the  last  chapter  will  have  given 
some  idea.  The  military  and  civil  inquests  being  completed,  it  was  now 
determined,  once  for  all,  to  strike  a  blow  that  would  be  felt  through  the 
whole  of  society  in  these  counties,  and  be  long  remembered,  like  the 
military  chastenings  of  Claverhouse,  in  crushing  the  unruly  spirit  of  the 
Highland  Scotch. 

It  will  appear  by  the  letter  of  instruction  to  General  Lee,  that  the 
military  force  was  to  act  u  where  it  met  with  combinations  or  individuals 
in  arms  against  the  government,  or  when  called  to  assist  the  civil  author 
ity  ."  These  orders  were  utterly  disregarded.  There  was  no  resistance, 
either  to  the  military  or  civil  authority ;  it  was  the  duty  of  the  army, 
therefore,  to  remain  passive,  and  confine  its  operations  to  its  camps.  The 
words  of  the  order  are  so  distinct  and  clear,  that  it  is  impossible  to  mis 
take  them.  "The  objects  of  the  military  force  are  two-fold;  to  overawe 
any  armed  opposition  that  may  exist,  and  to  countenance  and  support 
the  civil  officers  in  the  means  of  executing  their  offices.'7  And  again, 
"You  are  to  preserve  discipline  amongst  the  troops;  particularly  a 
scrupulous  regard  to  the  rights  of  persons  and  property,  and  a  respect  for 
the  authority  of  the  civil  magistrate ;  taking  especial  care  to  inculcate 
and  cause  to  be  observed  this  principle  :  that  the  duties  of  the  army  are 


MILITAKY  ARRESTS.  313 

confined  to  attacking  and  subduing  of  armed  opponents  to  the  laws,  and 
to  supporting  and  aiding  of  the  civil  officers  in  the  execution  of  their 
functions."  It  is  not  pretended  that  a  single  man  was  found  in  arms  in 
opposition  to  the  government;  where,  then,  was  the  justification  of  the 
military  arrests  and  military  agency  in  the  prosecution  of  those  alleged  to 
be  amenable  to  the  law  for  offenses  committed  during  the  disturbances  or 
riots  which  had  occurred  ? 

We  shall  here  present  the  orders  of  General  Lee,  addressed  to  General 
Irvine,  under  which  the  arrests  were  made ;  and  he  that  reads  an  account 
of  them  for  the  first  time,  cannot  do  so  without  astonishment  and  indig 
nation.  Never  since  there  was  a  government  in  these  States,  was  there 
anything  witnessed  so  disgraceful  as  the  proceedings  under  these  orders 
which  we  are  about  to  relate.  Such  orders  are  a  stain  on  the  history  of 
our  own  country.  Although  General  Lee  is  admitted  to  have  acted,  so  far 
as  he  was  personally  concerned  in  the  particular  cases,  in  an  unexception 
able  manner,  and  General  Irvine,  to  whom  the  orders  were  directed,  in  a 
manned  worthy  of  praise  ;  yet  the  execution  of  the  orders  from  their 
nature  would  necessarily  be  intrusted  to  inferior  and  subaltern  officers, 
and  to  expect  them  to  be  executed  without  abuse,  was  against  all  prob 
ability.  The  responsibility  of  issuing  them,  must,  therefore,  rest  on  their 
author,  whoever  he  may  be. 

"HEAD-QUARTERS,  NEAR  PARKINSON'S  FERRY,  } 
November  9th,  1794. 

"  SIR: — From  the  delays  and  danger  of  escapes  which  attend  the  present  situa 
tion  of  judiciary  investigations  to  establish  preliminary  processes  against  offenders, 
it  is  deemed  advisable  to  proceed  in  a  summary  manner,  in  the  most  disaffected 
scenes,  against  those  who  have  notoriously  committed  treasonable  acts ;  that  is, 
to  employ  the  military  for  the  purpose  of  apprehending  and  bringing  such  persons 
before  the  Judge  of  the  district,  to  be  by  him  examined  and  dealt  with  according 
to  law. 

"  To  you  is  committed  the  execution  of  this  object  within  that  part  of  Allegheny 
county  to  which  you  are  advancing. 

"As  a  guide  to  you,  you  have  herewith  a  list  of  persons  (No.  1,)  who  have  com 
plied  with  the  terms  offered  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States,  are  en 
titled  to  an  exemption  from  arrest  and  punishment,  and  who  are  therefore  not 
to  be  meddled  with.  You  have  also  a  list,  (No.  2, )  who,  it  is  understood  on  good 
grounds,  have  committed  acts  of  treason ;  and  who  may  therefore  be  safely  appre 
hended. 

"  Besides  these  you  may,  in  the  course  of  your  operations,  receive  satisfactory 
information  of  others  who  have  committed  like  acts,  and  whom,  in  that  case,  you 
will  also  cause  to  be  apprehended.  The  acts  alluded  to  are  the  following :  1st.  The 
firing  upon,  imprisoning,  or  interrupting  in  the  course  of  his  duty,  the  Marshal  of 
the  District.  2d.  The  two  attacks  on  the  house  of  John  Neville,  Esq.,  Inspector  of 


314  WESTEKN   INSURRECTION. 

the  Revenue.  3d.  The  assembling,  or  aiding  the  assembling,  of  an  army  at  Brad- 
dock's  Field,  in  the  county  of  Allegheny,  on  the  1st  of  August  last.  4th.  The  assem 
bling  and  acting  as  delegates  at  the  meeting  at  Parkinson's  Ferry,  which  began  on  the 
14th  of  the  same  month.  5th.  The  meeting  at  Mingo  Qreek  meeting-house,  termed  a 
society — sometimes  a  congress.  6th.  The  destruction  of  properly  and  the  expulsion 
of  persons,  at  and  from  the  town  of  Pittsburgh.  7th.  The  interruption  and  plunder 
ing  of  the  public  mail ;  and  the  injuries  to  the  houses  and  violence  to  the  persons  of 
Benjamin  Wells,  John  Webster  and  Philip  Regan,  officers  of  the  revenue.  8th.  The 
planting  of  May  poles,  impudently  called  liberty  poles,  with  the  intention  to  counte 
nance  and  cooperate  in  the  insurrection.  You  will  carefully  direct  your  inquiries  to 
ward  civil  and  military  officers,  who  have  been  extensively  concerned  in  the  enormities 
committed ;  it  being  their  special  duty  to  have  prohibited,  by  their  exertions,  every 
species  of  enormity.  But  in  the  apprehension  of  persons  not  named  in  the  list, 
(No.  2,)  you  will  use  great  circumspection  to  embrace  none  but  real  offenders ; 
nor  will  you  be  too  promiscuous  or  too  general.  The  persons  apprehended  ought 
to  be  leading  or  influential  characters,  or  particularly  violent.  You  will  find  a 
list,  (No.  3  ;)  this  paper  comprehends  witnesses.  The  individuals  are  to  be  brought 
forward  and  treated  as  such. 

"  Direct  all  who  may  be  apprehended  by  you  to  be  conveyed  to  your  camp,  until 
further  orders.  Send  off  your  parties  of  horse,  with  good  guides,  and  at  such  a 
period  as  to  make  the  surprises,  however  distant,  or  near,  at  the  same  moment,  or 
intelligence  will  precede  them,  and  some  of  the  culprits  will  escape.  I  presume 
the  proper  hour  will  be  at  daybreak  on  Thursday  morning,  and  have  therefore  de 
sired  the  operation  to  be  then  performed,  in  every  quarter. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  most  obedient  servant, 
(Signed)  HENRY  LEE. 

"List  No.  1,  mentioned  in  this  letter,  is  in  the  possession  of  Governor  Howell, 
and  will  be  sent  to  you,  if  required.  Wait  not  for  it. 

"  List  No.  3  is  not  to  be  expected,  as  no  witnesses  are  to  be  summoned  for  the 
district  for  which  you  act." 

It  appears  that  No.  1,  containing  the  names  of  those  who  were  enti 
tled  to  the  benefit  of  the  amnesty,  was  never  delivered.  This  was  also 
the  case  with  No.  3,  containing  the  names  of  those  who  were  to  be  ar 
rested  as  witnesses,  but  many  of  these  were  embraced  in  No.  2,  so  that 
no  difference  was  made  in  their  favor.  The  order  was  directed  to  General 
Irvine,  who  of  course  re-issued  the  same  orders  in  circulars  to  the  infe 
rior  officers,  who  were  to  execute  them.  The  conduct  of  the  General  was 
perhaps  military,  and  all  agree  that  wherever  he  had  any  personal  agency 
he  acted  with  humanity,  but  he  would  have  been  entitled  to  still  higher 
praise  if  he  had  taken  the  responsibility  of  disobeying  such  an  extraor 
dinary  and  illegal  order. 

It  was  thus  left  to  the  discretion  of  some  subaltern  or  inferior  officer, 
ignorant,  and  of  brutal  passions,  as  the  case  might  be,  to  commit  the 


MILITARY   ARRESTS.  315 

grossest  violations  of  the  rights  of  the  citizen.  At  his  pleasure,  the  do 
mestic  sanctuary  was  to  be  violated  in  the  dead  hour  of  the  night,  with 
out  any  other  warrant  but  the  sword ;  men  were  to  be  torn  from  their 
beds  and  distracted  families  for  suspected  offenses;  some  of  these  offenses 
being  merely  political,  or  no  offenses  at  all,  and  many  of  them  merely  as 
witnesses  !  Every  man's  house,  in  contemplation  of  law,  is  his  castle,  and 
when  thus  invaded  he  has  as  much  a  right  to  defend  it  against  lawless 
bands  of  soldiers,  as  against  the  ferocious  savages.  He  would  have  been 
as  justifiable  in  shooting  the  assailants,  and  it  is  a  wonderful  proof  to 
what  degree  the  people  were  crushed  by  submission,  that  no  instance  of 
the  kind  occurred.  The  only  excuse  for  this  proceeding  was,  that  the 
supposed  culprits  might  otherwise  escape  !  But  what  is  this  compared 
to  the  ten-fold  outrage  committed  against  men  presumed  in  law  to  be  in 
nocent,  and  many  of  them  beyond  question  were  so,  or  had  signed  the 
amnesty.  The  wretched  excuse  is  an  insult  to  the  understanding  of 
those  to  whom  it  is  addressed.  It  is  scarcely  equaled  by  those  acts  in 
other  parts  of  the  world,  which  are  held  up  by  all  modern  historians  for 
the  execration  of  the  just  and  wise. 

The  special  directions  from  No.  1  to  No.  8,  instead  of  limiting  this  re 
volting  discretionary  power,  confided  to  dragoons  over  the  liberties,  lives 
and  domiciles  of  the  western  people,  tends  to  enlarge  and  aggravate  it. 
One  or  two  of  those  special  cases  deserve  particular  notice.  Those  who 
attended  the  Parkinson  meeting  are  mentioned  as  proper  subjects  of 
arrest.  Now  this  meeting  of  the  citizens  had  for  its  object,  with  those  who 
originated  and  controlled  it,  to  bring  about  a  peaceable  submission  to  the 
laws.  Where  was  the  offense  in  this  unarmed  assembly  ?  It  was  even 
recognized  by  the  President,  in  his  instructions  to  the  commissioners,  who 
were  directed  to  open  a  communication  with  it.  If  its  members  were  to 
be  all  treated  alike,  then  the  committee  of  conference  which  negotiated 
with  the  commissioners  and  exerted  itself  to  bring  about  a  submission, 
was  in  the  same  manner  liable,  especially  as  it  was  composed  of  members 
of  the  Parkinson's  Ferry  meeting.  The  harmless  assembly  at  Braddock's 
Field  is  also  to  be  regarded  as  treasonable,  although  no  act  of  treason  was 
committed,  unless  that  the  mere  assemblage,  without  inquiring  into  the 
quo  animo  of  the  mass  or  of  individuals,  is  to  be  regarded  as  treason. 
The  planting  liberty  poles  is  also  to  be  regarded  as  treasonable,  and  the 
dragoon  is  to  be  the  judge  in  the  first  instance  !  But  the  most  singular  of 
these  instructions  is  the  direction  to  seize  on  all  civil  and  military  officers 
whose  duty  it  was  to  prevent  the  commission  of  these  acts  of  outrage, 
because  they  failed  to  do  so,  no  matter  whether  it  was  in  their  power  or 


316  WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 

not.  If  we  reflect  on  the  distance  from  the  scenes  where  these  acts  were 
committed,  to.other  parts  of  the  country,  and  the  fact  that  they  were  not 
even  heard  of  by  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  until  afterward,  the 
duty  required  of  the  civil  and  military  officer*  is  a  very  severe  one,  in 
deed.  What  would  we  think  of  applying  this  doctrine  to  the  riots  which 
have  been  committed  since  that  day  in  the  narrow  limits  of  many  of  our 
towns  and  cities,  and  hold  the  magistrates  and  peaceful  citizens  responsi 
ble  for  them  ?  Why  were  not  the  officers  and  the  whole  army  held  respon 
sible  for  the  two  murders  committed  while  it  was  encamped  at  Carlisle  ? 
We  are  reminded  of  the  Chinese  idea  of  justice,  where  the  culprit  is 
ordered  to  be  put  to  a  horrid  death,  with  ten  of  his  nearest  relations,  the 
village  in  which  they  live  to  be  burned  to  ashes,  and  the  inhabitants  driven 
out  to  starve  !  Is  it  not  astonishing  to  find  such  perversion  of  reason  in  our 
enlightened  country  ?  To  pursue  the  subject  further  would  be  a  prosti 
tution  of  the  reasoning  faculty. 

From  this  brief  review  of  the  principles  of  action,  we  will  proceed  to 
the  relation  of  the  outrages  committed  in  pursuance  of  them.  The 
principles  are  bad  enough,  but  their  practical  operation  too  atrocious  for 
words  to  characterize  with  sufficient  force ;  in  fact,  the  simple  narrative 
goes  far  beyond  any  language  of  reprobation.  He  is  a  false  historian, 
who  would  skulk  from  the  relation  of  such  acts  of  iniquity,  or  attempt 
to  gloss  them  over  by  frothy  excuses  or  equivocations.  The  following  is 
the  general  account  given  by  Mr.  Brackenridge : 

"The  13th  of  November  was  a  ' DREADFUL  NIGHT'  through  the 
western  country.  Hundreds  were  arrested ;  offenders  and  witnesses  to 
gether.  Though  directions  were  given  to  discriminate  in  their  treatment, 
it  could  not  always  be  done  in  the  first  instance.  Men  were  thrown  into 
jail,  kept  in  cold  barns  or  out-houses,  or  tied  back  to  back  in  cellars. 
The  officers,  in  some  instances,  behaved  with  mildness ;  in  others,  with 
wanton  and  unnecessary  severity.  A  Captain  Dunlap,  of  Philadelphia,  is 
said  to  have  conducted  a  number  of  prisoners  from  Washington  to  Pitts 
burgh  with  humanity.  A  Capt. is  said,  on  the  other  hand,  to 

have  driven  a  number  under  his  custody  like  cattle  before  him,  at  a  trot, 
in  muddy  roads,  through  the  Chartiers  creek  to  the  middle;  then  im 
pounded  them  in  a  wet  stable,  and  insulted  them,  by  ordering  to  be  thrown 
into  the  manger  dough  and  raw  flesh  to  eat !  Passing  to  Washington 
some  time  afterward,  I  examined  the  stables  and  collected  these  facts." 

The  foregoing  was  derived  from  information ;  the  cases  which  came 
under  his  own  observation  were  even  more  atrocious  : 

"Of  list  No.  2,  were  personally  known  to  me,  Andrew  Watson,  Norris 


THE  "DREADFUL  NIGHT."  317 

Morrison,  Samuel  M'Cord,  John  Hannah,  William  Amberson,  William 
H.  Beaumont,  Alexander  M'Nickle,  Mordecai  M'Donald,  Martin  Cooper 
and  George  Kobinson.  Of  these,  all  had  signed  the  amnesty  except 
George  Kobinson  and  Mordecai  M'Donald.*  And  with  regard  to  Robin 
son,  I  never  heard  a  syllable  alleged,  but  on  the  contrary,  he  was  a  most 
worthy,  peaceable  man,  the  chief  burgess  of  Pittsburgh.  His  not  signing 
the  paper  of  submission  was  owing  to  a  mistake  of  pride,  which  had  ex 
isted  with  many,  thinking  that  it  would  be  a  virtual  acknowledgment  of 
having  done  something  wrong  in  violation  of  the  laws.'f  Nevertheless, 
these  were  arrested  on  the  night  of  the  13th  of  November,  all  except 
M'Nickle  and  Amberson ;  the  last  of  whom  had  received  some  hint  of 
it,  and  surrendered  himself  to  the  judiciary  then  sitting  in  his  house. 
M'Nickle  found  favor,  and  by  some  direction  of  General  Irvine,  was 
passed  over;  Martin  Cooper,  (a  lame  man,)  was  also  passed  over,  and 
never  knew  that  he  was  on  the  list  of  the  proscribed  until  I  showed  him 
the  list  some  time  afterward.  J  Nothing  could  be  a  greater  proof  to  me  of 
favoritism  and  prejudice,  than  the  forming  this  list,  and  the  management 
respecting  it.  Jeremiah  Sturgeon  had  been  arrested  as  the  person  intend 
ed  under  the  name  of  Alexander  Sturgeon.  I  will  now  assume  four  of  these, 
Andrew  Watson,  William  H.  Beaumont,  Jeremiah  Sturgeon  and  George 
Robinson — than  whom,  I  will  pledge  myself,  there  are  not  four  less  sus 
pected  persons,  much  less  offending  men,  in  the  whole  town  of  Pittsburgh. 
With  regard  to  the  others,  there  had  been  allegations  with  respect  to 
raising  a  liberty  pole ;  but  as  to  the  greater  part  of  them,  found  afterward 
to  be  groundless.  Andrew  Watson  was  my  neighbor,  one  of  the  most 
worthy  men  on  earth,  and  a  person  who  had  suffered  as  much  uneasiness 
from  the  disturbance  as  any  man  could  do ;  he  had  demeaned  himself  in 
the  most  unexceptionable  manner.  Of  Jeremiah  Sturgeon,  one  of  our 
most  unoffending  men,  and  George  Robinson,  I  have  already  spoken. 
They  were  little  known  out  of  the  town  of  Pittsburgh ;  and  it  must  have 

*  Besides  these,  there  were  in  the  list  for  Pittsburgh,  Alexander  Sturgeon,  James 
Hunter  and  Henry  Parker. 

f  He  had  accompanied  Mr.  Brackenridge  to  the  Mingo  Creek  meeting,  at  the 
special  request  of  Neville.  It  seems  by  the  order  already  cited  under  the  fifth 
head,  that  this  was  an  offense,  if  it  does  not  relate  to  the  members  of  the  club  or 
society,  which  met  at  that  place,  which  seems  probable.  A  curious  cause  for 
either  a  military  or  civil  arrest ! 

J  It  was  asked,  with  a  show  of  indignation,  how  did  Mr.  Brackenridge  obtain 
the  lists  ?  It  matters  not,  their  genuineness  was  not  questioned.  Its  publication 
was  said  to  have  displeased  General  Irvine — others  had  better  ground  to  be  dis- 


318  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

been  from  thence  that  any  information  against  them  could  have  come.* 
They  were  dragged  out  of  their  beds  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  but 
partly  dressed ;  obliged  to  march,  some  of  them  without  putting  on  their 
shoes,  thus  dragged  away  amid  the  cries  of  children  and  the  tears  of 
mothers;  treated  with  language  of  the  most  insulting  opprobium,  by 
those  apprehending  them;  driven  before  a  troop  of  horse  at  a  trot, 
through  muddy  roads ;  seven  miles  from  Pittsburgh,  impounded  in  a  pen 
on  the  wet  soil.  The  guard  baying  them,  and  asking  them  how  they 
would  like  to  be  hanged ;  some  offering  a  dollar  to  have  the  privilege  of 
shooting  at  them;  carried  thence  four  miles  toward  the  town;  obliged 
to  lie  all  night  on  the  wet  earth,  without  covering,  under  a  season  of 
rains,  sleet  and  snows ;  driven  from  the  fire  with  bayonets,  when  some 
of  them,  perishing,  had  crawled,  endeavoring  to  be  unseen,  toward  it ; 
next  day  impounded  in  a  waste  house,  and  detained  there  five  days,  then 
removed  to  a  newly  built  and  damp  room,  without  fire,  in  the  garrison  at 
Pittsburgh;  at  the  end  of  ten  days  brought  before  the  judiciary,  and 
nothing  appearing  against  them — discharged  !" 

It  is  painful  to  contemplate  such  acts  under  any  form  of  government, 
and  especially  under  free  institutions.  It  appears  that  some  of  the  citi 
zens  who  had  most  exerted  themselves  in  support  of  the  laws,  and  had 
made  great  efforts  to  bring  the  people  to  submission  by  persuasion,  were 
the  victims  of  this  dragoonade.  As  there  was  no  force  at  the  time  to 
put  down  the  disorderly,  no  standing  armies  as  in  despotic  countries,  if 
good  citizens  were  thus  rewarded,  who  will,  hereafter,  exert  themselves 
on  such  occasions?  The  effect  must  be  most  pernicious.  According 
to  Dr.  Moor,  in  the  despotic  aristocracy  of  Venice  it  was  a  crime  for  the 
citizen  to  intermeddle  with,  or  even  to  speak  of  the  affairs  of  the  republic, 
whether  in  praise  or  dispraise.  All  he  had  to  do  was  to  submit  and 
obey.  Such  appears  to  be  the  ideas  of  some  of  those  who  came  to  put 
down  the  Western  Insurrection,  and  who  acted  in  a  way  so  directly  at 
variance  with  all  preconceived  notions  of  what  is  due  to  the  citizen,  and 
so  inconsistently  with  the  express  orders  of  Washington. 

The  foregoing  is  related  by  Mr.  Brackenridge  as  within  his  own  know 
ledge  ;  the  further  facts  on  a  more  extended  scale,  which  he  relates,  were 
matters  of  public  notoriety.  "  About  three  hundred  arrests  were  made 
by  the  different  military  parties  in  the  same  night,  chiefly  in  Washington 
and  Allegheny  counties.  With  few  exceptions  these  arrests  were  made 

*  That  information  was  of  course  given  in  secret — and  shows  the  bad  influence 
then  at  work  behind  the  curtain — with  this  detestable  military  inquisition.  Hea 
ven  defend  us  from  military  government,  or  military  police  ! 


THE  "DREADFUL  NIGHT."  319 

with  a  total  disregard  of  the  amnesty,  an  instance  of  bad  faith  most  dis 
graceful  to  those  concerned,  and  contrary  to  the  express  command  of 
Washington  in  the  general  orders  signed  by  Hamilton." 

Findley,  who  wrote  a  year  afterward,  gives  other  instances  and  some 
what  more  in  detail,  from  documents  collected  by  him.  No  one  at  the 
time  doubted  the  truth  of  the  statements ;  the  author,  although  then  but 
a  boy,  remembers  well  to  have  heard  the  horror  of  the  "  DREADFUL 
NIGHT"  related  by  many  of  the  sufferers  themselves,  and  as  a  subject  of 
common  conversation  among  the  people.  Although  in  his  "  Incidents," 
Mr.  Brackenridge  relates  with  proper  indignation  the  occurrences  we 
have  just  recorded,  yet  at  the  same  time  there  is  an  evident  disposition 
to  reconcile  the  people  to  the  government,  and  even  to  palliate  and  apolo 
gize,  rather  than  encourage  disaffection.  We  now  make  the*  following 
extract  from  Findley : 

"  The  agonizing  distress  of  those  citizens  and  their  families,  who  were 
made  the  victims  of  perhaps  private  resentments  on  this  occasion,  can  be 
more  easily  conceived  than  expressed.  The  consternation  of  others,  when 
they  observed  the  innocent,  those  who  had  signed  the  amnesty,  witnesses 
and  criminals,  treated  with  such  undistinguishing  severity,  was  inex 
pressible.  They  justly  apprehended  that  no  man  was  safe,  let  his  con 
duct  have  been  ever  so  innocent,  or  his  assurance  of  protection  from  gov 
ernment  ever  so  great,  if  those  who  influenced  the  judiciary  had  enmity 
against  him. 

"  I  have  already  stated  that  many  of  them  had  signed  the  amnesty ; 
others  had  refused  to  sign  from  the  pride  of  ignorance,  or  an  acknowl 
edgment  of  guilt.  A  number  of  them  were  men  of  unimpeachable  be 
havior  throughout  the  whole  of  the  insurrection.  Though  there  had 
been  a  good  deal  of  heat  and  irritation  among  the  mo»t  ignorant  class  of 
the  people  at  Pittsburgh,  yet  there  was  no  higher  crime  committed,  even 
by  them,  than  erecting  a  liberty  pole ;  but  a  proportion  of  the  prisoners 
were  not  of  that  class ;  one  of  them  was  a  respectable  and  well  behaved 
magistrate  of  the  town. 

"A  captain  with  a  detachment  of  the  army  who  took  a  number  of  pris 
oners  in  the  southern  parts  of  Washington  county,  is  asserted  to  have 
driven  the  prisoners  like  cattle  at  a  trot,  through  creeks  up  to  their  middle 
in  water,  and  to  have  impounded  them  in  a  wet  stable  at  night,  and  oth 
erwise  to  have  maltreated  and  insulted  them  •  though  this  fact  has  been 
confidently  asserted  and  never  contradicted,  yet  not  having  the  vouchers 
for  it  before  me,  I  shall  pass  it  over  without  being  more  particular. 

"  The  greatest  outrage,  however,  against  humanity  and  decency,  was 
committed  by  General  White  in  the  Mingo  Creek  settlement.  It  is  said 


320  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

that  lie  had  been  solicitous  to  have  command  of  the  New  Jersey  militia 
on  the  western  expedition,  but  from  an  apprehension  of  the  peculiarity 
of  his  temper,  rendering  him  unfit  for  such  a  trust,  arrangements  were 
made  that  prevented  him  from  attaining  that  rank ;  but  being  determined 
to  be  employed  in  the  expedition,  and  holding  the  rank  of  Brigadier 
General  in  the  militia,  he  marched  to  Carlisle  with  the  light-horse  vol 
unteers  ;  and  after  a  part  of  them  were  incorporated  with  the  legion,  he 
continued  to  command  the  Jersey  light-horse  until  the  return  of  the 
army.  When  Governor  Howell  took  the  horse,  all  but  a  small  corps 
which  he  left  with  General  White,  he  gladly  accepted  the  charge  of 
taking  down  the  prisoners,  after  that  trust  had  been  declined  by  others. 
Governor  Howell  returned  with  the  horse  by  way  of  Northumberland,  and 
behaved  in*  such  a  manner  as  to  do  honor  to  himself  and  the  corps  he  com 
manded  both  in  the  western  country  and  on  the  return.  Though  there 
seemed  to  be  a  general  conviction  that  General  White  was  not  possessed 
of  sufficient  discretion  to  be  intrusted  with  the  delicate  charge  of  arresting 
prisoners,  yet  by  some  means  I  never  could  learn  of  any  officer  of  whom 
I  had  an  opportunity  of  inquiring,  how  he  was  intrusted  to  superintend 
the  taking  of  prisoners  in  Mingo  Creek  settlement  on  the  13th  of  No 
vember,  before  mentioned,  which  from  his  conduct  more  than  that  of  any 
other  officer  in  that  country,  was  known  by  the  name  of  the  i  dreadful 
night/  I  shall  state  his  conduct  on  that  occasion,  nearly  in  the  words  by 
which  it  is  expressed  in  the  voucher  now  before  me. 

"On  Thursday,  the  13th  of  November,  there  were  about  forty  persons 
brought  to  Parkinson's  house  by  order  of  General  White,  and  he  directed 

to  put  the.d d  rascals  in  the  cellar;  to  tie  them  back  to  back;  to  make 

a  fire  for  the  guard,  but  to  put  the  prisoners  back  to  the  farther  end  of 
the  cellar,  and  to  give  them  neither  victuals  nor  drink.  The  cellar  was 
wet  and  muddy,  and  the  night  cold ;  the  cellar  extended  the  whole  length 
Tinder  a  new  log  house,  which  was  neither  floored  nor  the  openings  be 
tween  the  logs  daubed.  They  were  kept  there  until  Saturday  morning, 
and  then  marched  to  the  town  of  Washington.  On  the  march,  one  of  the 
prisoners  who  was  subject  to  convulsions,  fell  into  a  fit;  but  when  some 
of  the  troop  told  General  White  of  his  situation,  he  ordered  them  to  tie 

the  d d  rascal  to  a  horse's  tail  and  drag  him  along  with  them,  for  he 

had  only  feigned  having  fits.  Some  of  his  fellow  prisoners,  however, 
who  had  a  horse,  dismounted  and  let  the  poor  man  ride.  He  had  another 
fit  before  he  reached  Washington.  This  march  was  about  twelve  miles. 
The  poor  man  who  had  the  fits  had  been  in  the  American  service  during 
almost  the  whole  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain. 

"  Having  heard  much  of  this  inhuman  business,  and  having  occasion 


THE    "  DREADFUL   NIGHT."  321 

last  summer  to  go  to  Washington,  I  traveled  that  road  for  the  first  time 
that  I  had  ever  been  in  the  settlement,  and  lodged  a  night  at  the  place. 
The  plantation  is  the  property  of  Benjamin  Parkinson,  but  rented  by 
him  to  a  Mr.  Stockdale,  who  keeps  tavern  at  it,  and  who  seems  to  be  a 
dece.nt  man,  and  against  whom  there  was  no  charge.  He  not  only  con 
firmed  what  I  have  stated  above,  but  added  a  variety  of  other  particulars 
equally  shocking.  Stockdale  was  forbid  on  the  peril  of  his  life  to  admin 
ister  any  comfort  to  his  neighbors,  though  they  were  perishing  with  cold 
and  famishing  with  hunger.  The  General  treated  the  prisoners  as  they 
arrived  with  the  most  insulting  and  abusive  language,  causing  them  all  to 
be  tied  back  to  back,  except  one  man  who  held  a  respectable  rank,  and 
who,  however,  was  said  to  be  one  of  the  most  guilty  in  his  custody. 
One  of  the  nearest  neighbors,  who  had  a  child  at  the  point  of  dying,  and 
observing  that  they  were  bringing  in  the  whole  neighborhood  prisoners, 
without  regard  to  guilt  or  innocence,  went  and  gave  himself  up  to  General 
White,  expecting  that  as  they  were  conscious  there  was  no  charge  against 
him,  he  would  be  permitted  to  return  to  his  family  on  giving  bail  ;  but 
he  also  was  inhumanly  thrown  into  the  cellar,  tied  with  the  rest,  and  re 
fused  the  privilege  of  seeing  his  dying  child ;  nor  was  he  permitted  to 
attend  its  funeral,  until,  after  many  entreaties,  he  obtained  that  liberty, 
accompanied  with  the  most  horrid  oaths  and  imprecations. 

"  The  most  of  these  prisoners  were  found  to  be  innocent  men,  and  lib 
erated.  There  were  but  three  sent  to  Philadelphia  for  trial ;  one  of  them 
after  having  been  dismissed  at  Pittsburgh,  and  perhaps  taken  a  hearty 
grog  through  joy  at  regaining  his  liberty,  expressed  himself  unbecomingly 
to  some  of  the  light-horsemen;  he  was  afterward  pursued  near  thirty 
miles  and  taken  to  Philadelphia,  but  there  was  no  cause  of  action  found 
against  him  at  the  court.  He  had  served  with  approbation  during  the 
war ;  his  name  was  Samuel  Noy.  Captain  Dunlap  had  a  discrimination 
made  in  his  orders  between  witnesses  and  supposed  criminals,  and  treated 
them  all  with  humanity ;  had  them  comfortably  lodged,  and  provided 
with  victuals  and  drink,  previous  to  taking  any  refreshments  himself. 
By  the  orders  delivered  to  General  Irvine,  he  was  obliged  to  take  and 
treat  all  as  criminals,  but  he  did  not  insult  any  of  them  himself,  nor  per 
mit  them  to  be  insulted  by  others  in  his  hearing ;  and  he  provided  for 
them  as  well  as  the  camp  would  admit,  and  that  being  a  very  uncomfort 
able  situation,  he  had  them  removed  from  it  as  soon  as  he  could.  That 
they  were  ignorant  persons,  who  had  sheltered  themselves  under  the  faith 
of  the  government,  or  were  only  called  as  witnesses,  was  not  known  to 
the  General  till  it  was  discovered  in  the  result;  but  General  White  was 


322  WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 

himself  the  leading,  or  perhaps  the  only  man  of  his  corps,  who  insulted 
the  prisoners  with  the  most  opprobrious  language,  and  punished  them  in 
the  most  shocking  manner  short  of  inflicting  dearth.  Of  all  that  were  ta 
ken  on  that  <  dreadful  night/  only  eighteen  were  sent  to  Philadelphia,  and 
none  of  these  convicted  on  trial/' 

Two  or  three  might  have  been  convicted  and  punished  for  misdemean 
ors,  but  they  were  tried  for  treason.  One  of  the  three,  Captain  Porter, 
the  father  of  Mr.  Porter  of  Tarentum,  and  grandfather  of  the  present 
representative,  J.  H.  Porter,  when  put  on  his  trial  it  appeared  that  he 
had  been  taken  by  mistake  for  another  of  that  name,  as  in  the  case  of 
Sturgeon  !  These  men  remained  five  or  six  months  in  prison,  and  not  in 
such  prisons  as  are  kept  at  the  present  day.  The  writer  has  had  access 
to  the  journal  of  Captain  Porter,  which  is  well  written,  and  forms  a  most 
interesting  narrative.  He  was  one  of  the  eighteen  innocent  men  paraded 
through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  their  hats  labeled  with  the  word 
"  INSURGENT/'  in  large  letters  ! 

"As  the  army  returned  through  Westmoreland,  two  arrests  were  made 
in  the  southern  extremity  of  that  county,  and  one  in  the  neighboring 
parts  of  Fayette.  They  were  taken  to  Philadelphia;  the  last  had  been 
in  Kentucky  during  the  insurrection,  and  did  not  return  until  the  riots 
had  ceased.  Isaac  Meason,  a  judge  of  Fayette  county,  followed  Judge 
Peters  near  forty  miles  into  Bedford  county,  and  offered  himself  and 
Judge  Wells  of  that  county,  both  of  them  acknowledged  friends  of  the 
government,  as  bail  for  the  prisoners,  but  was  absolutely  refused.  As 
Meason  knew  that  the  prisoner  was  guilty  of  no  crime,  which  evidently 
appeared  to  be  the  case,  by  no  bill  being  found  against  him,  he  and  Mr. 
Wells  complained  of  the  judge  for  not  admitting  him  to  bail  on  their 
application.  Judge  Peters  being  well  known  to  be  a  man  of  feeling  and 
humanity,  his  conduct  in  this  and  several  other  instances  can  only  be 
accounted  for  from  some  overshadowing  influence,  and  his  apprehension 
that  it  was  necessary  that  a  considerable  number  of  prisoners  should  be 
brought  down,  in  order  to  prevent  the  inflammatory  part  of  the  army  from 
committing  outrages  at  leaving  the  country.  His  mind  was  tortured  at 
being  obliged  to  send  down  so  many  prisoners,  and  his  peace  was  disturbed 
by  being  teased  for  dismissing  such  numbers  of  them.*  One  of  the  two 
prisoners  from  Westmoreland  was  found  guilty  of  setting  fire  to  the  house 
of  Wells,  the  collector,  and  condemned  to  be  hanged ;  but  was  afterward 
reprieved  and  then  pardoned  by  the  President.  He  was  a  very  ignorant 

*  This  singular  apology  for  the  judge,  presents  the  conduct  of  the  army  in  a 
worse  light  than  the  direct  accusation. 


THE   "DREADFUL    NIGHT."  323 

man,  said  to  be  of  an  outrageous  temper,  and  subject  to  occasional  fita  of 
insanity." 

A  certain  John  Mitchell,  who,  with  the  assistance  of  another  person, 
had  robbed  the  Pittsburgh  mail,  gave  himself  up  to  General  Morgan,  who, 
instead  of  confining  him,  gave  him  a  pass  to  go  to  Philadelphia,  thereby 
putting  it  in  his  power  to  escape ;  but  he  went  there,  and  being  found 
guilty  on  his  trial,  was  condemned  to  be  hanged.  The  result  was  inevi 
table  on  the  fact  being  established ;  but  the  President  first  reprieved  for  a 
time,  and  then  pardoned  him. 

The.  Kev.  Dr.  Carnahan,  President  of  Princeton  College,  in  his  account 
of  the  insurrection,  fully  corroborates  the  statement  made  by  the  previous 
writers  on  the  subject  of  the  arrests.  Although  at  the  cost  of  some 
repetition,  the  paragraphs  relating  thereto  are  given  entire. 

"  Companies  of  horsemen  were  scattered  in  different  directions  over 
the  country,  and  as  there  was  no  opposition,  it  was  thought  the  army  was 
about  to  return.  On  the  night  of  the  13th  of  November,  a  frosty  night, 
about  one  o'clock,  the  horse  was  sallied  forth,  and  before  daylight  arrested 
in  their  beds  about  two  hundred  men.  A  company  of  Virginia  horse 
were  stationed  for  several  days  near  Canonsburg,  and  I  give  the  manner 
of  their  proceedings  as  a  sample  of  what  probably  occurred  in  other  places. 
About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  they  surrounded  the  house  where  I  lodged, 
and  some  came  in  and  ordered  my  landlord,  an  old  man,  to  rise  and  guide 
them  to  a  neighborhood  about  eight  miles  distant,  where  he  was  well 
acquainted.  He  had  no  horse.  They  inquired  where  a  horse  could  be 
found.  He  named  two  or  three  places.  They  wanted  a  guide  to  the 
stables.  The  old  man  had  no  servant  in  the  house.  Two  boys  belonging 
to  the  academy  lodged  in  an  upper  chamber.  The  older  one,  of  an  im 
petuous  temper,  had  talked  big  in  favor  of  the  insurgents,  and  he  believed 
the  horsemen  had  come  to  arrest  him,  and  he  lay  trembling  in  bed.  The 
younger,  more  considerate,  had  always  condemned  the  insurgents.  Con 
scious  of  innocence,  he  jumped  up  and  ran  down  stairs  half  dressed,  to 
see  what  was  going  on.  The  horsemen  slapped  him  with  their  scabbards 
and  ordered  him  to  show  them  the  stables.  He  had  to  go,  and  run  about 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  without  shoes,  frosty  as  it  was.  No  horse  was  to  be 
found  at  the  first  stable,  and  then  he  had  to  run  as  far  in  a  different 
direction,  and  happily  found  a  horse.  The  epithet  i  young  insurgent/ 
with  additional  hard  words,  were  liberally  applied  with  an  occasional  slap, 
to  quicken  his  steps.  This  lad  was  afterward  the  Rev.  Dr.  0.  Jennings, 
of  Nashville,  Tennessee. 

"  My  own  lodgings  were  in  a  back  room  below  stairs,  in  company  with 


324  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

a  student  of  the  academy,  several  years  older  than  I  was.  He  was  a  sober, 
pious  young  man,  who  had  been  compelled  to  go  to  the  burning  of  Neville's 
house,  and  also  to  Braddock's  Field.  On  hearing  the  noise,  I  made  an 
attempt  to  rise,  but  my  friend,  believing  the  men  with  swords  were  in 
search  of  him,  begged  me  to  lie  still.  There  he  lay,  with  head  covered, 
trembling  and  panting,  until  the  horsemen  had  departed.  In  justice  to 
the  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Philadelphia  horsemen,  it  must  be  said  they 
made  arrests  and  treated  their  prisoners  with  as  much  gentleness  and  hu 
manity  as  practicable.  Yet  we  can  easily  imagine  what  terror  seized 
mothers,  and  sisters,  and  wives,  when  their  sons,  and  brothers,  and  hus 
bands  were  taken  out  of  bed  and  carried  off,  they  knew  not  whither.  That 
night  was  afterward  called  the  '  dreadful  night/ 

"  To  the  New  Jersey  horsemen  was  assigned  the  duty  of  arresting  those 
who  resided  in  the  Mingo  Creek  settlement,  the  region  where  the  insur 
rection  commenced,  and  where  the  most  disgraceful  acts  of  violence  had 
been  committed.  Whether  this  region  was  assigned  by  accident  to  the 
New  Jersey  horsemen,  or  that  they  might  have  an  opportunity  of  taking 
revenge  for  the  insults  Tom  the  Tinker  had  offered,  calling  the  New  Jer 
sey  militia  the  water  melon  army,  &c.,  we  know  not.  But  the  univer 
sal  testimony  is,  that  arrests  were  made  in  that  region  accompanied  with 
circumstances  of  barbarity  and  terror  seldom  equaled.  Men  were  drag 
ged  out  of  their  beds,  loaded  with  curses,  threatened  with  hanging  and 
death  in  the  presence  of  their  wives  and  children,  and  not  permitted  to 
collect  clothes  necessary  to  protect  them  from  the  inclemency  of  the  sea 
son,  and  driven  off  on  foot  when  they  had  horses  in  their  stables.  About 
forty  of  these  men  were  brought  to  a  house  near  Parkinson's  Ferry,  and 
thrust  into  a  wet  and  muddy  cellar,  tied  two  and  two  back  to  back,  and 
kept  there  twenty-four  hours  without  food  or  drink.  A  fire  was  kindled 
for  the  guard,  but  the  prisoners  were  not  suffered  to  come  near  it,  nor  was 
the  owner  of  the  house  permitted  to  do  anything  to  relieve  the  sufferings 
of  his  neighbors.  The  following  day  they  were  driven  twelve  miles  on 
foot,  through  mud  and  water,  to  Washington.  During  this  march,  in 
stances  of  cruelty  are  told  too  bad  to  be  repeated.  This  treatment  was 
attributed  to  the  commanding  officer,  (Brigadier  General  White,)  rather 
than  to  the  men.  Indeed,  the  men,  when  they  saw  their  prisoners 
exhausted  and  ready  to  faint,  alighted  from  their  horses,  placed  their 
prisoners  on  their  saddles,  and  waded  themselves  through  mud  nearly 
knee-deep.  A  large  number  of  prisoners  from  Washington  county  were 
collected  together  in  the  county  town,  and  taken  thence  to  Pittsburgh 
under  guard.  The  object  in  taking  them  to  Pittsburgh  was  that  they 


MILITARY   ARRESTS.  325 

might  be  examined  by  the  district  judge,  so  as  to  ascertain  which  of  them 
ought  to  be  taken  to  Philadelphia  for  trial.  I  saw  them  when  on  their 
way,  as  they  entered  Canonsburg,  and  were  placed  in  a  large  upper  room 
in  the  academy,  to  lodge  for  the  night.  They  were  conducted  by  the 
Philadelphia  and  New  Jersey  cavalry.  The  contrast  between  the  Phila 
delphia  horsemen  and  the  prisoners  was  the  most  striking  that  can  be 
imagined.  The  Philadelphians  were  some  of  the  most  wealthy  and  re 
spectable  men  of  that  city.  Their  uniform  was  blue,  of  the  finest  broad 
cloth.  Their  horses  were  large  and  beautiful,  all  of  a  bay  color,  so  nearly 
alike  that  it  seemed  any  two  of  them  would  have  made  a  good  span  of 
coach  horses.  Their  trappings  were  superb.  Their  bridles,  stirrups  and 
martingales  glittered  with  silver.  Their  swords,  which  were  drawn  and 
held  elevated  in  the  right  hand,  gleamed  in  the  rays  of  the  setting  sun. 
The  prisoners  were  also  mounted  on  horses,  of  all  shapes,  sizes,  and  colors; 
some  large,  some  small,  some  long  tails,  some  short,  some  white,  some 
black,  some  fat,  some  lean,  some  of  every  color  and  form  that  can  be 
named.  Some  had  saddles,  some  blankets,  some  bridles,  some  halters, 
some  with  stirrups,  some  with  none.  The  riders  also  were  various  and 
grotesque  in  their  appearance.  Some  were  old,  some  young,  some  hale, 
respectable  looking  men;  others  were  pale,  meagre,  and  shabbily  dressed. 
Some  had  great  coats,  others  had  blankets  on  their  shoulders.  The  coun 
tenance  of  some  was  downcast,  melancholy,  dejected;  that  of  others,  stern, 
indignant,  manifesting  that  they  thought  themselves  undeserving  such 
treatment.  Two  Philadelphia  horsemen  rode  in  front,  and  then  two  pris 
oners,  and  so  two  horsemen  and  two  prisoners,  alternately,  throughout  a 
line  extending  perhaps  half  a  mile.  I  have  more  than  once  seen  gangs 
of  fifty  or  sixty  negroes  tied  to  a  long  rope,  two  and  two  opposite  to  each 
other,  and  marched  to  a  distant  slave  market,  but  their  anguish  and  in 
dignation  was  not  to  be  compared  to  that  manifested  by  these  western 
men.  If  these  men  had  been  the  ones  chiefly  guilty  of  the  disturbance, 
it  would  have  been  no  more  than  they  deserved.  But  the  guilty  had  signed 
the  amnesty,  or  had  left  the  country  before  the  army  approached.  It  has 
been  estimated  that  between  one  and  two  thousand  men  with  rifles  in  their 
hands,  had  withdrawn  and  remained  absent  until  the  army  left  the  coun 
try.  The  district  judge  and  prosecuting  attorney  had  a  most  arduous 
and  delicate  task,  to  discriminate  between  those  who  were  guilty  and  those 
who  were  innocent;  and  the  great  number  arrested  made  it  impossible  for 
a  single  judge  to  examine,  within  any  reasonable  time,  the  case  of  each 
individual.  There  were  several  persons  not  clothed  with  judicial  author 
ity,  who  assisted  in  making  preliminary  examinations.  Among  these, 

22 


326  WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 

Alexander  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  took  an  active  and  dis 
tinguished  part." 

Mr.  Brackenridge  went  to  Philadelphia  under  recognizance  to  testify, 
but  was  called  on  but  once  as  to  some  general* matters.  In  fact,  the  gov 
ernment  had  discovered  that  the  prosecutions  were  not  worth  pursuing. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  had  prepared  himself  to  appear  in  the  defense,  but  he 
soon  found  that  prejudice  ran  so  strongly  against  him,  that  he  would,  on 
that  account,  rather  prejudice  than  benefit  the  case  of  his  clients.  As  the 
trials  went  on,  however,  that  prejudice  was  gradually  removed,  and  he 
had  the  satisfaction  to  find,  in  a  very  short  time,  his  popularity  restored 
both  at  home  and  in  the  city.  The  notes  of  his  intended  argument  are 
published  in  the  "Incidents,"  and  form  a  good  outline  of  a  treatise  on 
the  law  of  constructive  treason.  The  same  doctrine  was  afterward  recog 
nized  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall  on  the  trial  of  Aaron  Burr.  It  is  now 
well  understood  that  no  treason  had  been  committed — and  considered 
merely  as  riots,  they  sink  into  trifles  compared  to  some  which  have  since 
occurred  in  Boston,  New  York,  or  Philadelphia. 

The  victory  of  Wayne  over  the  Indians,  which  occurred  during  these 
troubles,  completely  changed  the  face  of  things  in  the  West.  It  threw 
open  the  navigation  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  enabling  the  western 
people  to  find  a  market  for  their  produce ;  it  caused  the  surrender  of  the 
western  forts,  and  gave  security  from  a  savage  enemy.  The  army  ex 
penses  had  given  a  circulating  medium,  and  the  farmers  having  now  the 
means  to  pay  their  tax,  made  no  further  complaints  of  the  excise  law. 
It  is  said  that  about  two  thousand  of  the  best  riflemen  of  the  western 
counties  had  left  the  country  before  the  approach  of  the  army,  but  their 
places  were  soon  supplied  by  others,  and  from  this  time  the  western 
counties  advanced  rapidly  in  population  and  wealth.  After  the  lapse  of 
half  a  century,  (so  short  lived  is  mere  tradition,)  there  are  but  few  who 
have  any  knowledge  of  the  Western  Insurrection,  although  their  fathers 
and  grandfathers  were  involved  in  its  difficulties  and  sufferings.  The 
writer,  at  this  day,  meets  with  few  persons  who  can  converse  with  him 
on  the  subject  of  the  Western  Insurrection,  having  scarcely  heard  of 
these  important  occurrences  in  the  history  of  their  own  immediate  country. 

Such  was  the  termination  of  the  Insurrection,  which,  for  so  long  a  time 
after  it  was  over,  served  as  a  by-word  and  a  stigma  on  the  people  of 
Western  Pennsylvania,  and  some  of  its  most  eminent  and  deserving  men. 
Its  origin  and  character  may  be  given  in  a  few  words.  It  originated  in  the 
opposition  of  the  people  to  an  unequal,  oppressive  and  unjust  law,  and 
which  was  impliedly  admitted  to  be  such  by  the  repeated  amendments 


END   OP   THE   INSURRECTION.  327 

and  concessions,  yielded  to  their  petitions,  remonstrances  and  resolutions 
passed  at  public  meetings — resolutions  stigmatized  as  "  intemperate  "  and 
as  the  cause  of  the  subsequent  outbreak,  although  it  was  the  right  of 
freemen  to  express  their  disapprobation  of  the  oppressive  law  in  any 
language  they  pleased.  Two  years  afterward,  when  they  became  par 
tially  reconciled  to  the  law,  the  Marshal  was  sent  to  serve  process  on  de 
linquent  distillers,  to  compel  them  to  appear  in  Philadelphia  to  answer, 
at  an  expense  sufficient  to  sink  almost  each  man's  plantation  or  home 
stead.  In  serving  the  last  process  out  of  about  forty,  in  the  harvest  time, 
a  sudden  passion  seized  the  farmers  of  the  neighborhood,  who  pursued 
the  officer  and  fired  on  him.  The  same  passion  continued;  a  party  re 
paired  to  the  house  of  the  Inspector  the  day  following  to  demand  his 
commission,  and  prevent  the  return  of  the  writs,  which  they  believed 
would  involve  them  and  their  families  in  ruin.  They  were  fired  upon, 
and  blood  was  spilled;  they  retired,  and  the  excitement  spreading,  they 
returned  with  a  larger  force — they  were  again  fired  on,  and  more  blood 
was  spilled.  The  house  of  the  Inspector  was  burned ;  but  not  a  drop  of 
blood  was  shed  by  the  rioters  on  this  occasion,  nor  on  any  other  during 
the  whole  of  the  disturbances !  Two  small  inspection  offices  were  de 
stroyed  in  other  parts,  remote  from  each  other ;  but  these  outrages  hav 
ing  nothing  in  their  character  beyond  simple  riots  against  an  odious  law 
and  unpopular  individuals— the  intelligent  and  patriotic  portion  of  the  com 
munity,  the  men  of  talents  and  intelligence,  now  came  forward  to  exert 
themselves  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  popular  violence.  They  called 
meetings  of  delegates,  and  after  consultation,  and  by  judicious  manage 
ment,  succeeded  in  composing  the  disturbance  and  bringing  their  fellow 
citizens  to  a  sense,  of  their  duty  to  themselves  and  to  the  laws.  And 
now  let  us  look  at  the  other  side.  An  army  is  marched  into  the  country, 
and  military  law  is  executed,  not  proclaimed,  over  an  unresisting  people ; 
hundreds  of  innocent  persons,  in  violation  of  every  legal  right  established 
for  their  safety,  are  dragged  from  their  houses  in  the  dead  hour  of  the 
night,  and  treated  in  the  most  cruel  manner ;  some  of  them  meritorious 
men,  who  had  entitled  themselves  to  the  gratitude  of  their  country  for 
their  efforts  to  restore  its  peace,  are  insulted,  persecuted  and  slandered ! 
It  will  be  asked,  is  this  the  history  of  our  own  country,  or  of  some  of 
those  hideous  tyrannies  of  past  ages  in  other  lands  ?  And  yet  there  are 
persons  at  this  day  who  still  raise  the  cry  of  rascally  whiskey  boys  and 
insurgents ! 

Why  did  not  the  atrocities  just  related  ring  through  the  country,  when 
told  by  two  cotemporary  historians  ?     Because  the  interests,  the  pride. 


328 


WESTERN    INSURRECTION. 


and  the  passions  of  party,  would  not  permit  the  truth  to  be  told.  It 
would  reflect  too  seriously  on  the  existing  administration.  Its  defense 
was  silence  ;  and  it  was  the  only  way  in  which  it^  could  be  met,  except  by 
gross  and  unmeasured  contumely  cast  on  the  western  people,  and  the  sup 
posed  leaders  of  the  acts  of  violence,  whose  character  lay  between  riot 
and  insurrection — for  it  never  approached  rebellion.  How  hard  to  turn 
the  current  of  obloquy  when  it  has  once  received  a  wrong  direction  ? 
How  hard  to  turn  back  the  tide  of  calumny,  of  prejudice  and  settled 
conviction,  however  unjust  or  unfounded  !  Many  attempts  of  this  kind 
have  been  made  of  late  years,  and  some  of  them  with  success.  But 
where  error  of  judgment  becomes  a  second  nature  from  habit,  pride  and 
bigotry,  to  overturn  it  is  like  the  attempt  to  remove  a  mighty  rock  from  its 
place — it  cannot  be  done  at  once ;  it  must  be  left  to  the  slow  operation 
of  the  current  of  time  and  truth. 


NOTES   TO   CHAPTER  XIII. 


TARENTUM,  20th  July,  1859. 
J.  M.  PORTER,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir — You  were  so  good 
as  to  promise  me  a  few  extracts  from 
your  grandfather's  Journal  during  his 
imprisonment,  at  the  time  of  the  Whiskey 
Insurrection.  As  I  am  now  about  closing 
the  publication  of  my  history,  I  beg 
leave  to  trouble  you  for  them.  The  whole 
history  of  that  insurrection  is  so  full  of 
romance,  that  I  have  no  doubt  the  day 
will  come  when  it  will  be  the  theme  of 
many  a  story  requiring  no  invention  of 
facts.  Perhaps  the  publication  of  your 
grandfather's  manuscript  might  bring 
others  to  light  preserved  in  families.  No 
part  of  our  national  history  has  been  so 
grossly  and  scandalously  falsified  as  that 
of  the  Western  Insurrection !  I  have 
tried  to  set  it  right,  and  that  on  evidence 
which  no  mere  epithets  of  abuse,  no 
mere  assertion,  no  falsehoods  can  over 
turn.  Yours,  sincerely, 

H.  ^1.   iiHACKENRIDQE. 


|  Extracts  from  Captain  Porter's  Narrative. 
HON.  H.  M.  BRACKENRIDGE  : 

Dear  Sir — In  compliance  with 
your  request,   I  send  you,   briefly,   the 
J  substance  of  such  portions  of  the  manu- 
j  script  touching    the  Whiskey  Insurrec 
tion  as  may  perhaps  interest  you. 

The  manuscript  was  written  by  my 
grandfather,  and  is  a  faithful  narrative 
of  many  of  the  facts  and  incidents  con 
nected  with  the  Whiskey  Insurrection, 
but  more  particularly  relating  to  the  ar 
rest  of  sundry  persons,  charged  with 
being  insurgents — of  their  treatment  du 
ring  the  time  of  their  removal  to  Phila 
delphia  and  up  to  their  discharge. 

My  grandfather  (Captain  Robert  Por- 

'  ter,)  had  been  an  officer  during  the  war 

I  of   Independence,    and    afterward  com- 

i  manded   a  company  in  defense  of   the 

frontiers  against  the  depredations  of  the 

Indians.     He  still  held  command  of  this 

company  when   the  disturbance  of   the 

Whiskey  Insurrection  broke  out,  and  al- 


CAPTAIN    PORTER. 


329 


though  he  never  was  an  actor  or  partici 
pator  in  the  foolidh  method  by  which  the 
people  of  the  western  counties  attempted 
to  redress  their  grievances,  yet  the  fact 
of  his  being  the  commander  of  a  com 
pany  of  men  in  the  immediate  scena 
of  the  insurrection,  was  sufficient  to 
awaken  the  suspicion  of  government. 

Having  from  the  first  refused  to  take 
part  in  anything  like  an  armed  resist 
ance  to  the  execution  of  the  excise  law, 
nor  in  any  way  violated,  as  he  conceived, 
his  duty  as  a  citizen,  he  refused,  or  neg 
lected  to  sign  the  amnesty,  from  the  fact 
of  not  being  conscious  of  any  act  on  his 
part  which  would  make  him  liable  to 
government. 

Having  afterward  understood  that  one 
Pollock  was  making  himself  busy  charg 
ing  him  (the  captain)  with  being  an  in 
surgent,  &c.,  he  "determined  to  deliver 
himself  up,  and  demand  that  the  matter 
should  be  examined  into,  that  he  might 
refute  the  charge."  Accordingly  on 
November  13th,  1794,  he  went  to  the 
mouth  of  Mingo  creek,  to  General  Mat 
thew's  encampment,  and  delivered  him 
self  up  to  Colonel  Campbell,  and  asked 
an  examination  of  his  conduct.  Pollock 
being  sent  for  to  confront  him,  "came 
so  drunk  as  to  be  scarcely  able  to  walk, 
bringing  with  him  his  son,  (a  child  not 
more  than  eleven  years  of  age,)  to  prove 
his  charges  against  the  captain.  Upon 
examination,  Colonel  Campbell  was  con 
vinced  that  Pollock  was  ignorant  of  any 
facts  to  support  his  charges,  and  that 
his  motives  were  from  spite,  he  therefore 
ordered  Pollock  out  of  the  camp  for  a 
drunken  vagabond." 

Captain  P.,  however,  was  not  released, 
but  Colonel  Campbell  politely  told  him 
"  he  would  be  compelled  to  hold  him  in 
custody,  as  something  might  turn  up 
yet  to  implicate  him  in  the  insurrec 
tion."  They  then  sent  a  guard  to  search 
his  house  for  papers,  particularly  the  j 


muster  roll,  to  see  if  any  of  the  men 
upon  it  were  krjown  to  be  active  in  the 
insurrection;  but  the  whole  company 
"were  found  to  be  men  of  pef'.ceiul  hab 
its,  and  were  at  their  daily  labor."  L'ut 
still  the  captain  was  not  released,  as 
they  said  they  had  two  men,  named 
Hampton  and  Southard,  who  would  give 
evidence  against  him  at  Pittsburgh ;  but 
this  was  a  subterfuge,  as  these  men  nev 
er  appeared  against  him,  either  at  Pitts 
burgh  or  Philadelphia. 

On  the  night  of  the  13th  November, 
1794,  James  Stewart,  Joseph  Chambers, 
Jacob  Forwood,  Joel  Ferree,  George 
Swasick,  Sr.,  George  Swasick,  Jr.,  James 
Swasick,  George  Sickman  and  James 
M' Bride  were  brought  into  camp,  hand 
cuffed,  and  delivered  over  to  the  provost 
guard.  On  the  14th,  Colonel  Lane's 
regiment,  with  the  prisoners,  marched 
down  the  river  to  Benjamin  Bentley's, 
the  balance  of  the  army  with  the  bag 
gage  marching  by  Esq.  Barclay's,  "the 
army  constantly  swearing  and  heaping 
imprecations  against  the  rebels  that  oc 
casioned  them  coming  so  far  over  hills 
and  mountains,  without  the  satisfaction 
of  a  man  to  oppose  them,  or  a  gun  fired 
upon  them."  At  Bentley's  "the  pris 
oners  were  confined  in  a  log  cabin  over 
night,  without  fire,  though  it  was  a  cold, 
snowy,  stormy  night,  and  neither  chunk 
ing  nor  daubing  in  the  cabin/' 

On  the  15th  they  were  ordered  down 
to  the  Governor's  (Lee's)  body-guard, 
and  by  them  delivered  over  to  Captain 
George  Denial,  and  were  marched  the 
same  day  through  the  snow  storm  toward 
Pittsburgh,  where  they  arrived  on  the 
16th.  On  the  17th  they  were  conducted 
to  the  garrison  (Fort  Fayette)  and  de 
livered  to  the  care  of  Colonel  Butler. 

On  the  25th  the  prisoners  were  called 
out  of  the  garrison,  and  surrounded  by 
forty  of  the  garrison  soldiers,  under  the 
command  of  Ensign  M'Cleary,  and  pa- 


330 


WESTERN  INSURRECTION. 


raded  before  a  detachment  of  Major 
James  Durham's  troop  of  cavalry,  to 
whose  charge  they  were  to  be  delivered 
at  Greensburg.  The  following  is  a  list 
of  the  prisoners: 

Rev.  John  Corbly,  Washington  county. 
Colonel  John  Hamilton,         " 
Colonel  Wm.  Crawford,         " 
John  Black, 

David  Bolton,  " 

James  Kerr,  " 

Thomas  Sedgwick,  " 

John  Burnett,  " 

Captain  Robert  Porter,         " 
Joseph  Scott,  Allegheny  county. 
Marmaduke  Curtiss,      " 
James  Stewart,  " 

Thomas  Miller,  " 

Thomas  Burney,  " 

Isaac  Walker,  " 

John  Laughery,  Ohio  county,  Va. 
Caleb  Mounts,  Fayette  county. 
At   Greensburg  "they  found    Samuel 
Nye,  (who  had  been  placed  there  for  some 
rash  expression  against  officers  and  gov 
ernment,  made  when  in  a  drunken  frolic,) 
Philip  Wylie  and  Joseph  Parey,  which 
augmented  their  number  to  twenty." 

On  the  25th,  about  10  o'clock,  "being 
formed  rank  and  file,  and  placed  in  the 
centre  of  the  aforesaid  forty  soldiers, 
commanded  by  M'Cleary,  they  started 
for  Greensburg."  On  the  27th  they  ar 
rived  at  Greensburg  and  were  lodged  in 
jail.  On  the  29th  they  were  drawn  out 
and  paraded  in  the  street,  and  compelled 
to  stand  mid-leg  deep  in  mud  and  snow, 
and  were  formally  delivered  over  to  the 
charge  of  Major  Durham.  They  then 
proceeded  on  their  weary  march  to  Phil 
adelphia. 

The  order  of  marching  was  "each 
prisoner  marching  on  foot  between  two 
of  the  troop  or  guard,  who  were  on 
horseback,  and  who  were  ordered  by 
Blackboard  (Gen.  Anth.  M.  White)  to 
keep  their  swords  always  drawn,  and 


that  if  any  attempt  should  be  made  to 
rescue,  that  the  heads  of  the  prisoners 
should  be  cut  off  and  brought  to  Phila 
delphia."  AJ  night  they  "were  placed 
in  cellars,  barns  and  such  other  places 
as  suited  the  disposition  or  fancy  of  our 
guard." 

Such  was  the  order  of  their  weary  and 
dismal  march  to  Philadelphia,  for  thirty 
days,  through  snow  and  mud,  in  the  most 
inclement  time  of  the  year. 

"  On  the  25th  December  (I  quote  from 
the  MS.)  paraded  at  half  past  eleven  be 
fore  the  Blackhorse  tavern.  The  pris 
oners  drawn  up  rank  and  file,  were  pre 
sented  with  slips  of  white  paper  by  the 
Major  as  cockades,  to  be  put  in  our  hats 
to  distinguish  us  as  insurgents  from  the 
rest  of  the  crowd  that  we  were  to  march 
through,  or  as  trophies  of  victory.  This 
was  done  by  the  express  command  of 
General  White,  alias  Blackbeard,  though 
the  Major  remonstrated  with  White,  but 
to  no  purpose.  My  fleur-de-luce  I  kept 
in  my  hand  until  in  view  of  the  specta 
tors  on  the  other  side,  when  I  took  the 
opportunity  of  tearing  it  to  pieces,  and 
threw  it  on  the  bridge.  We  were  march 
ed  through  20,000  spectators  by  a  circu 
itous  route  through  the  city  to  the  new 
jail,  where  we  were  placed  in  cells  and 
kept  all  night  without  food  or  light, 
which  depressed  our  spirits  to  the  lowest 
degree. 

"  Upon  our  arrival  here  we  found 
Mr.  Herman  Husbands,  Bedford  Co. 
Robert  Philson,  " 

George  Lucas,  " 

George  Wisegarver,  " 

William  Bonham,  Northumberland  Co. 
John  Criswell,  Cumberland  Co. 
confined  here  as  insurgents. 

"On  the  13th  January,  James  Ken- 
admitted  to  bail.  On  3d  February,  peti 
tioned  court  to  be  tried  in  the  counties 
where  the  offense  was  alleged  to  have 
been  committed,  as  we  would  be  better 


CAPTAIN   PORTER. 


331 


able  to  obtain  testimony  to  refute  the 
charges.  The  court  refused. 

"  20th,  Colonel  Hamilton  admitted  to 
bail ;  23d,  Wisegarver  was  admitted  to 
bail;  28th,  Thomas  Sedgwick,  Samuel 
Nye  and  George  Lucas  admitted  to  bail. 

March  2d. — John  Criswell,  by  direc 
tion  of  Judge  Titus,  removed  to  Chester 
jail,  as  there  was  difficulty  of  bailing 
him,  being  committed  by  Judge  Yeates. 

March  ±th.—  Rev.  Corbly  admitted  to 
bail. 

March  23d.—  David  Bolton  admitted 
to  bail. 

May  7^.—"  My  bill  (quote  from  the 
MS.)  having  been  before  the  grand  jury 
since  Monday,  and  having  by  solemn  vote 
yesterday  passed,  to  be  returned  igno 
ramus,  was  this  day  returned  a  true  bill, 
on  Mr.  Baldwin  testifying  that  he  knew 
no  other  than  that  every  officer  command 
ed  their  own  men  at  the  destruction  of 
General  Neville's,  the  17th  July,  1794, 
as  the  committee  (he  being  a  member,) 
resolved  that  every  officer  should  com 
mand  his  own  men,  and  I  being  a  cap 
tain  in  the  district  he  lived,  and  being  at 
Couch's  Fort,  he  knew  of  nothing  to  the 
contrary.  Upon  this  small  testimony 
they  found  a  bill,  after  having  previously 
examined  thirty-five  witnesses  to  no  pur 
pose." 

9*A.— Messrs.  Black,  Scott  and  Pasey 
acquitted  by  the  grand  jury. 

llth. — "  Thomas  Burney  acquitted  by 
the  grand  jury.  When  the  evidence  was 
called  and  sworn  against  him.  they  all 
swore  they  knew  nothing  about  him  in 
the  matter,  which  made  Rawle  cry  out, 
'  Good  God,  can  I  get  nobody  to  swear 
against  this  man.' " 

Thursday,  I2lh. — Messrs.  Bonham, 
Black,  Mounts,  Husbands,  Pasey,  Walk 
er,  Burney  and  iScott,  discharged  and 
taken  out  of  jail. 

On  the  18th  May,  Captain  Porter  was 
tried.  Win.  Rawle  and  Wm.  Bradford 


were  the  attorneys  for  the  United  States, 
and  Wm.  Lewis  and  Joseph  Thomas  for 
Captain  Porter. 

After  hearing  the  witnesses  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States,  the  captain's  at 
torneys  thought  it  unnecessary  to  exam 
ine  a  single  witness  for  the  defense,  so 
entirely  groundless  was  the  prosecution. 

By  mutual  consent  of  the  attorneys, 
Mr.  Rawle  addressed  the  court. 

"  May  it  please  your  Honors,  I  have 
examined  twelve  of  the  most  substantial 
witnesses  against  the  prisoner  at  the  bar, 
the  rest  are  only  circumstantial.  The 
attorneys  on  behalf  of  the  prisoner  and 
us  have  agreed  to  leave  it  to  your  Hon 
ors  to  give  charge  to  the  jury."  On 
which  Judge  Patterson  rose  and  said, 

"Gentlemen  of  the  Jury  ,you  have 
heard  the  charge  read  against  the  pris 
oner,  Robert  Porter  ;  you  find  it  has  not 
been  supported  by  one  single  evidence. 
The  Court  is  of  the  opinion  that  he  is  not 
guilty.  You  will,  therefore,  show  mercy 
on  the  favorable  side;  and  if  you  think 
he  is  not  guilty,  you  will  bring  in  your 
verdict  of  the  prisoner,  not  guilty."  To 
which  charge  the  jury  made  a  bow,  and 
in  one  or  two  minutes,  without  leaving 
their  box,  agreed  upon  their  verdict  of 
not  guilty.  The  captive  was  then  dis 
charged,  being  in  all  six  months  and  six 
days  a  prisoner. 

So  ended  the  trial,  and  for  the  honor 
of  the  judiciary  of  our  country,  I  trust 
there  may  never  be  a  similar  one.  The 
case  may  be  summed  up  in  a  few  words. 
A  drunken  fellow  makes  charge  before 
the  military  officers  against  him.  The 
captain  voluntarily  appears  and  demands 
an  investigation  promptly,  that  he  may 
refute  the  charges.  Instead  of  an  inves 
tigation  being  granted,  he  is  held  a  close 
prisoner — torn  away  from  his  family — 
dragged  to  Philadelphia  —  bail  refused 
him — kept  six  months  in  close  confine 
ment,  and  yet  after  all,  from  beginning 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


to  end,  not  one  single  evidence  to  convict 
him  of  being  guilty  of  one  unlawful  act. 
The  only  circumstance  against  him  was 
the  fact  that  he  was  the  commander  of  a 
company  of  men.  If  the  matter  had  not 
been  attended  with  such  serious  results. 
it  might  have  been  regarded  as  a  farce, 
So  with  most,  if  not  all  the  other  prison 
ers — most  of  them  admitted  to  bail,  with 
no  intentionxof  ever  bringing  them  to 
trial,  others  acquitted  by  the  grand  jury, 
notwithstanding  Rawle's  anxiety  to  have 
a  victim. 

Some  of  the  charges  alleged  against 
the  prisoners  were  of  the  most  ridiculous 
character,  such  as  would  excite  a  smile 
of  derision  at  the  present  day.  For  in 
stance,  such  as  #"  erecting  large  poles, 
with  or  without  seditious  inscriptions, 
understood  and  declared  to  be  intended 
to  indicate  their  treasonable  intentions, 
thereby  adding  to  the  enemies  of  the 
United  States,  giving  them  aid  and  com 
fort."  This  was  the  sin  of  poor  Caleb 
Mounts.  But  it  was  a  little  too  ridicu 
lous  to  risk  a  trial  upon,  even  at  that 
time.  I  might  extract  perhaps  much 
more,  but  as  I  have  already  occupied 
more  space  than  I  intended,  I  will  not 
trespass  upon  your  patience  further. 
Yours,  truly, 

J.  M.  PORTER. 

Note  on  the  above.  —  This  is  the  place 
to  quote,  for  the  second  or  third  time,  the 
passage  in  Craig's  history,  relating  to  the 
cruel  exile  of  Colonel  Neville.  Craig 
complained,  in  our  controversy,  of  my 
repeating  certain  passages  oftener  than 
was  agreeable  to  him;  but  in  my  opinion 
truth  cannot  be  too  often  contrasted  with 
falsehood. 

"In  recently  looking  over  some  old 
letters,  [from  Colonel  Neville,]  written 
while  lie  was  in  exile,  and  while  the  ashes  of 

*  Taken  from  a  list  of  charges  against  the  prison 
ers,  furuifihod  by  Kawle  to  them. 


his  father's  mansion,  and  barn,  and  negro 
huts  were  yet  warm,  I  was  struck  with 
the  following  kindhearted  expression  : 

"  '  The  prisoners  arrived  yesterday, 
and  were,  by  the  ostentation  of  General 
White,  paraded  through  the  different 
parts  of  the  city,  (Philadelphia.)  They 
had  large  pieces  of  paper  in  their  hats 
to  distinguish  them,  and  wore  the  appear 
ance  of  wretchedness.  I  could  not  help 
being  sorry  for  them,  although  so  well 
acquainted  with  their  conduct.'  " 

It  was  not  true  that  Colonel  Neville 
was  yet  in  exile  when  he  wrote  the  above 
letter.  He  had  been  restored  to  his 
home  in  triumph  by  General  Morgan's 
division  of  the  army,  and  it  was  after 
this  that  the  arrest  of  the  prisoners  was 
made.  Neville,  at  the  time  of  writing 
the  letter,  was  in  Philadelphia  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Assembly,  and  as  a  witness 
against  these  very  prisoners.  He  never 
had  been  exiled,  for  he  was  met  on  his 
way  after  leaving  Pittsburgh  the  first 
time,  by  a  summons  to  attend  a  special 
session  of  the  Legislature.  Now,  as  to 
his  knowledge  of  the  conduct  of  the  un 
fortunate  prisoners,  why  did  he  not  tes 
tify  when  called  upon  ?  Because  he  knew 
nothing  about  it !  Such  is  history,  and 
especially  Craig's  history  of  Pittsburgh. 
Let  the  reader  peruse  the  statements  of 
Captain  Porter,  and  then  say  whether 
the  sympathy  of  the  public  was  due  to 
them,  or  to  Colonel  Neville. 

I  do  not  expect  to  silence  Neville  Craig, 
but  I  think  I  have  furnished  ample  mate 
rials  to  enable  the  country  to  judge  be 
tween  us,  and  to  its  judgment  I  leave  the 
case,  I  trust  forever. 

Letter  of  Major  Craig  to  David  Bradford. 

"MR.  SCULL — Your  inserting  the  fol 
lowing  letter  and  the  answer  thereto, 
will  oblige  your  humble  servant. 

ISAAC  CRAIG. 

Pittsburgh,  9th  October,  1794." 


MAJOR  CRAIG'S  LETTER. 


333 


"PITTSBURGH,  October  1st,  1497. 

"SiR — When  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  States  were  at  this  place,  they 
were  told  by  H.  H.  Brackenridge,  Esq., 
in  my  presence,  that  had  it  not  been  for 
his  interposition,  I  would  have  been 
proscribed  at  the  time  the  people  were 
at  Braddock's  Field.  It  is  said  the 
circumstance  which  induced  this,  was 
facts  stated  by  you ;  viz.,  that  I  had  said 
I  would  suffer  my  own  house  to  be  made 
an  excise  office  of,  &c.  This,  if  true, 
was  what  any  citizen  was  justifiable  in 
doing,  but  not  so  with  respect  to  me. 
I  consider  the  lie  to  have  been  designed 
for  my  destruction,  and  now  call  on  you 
for  your  authority.  I  could  not  have 
addressed  you  on  this  subject,  had  I  not 
supposed  that  you  were  deceived  in  your 
information,  and  could  point  out  the 
scoundrel  [the  habitual  phrase  of  the 
Neville's]  with  whom  it  originated,  and 
from  whom  I  might  seek  redress  for  the 
injuries  intended  and  suffered. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 
ISAAC  CRAIG. 

David  Bradford,  Esq." 

Note  on  the  above. — The  real  object  of 
the  letter  of  Craig  is  too  plain  to  deceive 
any  one.  It  was  to  open  a  correspond 
ence  with  Bradford  to  give  him  an  op 
portunity  of  implicating  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge,  and  enable  the  Neville  connection 
to  interest  themselves  in  his  favor.  The 
pretext  is  truly  frivolous ;  but  there  is 
no  conceivable  cause  which  would  have 
justified  Craig  in  addressing  such  a  man 
at  such  a  time.  It  seemed  he  suffered; 
what  did  he  suffer  ?  At  the  instance  of 
Mr.  Brackenridge,  the  motion  of  banish 
ment  by  Bradford  was  superseded  by 
one  to  petition  the  President  for  his  re 
moval!  and  his  case  passed  over  in 
the  committee  of  officers  at  Braddock's 
Field. 


The  following  is  Bradford's  reply : 
"WASHINGTON,  October  5th,  1859. 

«<  SJR — I  received  yours  of  the  first 
of  this  current  month,  in  which  you 
have  said,  that  Mr.  Brackenridge  assert 
ed  in  the  presence  of  the  commissioners 
of  the  United  States,  that  had  it  not 
been  for  his  interposition  on  your  behalf 
at  Braddock's  Field,  that  you  would  have 
been  banished. 

"I  must  inform  you  that  Mr.  Brack 
enridge  has  either  a  very  treacherous 
memory  or  a  strong  disposition  to  assert 
falsehoods,  if  he  asserted  as  you  state. 
The  truth  of  the  case  was.  that  he  evi 
dences  to  me  the  strongest  desire  to  have 
you  banished.  I  shall  state  to  you  his 
expressions,  or  at  least  some  "of  them. 
You  may  then  judge  for  yourself. 

"The  first  day  at  Braddock's  Field,  Mr. 
Brackenridge  told  me  the  people  of  Pitts 
burgh  were  well  pleased,  that  the  coun 
try  were  about  to  banish  the  persons 
whose  names  had  been  mentioned;  he 
added  that  they  ought  to  go  further  ; 
that  little  Craig  ought  to  be  banished,  for 

he  was  one  of  the  same  d d  junts. 

I  replied  there  appeared  to  be  no  ground 
to  proceed  against  you,  that  there  was 
no  letter  of  yours  intercepted,  mistaking 
facts  or  the  conduct  of  individuals  to  the 
government.  Further  conversation  took 
place,  which  had  manifestly  for  its  ob 
ject  to  irritate  me  agains't  you. 

"  The  next  day  when  the  commission 
ers  [committee  of  officers]  sat,  Mr. 
Brackenringe  took  me  aside,  and  men 
tioned  to  me  your  conduct  of  burning 
Neville's  house;  that  you  assumed  high 
airs  in  contempt  of  everything  that  had 
been  done  by  the  people,  that  you  had 
declared  in  the  most  positive  manner, 
that  you  would  keep  up  the  letters  des 
ignating  the  office  of  inspector  at  every 
risk ;  and  though  the  people  of  Pitts 
burgh  requested  you  to  take  them  down 


23 


334 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


you  would  not  In  short,  that  you  were 
determined  to  keep  the  office  in  contempt 
of  the  then  ruling  opinion. 

"He  told  further  that  he  put  in  oper 
ation  a  stratagem  to  see  whether  you  had 
firmness  enough  to  support  all  the  vaunts 
and  blasts  you  had  made.  He  said  he 
went  out  in  the  street  and  asked  the  first 
person  he  met  if  he  had  heard  there  were 
five  hundred  of  the  Washington  county 
people  coming  down  armed  to  burn  Pitts 
burgh,  because  the  inspection  office  was 
kept  open ;  the  answer  was,  no.  He 
asked  the  next  he  met  the  same  question, 
the  same  ansvter  was  received;  by  this 
means  the  news  was  spread  over  the 
town  in  a  few  minutes,  that  five  hundred 
men  were  approaching  the  place  to  burn 
it,  &c.  The  letters  were  immediately 
torn  down ;  in  short,  he  told  me  you 
were  one  of  the  warmest  sticklers  for  the 
revenue  law,  and  that  you  had  been  as 
odious  to  the  citizens  of  Pittsburgh,  and 
the  neighborhood,  as  the  excise  officer 
himself  had  been. 

"I  then  mentioned  to  Mr.  Brackenridge 
that  he  had  better  state  to  the  commis 
sioners  [committee  of  officers,]  the  cir 
cumstances  he  had  just  related  to  me ; 
he  said  it  was  disagreeable  to  him,  as  he 
lived  in  the  same  place ;  I  replied  that  1 
could  open  the  way,  and  immediately 
stated  to  the  committee  a  report  which 
I  had  heard  respecting  your  conduct  after 
the  burning  of  Neville's  house,  and  sta 
ted  precisely  what  Mr.  Brackenridge  had 
stated  one  minute  before,  not  mentioning 
from  whom  I  had  the  report.  I  observed, 
as  it  was  only  a  report,  it  would  be  im 
proper  to  take  it  up  as  true,  till  it  could 
be  discovered  whether  true  or  false.  I 
then  called  upon  the  gentlemen  from 
Pittsburgh  to  give  information,  if  they 
knew  anything  of  the  subject.  Mr.  Wil- 
kins  observed  that  he  did  not  not  know 
anything  against  you.  Mr.  M' Masters 


to  the  like  effect,  and  Mr.  Brackenridge 
also  concurred.  He  declined  to  give  the 
narrative  which  he  had  done  to  me  just 
before,  although  I  opened  the  way,  on 
what  principle  I  know  not. 

"I  shall  here  mention  another  circum 
stance,  though  it  does  not  concern  you,  it 
may,  perhaps,  obviate  false  insinuations 
which  he  may  be  disposed  to  make.  On 
the  morning  of  the  second  day's  meeting 
of  the  committee  at  Parkinson's  Ferry, 
Mr.  Brackenridge  told  me  there  was  a 
young  man  in  Brison's  office,  attending 
the  committee  for  the  purpose  of  present 
ing  a  petition  for  the  return  of  Brison. 
He  wished  me  to  oppose  it,  suggesting 
reasons  that  he  had  always  been  a  pest 
to  them  at  Pittsburgh;  that  he  was  a 
great  friend  to  the  excise,  alluding  to  a 
certain  period  when  a  number  of  suits 
were  brought,  or  indictments  preferred 
to  the  grand  jury ;  that  Brison  was 
known  to  be  at  the  bottom  of  that  busi 
ness  ;  that  he  was  a  d — d  scoundrel,  and 
conceited  coxcomb — that  nothing  could 
ever  turn  out  about  Pittsburgh  but  he 
must  be  writing  to  the  Governor — a  pup 
py,  added  he,  what  had  he  to  do  with 
the  Governor  ?  It  was  his  place  to  have 
sat  in  his  office,  and  issue  writs  when 
called  upon.  I  observed  to  him  if  he 
had  any  reasons  to  offer  to  the  commit 
tee  why  Brison  should  not  be  suffered  to 
return,  he  had  better  offer  them  himself ; 
no  petition  was  presented.  These  are  facts 
which  I  have  related ;  and  I  leave  you  at 
full  liberty  to  make  any  use  of  them  you 
may  think  proper.  I  would  have  answer 
ed  your  letter  before,  but  I  have  been 
much  indisposed. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  humble  servant, 

DAVID  BRADFORD. 

Major  Isaac  Craig." 

The  strongest  argument  in  favor  of  the 
ruth  of  Bradford's  letter  is,  that  its  con- 


FINDLEY'S  HISTORY. 


335 


tents  are  too  frivolous  to  be  worth  the 
trouble  of  inventing  them.  But  they  are 
untrue — that  is,  they  contain  about  one 
grain  of  truth  to  a  pound  of  falsehood. 
Mr.  Brackenridge  had  no  such  private 
conversation  with  him,  as  he  alleges,  nor 
any  private  conversation  at  all  with  him. 
It  is  at  variance  with  what  Bradford  him 
self  admits  was  said  in  public.  But  let 
us  see  what  was  the  testimony  of  others, 
whose  testimony  cannot  be  questioned. 

Extract  from  Justice  Meetkirk's  Affidavit. 
— "Mr.  Bradford  then  spoke  concerning 
the  expulsion  of  Major  Craig,  for  he  said 
that  Major  Craig  should  have  said  imme 
diately  after  the  burning  of  General 
Neville's  house,  that  he  would  let  the 
d — d  rascals  see  that  the  excise  law 
should  be  enforced,  for  that  he  would 
open  an  office  of  inspection  in  his  own 
house.  Mr.  Bradford  was  then  requested 
to  give  his  authority ;  he  replied  that  he 
could  not  recollect,  but  that  he  heard  it 
mentioned  among  the  people.  It  was  then 
referred  to  the  gentlemen  in  the  commit 
tee,  who  represented  the  people  of  Pitts 
burgh,  Wilkins,  M' Masters  and  Bracken- 
ridge  ;  and  it  appeared  that  neither  of 
them  could  give  any  information  on  the 
subject." 

Statement  of  James  Ross. — "One  of  the 
committee  then  denounced  Major  Craig 
for  having  said  he  would  keep  an  inspec 
tion  office  in  his  own  house,  rather  than 
the  excise  law  should  be  defeated.  A 
good  deal  was  said  on  this  subject;  his 
expulsion  was  prevented  by  a  proposal  of 
yours,*  that  a  petition  should  be  sent  to 
General  Knox  for  his  removal,  it  being 
very  questionable  whether  Major  Butler 
would  not  protect  him  in  the  fort,  as  be 
longing  to  the  army ;  and  at  all  events 
the  public  business  would  suffer  for  the 
want  of  a  public  officer  to  take  care  of 
the  military  stores.  This  was  agreed  to." 

*  Brackenridge. 


From  the  Statements  of  General  Wilkins. 
— "David  Bradford  moved  in  addition  to 
these  two,  that  Major  Craig  should  be 
expelled,  saying  it  was  reported  that  he 
had  offered  his  house  for  an  office  of  in 
spection,  should  another  not  be  found. 
Bradford  called  on  the  Pittsburgh  mem 
bers  to  know,if  this  was  true.  You  [H.  H. 
Brackenridge]  answered,  it  was  not  true; 
and  stated  some  circumstances  tending 
to  show  the  falsehood  of  the  report. 
But,  notwithstanding,  Bradford  and  oth 
ers  pressed  for  his  banishment ;  in  order 
to  obviate,  you  mentioned  it  would  be  an 
injury  to  the  expedition  then  carrying  on 
against  the  Indians,  as  he  had  charge  of 
the  stores  for  the  use  of  the  troops  ;  and 
proposed  that  the  commitee  should  ad 
dress  the  Secretary  of  War  to  remove 
him  ;  which  I  considered  as  management 
on  your  part  to  save  Major  Craig." 

The  above  will  suffice,  although  a 
number  of  other  similar  extracts  might 
be  made  from  the  documents  published 
in  this  work. 

Findley's  History. 

By  an  oversight,  the  following  extract 
from  Findley's  history  was  not  inserted 
in  the  right  place,  that  is  in  the  account 
of  the  meeting  at  the  Mingo  meeting 
house,  and  Mr.  Brackenridge's  speech 
there. 

"Brackenridge,  in  a  speech  of  consid 
erable  length,  drew  their  attention  by 
amusing  them,  and  seeming  to  countenance 
their  conduct ;  but  before  he  concluded  he 
ventured  to  suggest,  that  though  what 
had  been  done  might  be  morally  right, 
yet  that  was  legally  wrong,  and  suggested 
the  propriety  of  their  consulting  their 
fellow  citizens,  in  other  parts  of  the  sur 
vey,  and  in  the  meantime,  of  their  send 
ing  commissioners  to  tne  President.  He 
endeavored  to  convince  them  of  the  bad 
policy  of  having  those  who  had  not  been 
engaged  in  the  attack  on  the  Inspector 


336 


WESTERN   INSURRECTION. 


involved,  because  in  that  case  they  could 
not  act  as  mediators  for  those  who  were 
obnoxious.  The  meeting  was  divided  in 
opinion  about  the  sentiments  he  expressed ; 
some  thought  he  was  warm  in  the  cause, 
but  the  more  violent  were  offended;  it  was 
pleasing,  however,  to  those  who  like  him 
self  were  not  yet  involved.  He  had  been 
sent  for  by  some  of  the  leaders,  but  de 
clined  coming  until  he  was  advised  by 
Col.  Neville,  who  assisted  in  procuring 
others  to  accompany,  to  be  witnesses  of 
his  conduct.  He  retired  before  the  meet 
ing  resolved  on  any  measures." 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  a  more  gross 
perversion  of  the  truth,  than  this  para 
graph  of  Findley's.  He  was  not  present, 
gives  no  proof,  but  evidently  derives  his 
knowledge  from  Mr.  Brackenridge's  ac 
count  in  the  "Incidents,"  which  he  thus 
falsifies,  as  the  reader  may  see  by  turning 
to  the  chapter  of  this  history  containing 
that  account.  Fortunately,  he  will  also 
find  there  the  statements  of  the  persons 
who  accompanied  Mr.  Brackenridge,  and 
which  give  Findley's  the  lie.  The  per 
version  of  fact,  and  mean  detraction  of 
Mr.  Brackenridge,  on  the  part  of  Find- 
ley,  has  been  shown  in  various  parts  of 
this  work.  Although  not  in  general  re 
gardless  of  truth,  yet  when  his  personal 
enmity  is  concerned,  he  had  not  the  mag 
nanimity  of  the  noble  mind  to  do  justice 
to  his  enemy.  He  was  not  a  Sallust,  either 
in  his  style  or  in  his  ethics. 

Where  is  his  authority  for  saying,  "and 
seeming  to  countenance  their  conduct?" 
There  is  nothing  of  the  kind  in  the  state 
ment  of  Mr.  Brackenridge,  or  of  his  wit 
nesses.  In  answer  to  Parkinson,  who 
put  the  distinct  question — "I  wish  to 


know  whether  we  are  right  or  wrong,  in 
what  we  have  done."  Mr.  Brackenridge 
replied,  it  may  be  morally  right,  but  it  is 
legally  wrong— 4t  is  TREASON — any  other 
language  would  have  been  a  direct  insult 
to  Parkinson.  But  this  was  not  the  theme 
of  his  speech;  it  was  his  opposition  to 
the  motion  of  Bradford  to  "sustain  the 
brave  fellows  who  were  engaged  in  burn 
ing  Neville's  house."  This  was  defeated 
by  him,  and  caused  the  meeting  to  break 
up  without  doing  anything  but  adopt  his 
suggestion  of  calling  a  larger  meeting, 
before  anything  was  done,  or  resolved. 
Thus  the  ball  of  insurrection  was  stopped 
before  it  was  set  in  motion. 

The  most  curious  part  of  this  willful 
perversion  of  the  truth,  is  the  following 
confused  sentence:  "Some  thought  he 
was  warm  in  the  cause,  but  the  more  vio 
lent  were  offended;  it  was  pleasing,  how 
ever,  to  those  who  like  himself  were  not 
involved."  The  violent  of  course  were 
offended,  and  those  not  involved  were 
pleased  ;  but  what  was  that  third  portion 
who  considered  him  warm  in  the  cause, 
which  he  pronounced  treason  ?  Findley 
endeavors  to  convey  the  idea,  that  Mr. 
Brackenridge's  speech  was  equivocal ; 
instead  of  this,  the  blunderer  has  only 
succeeded  in  writing  nonsense ! 

Findley's  account,  however,  admits^the 
following:  1.  The  speech  had  the  effect 
of  preventing  a  vote  to  support  those  who 
had  burnt  Neville's  house.  2.  The  call 
ing  a  larger  meeting  commensurate  with 
the  four  counties,  before  any  action 
should  be  taken.  3.  The  separation  of 
those  involved  in  the  treasonable  acts, 
from  those  not  involved.  4.  The  appli 
cation  for  an  amnesty  for  the  past. 


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